Nelson Mandela
1st President of South Africa | ||
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In office 10 May 1994 – 14 June 1999 | ||
Deputy |
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Preceded by | Deputy |
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Preceded by | Deputy President of the African National Congress | |
In office 25 June 1985 – 6 July 1991 | ||
Preceded by | Oliver Tambo | |
Succeeded by | Walter Sisulu | |
Personal details | ||
Born | Rolihlahla Mandela 18 July 1918 Mvezo, Cape Province, South Africa | |
Died | 5 December 2013 Johannesburg, Gauteng, South Africa | (aged 95)|
Resting place | Mandela Graveyard, Qunu, Eastern Cape | |
Political party | African National Congress | |
Other political affiliations | South African Communist Party | |
Spouses | ||
Children | 7, including Makgatho, Makaziwe, Zenani, Zindziswa and Josina (step-daughter) | |
Alma mater | ||
Occupation |
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Known for | Internal resistance to apartheid | |
Awards |
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Signature | ||
Website | Foundation | |
Nicknames |
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Writing career | ||
Notable works | Long Walk to Freedom | |
Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela (
A
Mandela served 27 years in prison, split between
Mandela was a controversial figure for much of his life. Although critics on
Early life
Childhood: 1918–1934
Mandela was born on 18 July 1918 in the village of Mvezo in
Nelson Mandela's father, Gadla Henry Mphakanyiswa Mandela (1880–1928), was a local chief and councillor to the monarch; he was appointed to the position in 1915, after his predecessor was accused of corruption by a governing white magistrate.[10] In 1926, Gadla was also sacked for corruption, but Nelson was told that his father had lost his job for standing up to the magistrate's unreasonable demands.[11] A devotee of the god Qamata,[12] Gadla was a polygamist with four wives, four sons and nine daughters, who lived in different villages. Nelson's mother was Gadla's third wife, Nosekeni Fanny, daughter of Nkedama of the Right Hand House and a member of the amaMpemvu clan of the Xhosa.[13]
No one in my family had ever attended school ... On the first day of school my teacher, Miss Mdingane, gave each of us an English name. This was the custom among Africans in those days and was undoubtedly due to the British bias of our education. That day, Miss Mdingane told me that my new name was Nelson. Why this particular name, I have no idea.
— Mandela, 1994[14]
Mandela later stated that his early life was dominated by traditional Xhosa custom and taboo.
Mandela's mother took him to the "Great Place" palace at Mqhekezweni, where he was entrusted to the guardianship of the Thembu
Clarkebury, Healdtown, and Fort Hare: 1934–1940
Intending to gain skills needed to become a
In 1939, with Jongintaba's backing, Mandela began work on a
Arriving in Johannesburg: 1941–1943
Returning to Mqhekezweni in December 1940, Mandela found that Jongintaba had
Earning a small wage, Mandela rented a room in the house of the Xhoma family in the
Revolutionary activity and imprisonment
Law studies and the ANC Youth League: 1943–1949
Mandela began studying law at the University of the Witwatersrand, where he was the only black African student and faced racism. There, he befriended liberal and communist European, Jewish and Indian students, among them Joe Slovo and Ruth First.[51] Becoming increasingly politicised, Mandela marched in August 1943 in support of a successful bus boycott to reverse fare rises.[52] Joining the ANC, he was increasingly influenced by Sisulu, spending time with other activists at Sisulu's Orlando house, including his old friend Oliver Tambo.[53] In 1943, Mandela met Anton Lembede, an ANC member affiliated with the "Africanist" branch of African nationalism, which was virulently opposed to a racially united front against colonialism and imperialism or to an alliance with the communists.[54] Despite his friendships with non-blacks and communists, Mandela embraced Lembede's views, believing that black Africans should be entirely independent in their struggle for political self-determination.[55] Deciding on the need for a youth wing to mass-mobilise Africans in opposition to their subjugation, Mandela was among a delegation that approached ANC president Alfred Bitini Xuma on the subject at his home in Sophiatown; the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) was founded on Easter Sunday 1944 in the Bantu Men's Social Centre, with Lembede as president and Mandela as a member of its executive committee.[56]
At Sisulu's house, Mandela met Evelyn Mase, a trainee nurse and ANC activist from Engcobo, Transkei. Entering a relationship and marrying in October 1944, they initially lived with her relatives until moving into a rented house in the township of Orlando in early 1946.[58] Their first child, Madiba "Thembi" Thembekile, was born in February 1945; a daughter, Makaziwe, was born in 1947 but died of meningitis nine months later.[59] Mandela enjoyed home life, welcoming his mother and his sister, Leabie, to stay with him.[60] In early 1947, his three years of articles ended at Witkin, Sidelsky and Eidelman, and he decided to become a full-time student, subsisting on loans from the Bantu Welfare Trust.[61]
In July 1947, Mandela rushed Lembede, who was ill, to hospital, where he died; he was succeeded as ANCYL president by the more moderate
In the
Defiance Campaign and Transvaal ANC Presidency: 1950–1954
Mandela took Xuma's place on the ANC national executive in March 1950,[70] and that same year was elected national president of the ANCYL.[71] In March, the Defend Free Speech Convention was held in Johannesburg, bringing together African, Indian and communist activists to call a May Day general strike in protest against apartheid and white minority rule. Mandela opposed the strike because it was multi-racial and not ANC-led, but a majority of black workers took part, resulting in increased police repression and the introduction of the Suppression of Communism Act, 1950, affecting the actions of all protest groups.[72] At the ANC national conference of December 1951, he continued arguing against a racially united front, but was outvoted.[73]
Thereafter, Mandela rejected Lembede's Africanism and embraced the idea of a multi-racial front against apartheid.[74] Influenced by friends like Moses Kotane and by the Soviet Union's support for wars of national liberation, his mistrust of communism broke down and he began reading literature by Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin, and Mao Zedong, eventually embracing the Marxist philosophy of dialectical materialism.[75] Commenting on communism, he later stated that he "found [himself] strongly drawn to the idea of a classless society which, to [his] mind, was similar to traditional African culture where life was shared and communal."[76] In April 1952, Mandela began work at the H.M. Basner law firm, which was owned by a communist,[77] although his increasing commitment to work and activism meant he spent less time with his family.[78]
In 1952, the ANC began preparation for a joint Defiance Campaign against apartheid with Indian and communist groups, founding a National Voluntary Board to recruit volunteers. The campaign was designed to follow the path of nonviolent resistance influenced by Mahatma Gandhi; some supported this for ethical reasons, but Mandela instead considered it pragmatic.[79] At a Durban rally on 22 June, Mandela addressed an assembled crowd of 10,000 people, initiating the campaign protests for which he was arrested and briefly interned in Marshall Square prison.[80] These events established Mandela as one of the best-known black political figures in South Africa.[81] With further protests, the ANC's membership grew from 20,000 to 100,000 members; the government responded with mass arrests and introduced the Public Safety Act, 1953 to permit martial law.[82] In May, authorities banned Transvaal ANC president J. B. Marks from making public appearances; unable to maintain his position, he recommended Mandela as his successor. Although Africanists opposed his candidacy, Mandela was elected to be regional president in October.[83]
In July 1952, Mandela was arrested under the
Mandela obtained work as an attorney for the firm Terblanche and Briggish, before moving to the liberal-run Helman and Michel, passing qualification exams to become a full-fledged attorney.[87] In August 1953, Mandela and Tambo opened their own law firm, Mandela and Tambo, operating in downtown Johannesburg. The only African-run law firm in the country, it was popular with aggrieved black people, often dealing with cases of police brutality. Disliked by the authorities, the firm was forced to relocate to a remote location after their office permit was removed under the Group Areas Act; as a result, their clientele dwindled.[88] As a lawyer of aristocratic heritage, Mandela was part of Johannesburg's elite black middle-class, and accorded much respect from the black community.[89] Although a second daughter, Makaziwe Phumia, was born in May 1954, Mandela's relationship with Evelyn became strained, and she accused him of adultery. He may have had affairs with ANC member Lillian Ngoyi and secretary Ruth Mompati; various individuals close to Mandela in this period have stated that the latter bore him a child.[90] Disgusted by her son's behaviour, Nosekeni returned to Transkei, while Evelyn embraced the Jehovah's Witnesses and rejected Mandela's preoccupation with politics.[91]
Congress of the People and the Treason Trial: 1955–1961
We, the people of South Africa, declare for all our country and the world to know:
That South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, and that no government can justly claim authority unless it is based on the will of the people.
— Opening words of the Freedom Charter[92]
After taking part in the unsuccessful protest to prevent the forced relocation of all black people from the Sophiatown suburb of Johannesburg in February 1955, Mandela concluded that violent action would prove necessary to end apartheid and white minority rule.
Following the end of a second ban in September 1955, Mandela went on a working holiday to Transkei to discuss the implications of the
In December 1956, Mandela was arrested alongside most of the ANC national executive and accused of "high treason" against the state. Held in Johannesburg Prison amid mass protests, they underwent a preparatory examination before being granted bail.
In April 1959, Africanists dissatisfied with the ANC's united front approach founded the
Responding to the unrest, the government implemented state of emergency measures, declaring martial law and banning the ANC and PAC; in March, they arrested Mandela and other activists, imprisoning them for five months without charge in the unsanitary conditions of the Pretoria Local prison.
MK, the SACP, and African tour: 1961–62
Disguised as a chauffeur, Mandela travelled around the country incognito, organising the ANC's new cell structure and the planned mass stay-at-home strike. Referred to as the "Black Pimpernel" in the press—a reference to
Inspired by the actions of
We of Umkhonto have always sought to achieve liberation without bloodshed and civil clash. Even at this late hour, we hope that our first actions will awaken everyone to a realization of the dangerous situation to which Nationalist policy is leading. We hope that we will bring the Government and its supporters to their senses before it is too late so that both government and its policies can be changed before matters reach the desperate stage of civil war.
— Statement released by MK to announce the start of their sabotage campaign[121]
Operating through a cell structure, MK planned to carry out acts of sabotage that would exert maximum pressure on the government with minimum casualties; they sought to bomb military installations, power plants, telephone lines, and transport links at night, when civilians were not present. Mandela stated that they chose sabotage because it was the least harmful action, did not involve killing, and offered the best hope for racial reconciliation afterwards; he nevertheless acknowledged that should this have failed then guerrilla warfare might have been necessary.[122] Soon after ANC leader Luthuli was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, MK publicly announced its existence with 57 bombings on Dingane's Day (16 December) 1961, followed by further attacks on New Year's Eve.[123]
The ANC decided to send Mandela as a delegate to the February 1962 meeting of the
Imprisonment
Arrest and Rivonia trial: 1962–1964
On 5 August 1962, police captured Mandela along with fellow activist
I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons will live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to see realised. But if it needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.
— Mandela's
On 11 July 1963, police raided Liliesleaf Farm, arresting those that they found there and uncovering paperwork documenting MK's activities, some of which mentioned Mandela. The Rivonia Trial began at Pretoria Supreme Court in October, with Mandela and his comrades charged with four counts of sabotage and conspiracy to violently overthrow the government; their chief prosecutor was Percy Yutar.[139] Judge Quartus de Wet soon threw out the prosecution's case for insufficient evidence, but Yutar reformulated the charges, presenting his new case from December 1963 until February 1964, calling 173 witnesses and bringing thousands of documents and photographs to the trial.[140]
Although four of the accused denied involvement with MK, Mandela and the other five accused admitted sabotage but denied that they had ever agreed to initiate guerrilla war against the government.
Robben Island: 1964–1982
In 1964, Mandela and his co-accused were transferred from Pretoria to the prison on Robben Island, remaining there for the next 18 years.[145] Isolated from non-political prisoners in Section B, Mandela was imprisoned in a damp concrete cell measuring 8 feet (2.4 m) by 7 feet (2.1 m), with a straw mat on which to sleep.[146] Verbally and physically harassed by several white prison wardens, the Rivonia Trial prisoners spent their days breaking rocks into gravel, until being reassigned in January 1965 to work in a lime quarry. Mandela was initially forbidden to wear sunglasses, and the glare from the lime permanently damaged his eyesight.[147] At night, he worked on his LLB degree, which he was obtaining from the University of London through a correspondence course with Wolsey Hall, Oxford, but newspapers were forbidden, and he was locked in solitary confinement on several occasions for the possession of smuggled news clippings.[148] He was initially classified as the lowest grade of prisoner, Class D, meaning that he was permitted one visit and one letter every six months, although all mail was heavily censored.[149]
The political prisoners took part in work and hunger strikes—the latter considered largely ineffective by Mandela—to improve prison conditions, viewing this as a microcosm of the anti-apartheid struggle.[150] ANC prisoners elected him to their four-man "High Organ" along with Sisulu, Govan Mbeki and Raymond Mhlaba, and he involved himself in a group, named Ulundi, that represented all political prisoners (including Eddie Daniels) on the island, through which he forged links with PAC and Yu Chi Chan Club members.[151] Initiating the "University of Robben Island", whereby prisoners lectured on their own areas of expertise, he debated socio-political topics with his comrades.[152]
Though attending Christian Sunday services, Mandela studied Islam.
From 1967 onwards, prison conditions improved. Black prisoners were given trousers rather than shorts, games were permitted, and the standard of their food was raised.
By 1975, Mandela had become a Class A prisoner,[165] which allowed him greater numbers of visits and letters. He corresponded with anti-apartheid activists like Mangosuthu Buthelezi and Desmond Tutu.[166] That year, he began his autobiography, which was smuggled to London, but remained unpublished at the time; prison authorities discovered several pages, and his LLB study privileges were revoked for four years.[167] Instead, he devoted his spare time to gardening and reading until the authorities permitted him to resume his LLB degree studies in 1980.[168]
By the late 1960s, Mandela's fame had been eclipsed by
Pollsmoor Prison: 1982–1988
In April 1982, Mandela was transferred to Pollsmoor Prison in Tokai, Cape Town, along with senior ANC leaders Walter Sisulu, Andrew Mlangeni, Ahmed Kathrada and Raymond Mhlaba; they believed that they were being isolated to remove their influence on younger activists at Robben Island.[175] Conditions at Pollsmoor were better than at Robben Island, although Mandela missed the camaraderie and scenery of the island.[176] Getting on well with Pollsmoor's commanding officer, Brigadier Munro, Mandela was permitted to create a roof garden;[177] he also read voraciously and corresponded widely, now being permitted 52 letters a year.[178] He was appointed patron of the multi-racial United Democratic Front (UDF), founded to combat reforms implemented by South African president P. W. Botha. Botha's National Party government had permitted Coloured and Indian citizens to vote for their own parliaments, which had control over education, health and housing, but black Africans were excluded from the system. Like Mandela, the UDF saw this as an attempt to divide the anti-apartheid movement on racial lines.[179]
The early 1980s witnessed an escalation of violence across the country, and many predicted civil war. This was accompanied by economic stagnation as various multinational banks—under pressure from an international lobby—had stopped investing in South Africa. Numerous banks and Thatcher asked Botha to release Mandela—then at the height of his international fame—to defuse the volatile situation.[180] Although considering Mandela a dangerous "arch-Marxist",[181] Botha offered him, in February 1985, a release from prison if he "unconditionally rejected violence as a political weapon". Mandela spurned the offer, releasing a statement through his daughter Zindzi stating, "What freedom am I being offered while the organisation of the people [ANC] remains banned? Only free men can negotiate. A prisoner cannot enter into contracts."[182][183]
In 1985, Mandela underwent surgery on an enlarged prostate gland before being given new solitary quarters on the ground floor.[184] He was met by an international delegation sent to negotiate a settlement, but Botha's government refused to co-operate, calling a state of emergency in June and initiating a police crackdown on unrest.[185] The anti-apartheid resistance fought back, with the ANC committing 231 attacks in 1986 and 235 in 1987.[186] The violence escalated as the government used the army and police to combat the resistance and provided covert support for vigilante groups and the Zulu nationalist movement Inkatha, which was involved in an increasingly violent struggle with the ANC.[187] Mandela requested talks with Botha but was denied, instead secretly meeting with Minister of Justice Kobie Coetsee in 1987, and having a further 11 meetings over the next three years. Coetsee organised negotiations between Mandela and a team of four government figures starting in May 1988; the team agreed to the release of political prisoners and the legalisation of the ANC on the condition that they permanently renounce violence, break links with the Communist Party, and not insist on majority rule. Mandela rejected these conditions, insisting that the ANC would end its armed activities only when the government renounced violence.[188]
Mandela's 70th birthday in July 1988 attracted international attention, including a tribute concert at London's Wembley Stadium that was televised and watched by an estimated 200 million viewers.[189] Although presented globally as a heroic figure, he faced personal problems when ANC leaders informed him that Winnie had set herself up as head of a gang, the "Mandela United Football Club", which had been responsible for torturing and killing opponents—including children—in Soweto. Though some encouraged him to divorce her, he decided to remain loyal until she was found guilty by trial.[190]
Victor Verster Prison and release: 1988–1990
Recovering from
In 1989, Botha suffered a stroke; although he retained the state presidency, he stepped down as leader of the National Party, to be replaced by F. W. de Klerk.[195] In a surprise move, Botha invited Mandela to a meeting over tea in July 1989, an invitation Mandela considered genial.[196] Botha was replaced as state president by de Klerk six weeks later; the new president believed that apartheid was unsustainable and released a number of ANC prisoners.[197] Following the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989, de Klerk called his cabinet together to debate legalising the ANC and freeing Mandela. Although some were deeply opposed to his plans, de Klerk met with Mandela in December to discuss the situation, a meeting both men considered friendly, before legalising all formerly banned political parties in February 1990 and announcing Mandela's unconditional release.[198][199] Shortly thereafter, for the first time in 20 years, photographs of Mandela were allowed to be published in South Africa.[200]
Leaving Victor Verster Prison on 11 February, Mandela held Winnie's hand in front of amassed crowds and the press; the event was broadcast live across the world.[201][202] Driven to Cape Town's City Hall through crowds, he gave a speech declaring his commitment to peace and reconciliation with the white minority, but he made it clear that the ANC's armed struggle was not over and would continue as "a purely defensive action against the violence of apartheid". He expressed hope that the government would agree to negotiations, so that "there may no longer be the need for the armed struggle", and insisted that his main focus was to bring peace to the black majority and give them the right to vote in national and local elections.[203][204] Staying at Tutu's home, in the following days Mandela met with friends, activists, and press, giving a speech to an estimated 100,000 people at Johannesburg's FNB Stadium.[205]
End of apartheid
Early negotiations: 1990–91
Mandela proceeded on an African tour, meeting supporters and politicians in Zambia, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Libya and Algeria, and continuing to Sweden, where he was reunited with Tambo, and London, where he appeared at the
In May 1990, Mandela led a multiracial ANC delegation into preliminary negotiations with a government delegation of 11 Afrikaner men. Mandela impressed them with his discussions of Afrikaner history, and the negotiations led to the
Mandela was given an office in the newly purchased ANC headquarters at Shell House, Johannesburg, and moved into Winnie's large Soweto home.[213] Their marriage was increasingly strained as he learned of her affair with Dali Mpofu, but he supported her during her trial for kidnapping and assault. He gained funding for her defence from the International Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa and from Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, but, in June 1991, she was found guilty and sentenced to six years in prison, reduced to two on appeal. On 13 April 1992, Mandela publicly announced his separation from Winnie. The ANC forced her to step down from the national executive for misappropriating ANC funds; Mandela moved into the mostly white Johannesburg suburb of Houghton.[214] Mandela's prospects for a peaceful transition were further damaged by an increase in "black-on-black" violence, particularly between ANC and Inkatha supporters in KwaZulu-Natal, which resulted in thousands of deaths. Mandela met with Inkatha leader Buthelezi, but the ANC prevented further negotiations on the issue. Mandela argued that there was a "third force" within the state intelligence services fuelling the "slaughter of the people" and openly blamed de Klerk—whom he increasingly distrusted—for the Sebokeng massacre.[215] In September 1991, a national peace conference was held in Johannesburg at which Mandela, Buthelezi and de Klerk signed a peace accord, though the violence continued.[216]
CODESA talks: 1991–92
The
Following the
The democratic process was threatened by the Concerned South Africans Group (COSAG), an alliance of black ethnic-secessionist groups like Inkatha and far-right Afrikaner parties; in June 1993, one of the latter—the
General election: 1994
With the election set for 27 April 1994, the ANC began campaigning, opening 100 election offices and orchestrating People's Forums across the country at which Mandela could appear, as a popular figure with great status among black South Africans.
Concerned that COSAG would undermine the election, particularly in the wake of the
Presidency of South Africa: 1994–1999
The newly elected National Assembly's first act was to formally elect Mandela as South Africa's first black chief executive. His inauguration took place in Pretoria on 10 May 1994, televised to a billion viewers globally. The event was attended by four thousand guests, including world leaders from a wide range of geographic and ideological backgrounds.
Aged 76, he faced various ailments, and although exhibiting continued energy, he felt isolated and lonely.[245] He often entertained celebrities, such as Michael Jackson, Whoopi Goldberg and the Spice Girls, and befriended ultra-rich businessmen, like Harry Oppenheimer of Anglo American. He also met with Queen Elizabeth II on her March 1995 state visit to South Africa, which earned him strong criticism from ANC anti-capitalists.[246] Despite his opulent surroundings, Mandela lived simply, donating a third of his R 552,000 annual income to the Nelson Mandela Children's Fund, which he had founded in 1995.[247] Although dismantling press censorship, speaking out in favour of freedom of the press and befriending many journalists, Mandela was critical of much of the country's media, noting that it was overwhelmingly owned and run by middle-class whites and believing that it focused too heavily on scaremongering about crime.[248]
In December 1994, Mandela published Long Walk to Freedom, an autobiography based around a manuscript he had written in prison, augmented by interviews conducted with American journalist Richard Stengel.[249] In late 1994, he attended the 49th conference of the ANC in Bloemfontein, at which a more militant national executive was elected, among them Winnie Mandela; although she expressed an interest in reconciling, Nelson initiated divorce proceedings in August 1995.[250] By 1995, he had entered into a relationship with Graça Machel, a Mozambican political activist 27 years his junior who was the widow of former president Samora Machel. They had first met in July 1990 when she was still in mourning, but their friendship grew into a partnership, with Machel accompanying him on many of his foreign visits. She turned down Mandela's first marriage proposal, wanting to retain some independence and dividing her time between Mozambique and Johannesburg.[251]
National reconciliation
Gracious but steely, [Mandela] steered a country in turmoil toward a negotiated settlement: a country that days before its first democratic election remained violent, riven by divisive views and personalities. He endorsed national reconciliation, an idea he did not merely foster in the abstract, but performed with panache and conviction in reaching out to former adversaries. He initiated an era of hope that, while not long-lasting, was nevertheless decisive, and he garnered the highest international recognition and affection.
— Rita Barnard, The Cambridge Companion to Nelson Mandela[252]
Presiding over the transition from apartheid minority rule to a multicultural democracy, Mandela saw national reconciliation as the primary task of his presidency.
Mandela personally met with senior figures of the apartheid regime, including lawyer Percy Yutar and
Mandela oversaw the formation of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to investigate crimes committed under apartheid by both the government and the ANC, appointing Tutu as its chair. To prevent the creation of martyrs, the commission granted individual amnesties in exchange for testimony of crimes committed during the apartheid era. Dedicated in February 1996, it held two years of hearings detailing rapes, torture, bombings and assassinations before issuing its final report in October 1998. Both de Klerk and Mbeki appealed to have parts of the report suppressed, though only de Klerk's appeal was successful.[265] Mandela praised the commission's work, stating that it "had helped us move away from the past to concentrate on the present and the future".[266]
Domestic programmes
Mandela's administration inherited a country with a huge disparity in wealth and services between white and black communities. Of a population of 40 million, around 23 million lacked electricity or adequate sanitation, and 12 million lacked clean water supplies, with 2 million children not in school and a third of the population illiterate. There was 33% unemployment, and just under half of the population lived below the poverty line.
Under Mandela's presidency, welfare spending increased by 13% in 1996/97, 13% in 1997/98, and 7% in 1998/99.[271] The government introduced parity in grants for communities, including disability grants, child maintenance grants and old-age pensions, which had previously been set at different levels for South Africa's different racial groups.[271] In 1994, free healthcare was introduced for children under six and pregnant women, a provision extended to all those using primary level public sector health care services in 1996.[272][273] By the 1999 election, the ANC could boast that due to their policies, 3 million people were connected to telephone lines, 1.5 million children were brought into the education system, 500 clinics were upgraded or constructed, 2 million people were connected to the electricity grid, water access was extended to 3 million people, and 750,000 houses were constructed, housing nearly 3 million people.[274]
The Land Reform Act 3 of 1996 safeguarded the rights of labour tenants living on farms where they grew crops or grazed livestock. This legislation ensured that such tenants could not be evicted without a court order or if they were over the age of 65.[275] Recognising that arms manufacturing was a key industry for the South African economy, Mandela endorsed the trade in weapons but brought in tighter regulations surrounding Armscor to ensure that South African weaponry was not sold to authoritarian regimes.[276] Under Mandela's administration, tourism was increasingly promoted, becoming a major sector of the South African economy.[277]
Critics like Edwin Cameron accused Mandela's government of doing little to stem the HIV/AIDS pandemic in the country; by 1999, 10% of South Africa's population were HIV positive. Mandela later admitted that he had personally neglected the issue, in part due to public reticence in discussing issues surrounding sex in South Africa, and that he had instead left the issue for Mbeki to deal with.[278][279] Mandela also received criticism for failing to sufficiently combat crime; South Africa had one of the world's highest crime rates,[280] and the activities of international crime syndicates in the country grew significantly throughout the decade.[281] Mandela's administration was also perceived as having failed to deal with the problem of corruption.[282]
Further problems were caused by the exodus of thousands of skilled white South Africans from the country, who were escaping the increasing crime rates, higher taxes and the impact of
Foreign affairs
Mandela expressed the view that "South Africa's future foreign relations [should] be based on our belief that human rights should be the core of international relations".[285] Following the South African example, Mandela encouraged other nations to resolve conflicts through diplomacy and reconciliation.[286] In September 1998, Mandela was appointed secretary-general of the Non-Aligned Movement, who held their annual conference in Durban. He used the event to criticise the "narrow, chauvinistic interests" of the Israeli government in stalling negotiations to end the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and urged India and Pakistan to negotiate to end the Kashmir conflict, for which he was criticised by both Israel and India.[287] Inspired by the region's economic boom, Mandela sought greater economic relations with East Asia, in particular with Malaysia, although this was prevented by the 1997 Asian financial crisis.[288] He extended diplomatic recognition to the People's Republic of China (PRC), who were growing as an economic force, and initially also to Taiwan, who were already longstanding investors in the South African economy. However, under pressure from the PRC, he cut recognition of Taiwan in November 1996, and he paid an official visit to Beijing in May 1999.[289]
Mandela attracted controversy for his close relationship with Indonesian president Suharto, whose regime was responsible for mass human rights abuses, although on a July 1997 visit to Indonesia he privately urged Suharto to withdraw from the
Mandela echoed Mbeki's calls for an "African Renaissance", and he was greatly concerned with issues on the continent.[297] He took a soft diplomatic approach to removing Sani Abacha's military junta in Nigeria but later became a leading figure in calling for sanctions when Abacha's regime increased human rights violations.[298] In 1996, he was appointed chairman of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and initiated unsuccessful negotiations to end the First Congo War in Zaire.[299] He also played a key role as a mediator in the ethnic conflict between Tutsi and Hutu political groups in the Burundian Civil War, helping to initiate a settlement which brought increased stability to the country but did not end the ethnic violence.[300] In South Africa's first post-apartheid military operation, troops were ordered into Lesotho in September 1998 to protect the government of Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili after a disputed election had prompted opposition uprisings. The action was not authorised by Mandela himself, who was out of the country at the time, but by Buthelezi, who was serving as acting president during Mandela's absence,[301] with the approval of Mandela and Mbeki.[302]
Withdrawing from politics
The new Constitution of South Africa was agreed upon by parliament in May 1996, enshrining a series of institutions to place checks on political and administrative authority within a constitutional democracy.[303] De Klerk opposed the implementation of this constitution, and that month he and the National Party withdrew from the coalition government in protest, claiming that the ANC were not treating them as equals.[304] The ANC took over the cabinet positions formerly held by the Nationals, with Mbeki becoming sole Deputy President.[305] Inkatha remained part of the coalition,[306] and when both Mandela and Mbeki were out of the country in September 1998, Buthelezi was appointed "Acting President", marking an improvement in his relationship with Mandela.[307] Although Mandela had often governed decisively in his first two years as president,[308] he had subsequently increasingly delegated duties to Mbeki, retaining only a close personal supervision of intelligence and security measures.[309] During a 1997 visit to London, he said that "the ruler of South Africa, the de facto ruler, is Thabo Mbeki" and that he was "shifting everything to him".[308]
Mandela stepped down as ANC President at the party's December 1997 conference. He hoped that Ramaphosa would succeed him, believing Mbeki to be too inflexible and intolerant of criticism, but the ANC elected Mbeki regardless.[310] Mandela and the Executive supported Jacob Zuma, a Zulu who had been imprisoned on Robben Island, as Mbeki's replacement for Deputy President. Zuma's candidacy was challenged by Winnie, whose populist rhetoric had gained her a strong following within the party, although Zuma defeated her in a landslide victory vote at the election.[311]
Mandela's relationship with Machel had intensified; in February 1998, he publicly stated that he was "in love with a remarkable lady", and under pressure from Tutu, who urged him to set an example for young people, he organised a wedding for his 80th birthday, in July that year.[312] The following day, he held a grand party with many foreign dignitaries.[313] Although the 1996 constitution allowed the president to serve two consecutive five-year terms, Mandela had never planned to stand for a second term in office. He gave his farewell speech to Parliament on 29 March 1999 when it adjourned prior to the 1999 general elections, after which he retired.[314] Although opinion polls in South Africa showed wavering support for both the ANC and the government, Mandela himself remained highly popular, with 80% of South Africans polled in 1999 expressing satisfaction with his performance as president.[315]
Post-presidency and final years
Continued activism and philanthropy: 1999–2004
Retiring in June 1999, Mandela aimed to lead a quiet family life, divided between Johannesburg and Qunu. Although he set about authoring a sequel to his first autobiography, to be titled
In 2002, Mandela inaugurated the Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture, and in 2003 the
Publicly, Mandela became more vocal in criticising Western powers. He strongly opposed the 1999
"Retiring from retirement": 2004–2013
In June 2004, aged 85 and amid failing health, Mandela announced that he was "retiring from retirement" and retreating from public life, remarking, "Don't call me, I will call you."[330] Although continuing to meet with close friends and family, the foundation discouraged invitations for him to appear at public events and denied most interview requests.[319]
He retained some involvement in international affairs. In 2005, he founded the Nelson Mandela Legacy Trust,[331] travelling to the United States to speak before the Brookings Institution and the NAACP on the need for economic assistance to Africa.[331][332] He spoke with US senator Hillary Clinton and President George W. Bush and first met the then-senator Barack Obama.[332] Mandela also encouraged Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe to resign over growing human rights abuses in the country. When this proved ineffective, he spoke out publicly against Mugabe in 2007, asking him to step down "with residual respect and a modicum of dignity."[333] That year, Mandela, Machel and Desmond Tutu convened a group of world leaders in Johannesburg to contribute their wisdom and independent leadership to some of the world's toughest problems. Mandela announced the formation of this new group, The Elders, in a speech delivered on his 89th birthday.[334]
Mandela's 90th birthday was marked across the country on 18 July 2008; a tribute concert was held in Hyde Park, London.[335] Throughout Mbeki's presidency, Mandela continued to support the ANC, usually overshadowing Mbeki at any public events that the two attended. Mandela was more at ease with Mbeki's successor, Zuma,[336] although the Nelson Mandela Foundation was upset when his grandson, Mandla Mandela, flew him out to the Eastern Cape to attend a pro-Zuma rally in the midst of a storm in 2009.[336]
In 2004, Mandela successfully campaigned for South Africa to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup, declaring that there would be "few better gifts for us" in the year marking a decade since the fall of apartheid.[337] Despite maintaining a low profile during the event due to ill health, Mandela made his final public appearance during the World Cup closing ceremony, where he received much applause.[338][339] Between 2005 and 2013, Mandela, and later his family, were embroiled in a series of legal disputes regarding money held in family trusts for the benefit of his descendants.[340] In mid-2013, as Mandela was hospitalised for a lung infection in Pretoria, his descendants were involved in an intra-family legal dispute relating to the burial place of Mandela's children, and ultimately Mandela himself.[341]
Illness and death: 2011–2013
In February 2011, Mandela was briefly hospitalised with a
After suffering from a prolonged respiratory infection, Mandela died on 5 December 2013 at the age of 95, at around 20:50 local time at his home in Houghton, surrounded by his family.[353][354] Zuma publicly announced his death on television,[353][355] proclaiming ten days of national mourning, a memorial service held at Johannesburg's FNB Stadium on 10 December 2013, and 8 December as a national day of prayer and reflection. Mandela's body lay in state from 11 to 13 December at the Union Buildings in Pretoria and a state funeral was held on 15 December in Qunu.[356][357] Approximately 90 representatives of foreign states travelled to South Africa to attend memorial events.[358] It was later revealed that 300 million rand (about 20 million dollars) originally earmarked for humanitarian development projects had been redirected to finance the funeral.[359] The media was awash with tributes and reminiscences,[360] while images of tributes to Mandela proliferated across social media.[361] His US$4.1 million estate was left to his widow, other family members, staff, and educational institutions.[362]
Political ideology
A friend once asked me how I could reconcile my creed of African nationalism with a belief in dialectical materialism. For me, there was no contradiction. I was first and foremost an African nationalist fighting for our emancipation from minority rule and the right to control our own destiny. But at the same time, South Africa and the African continent were part of the larger world. Our problems, while distinctive and special, were not unique, and a philosophy that placed those problems in an international and historical context of the greater world and the course of history was valuable. I was prepared to use whatever means necessary to speed up the erasure of human prejudice and the end of chauvinistic and violent nationalism.
— Nelson Mandela, 1994[363]
Mandela identified as both an
The historian Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni described Mandela as a "liberal African nationalist–decolonial humanist",[368] while political analyst Raymond Suttner cautioned against labelling Mandela a liberal and stated that Mandela displayed a "hybrid socio-political make-up".[369] Mandela adopted some of his political ideas from other thinkers—among them Indian independence leaders like Gandhi and Nehru, African American civil rights activists, and African nationalists like Nkrumah—and applied them to the South African situation. At the same time, he rejected other aspects of their thought, such as the anti-white sentiment of many African nationalists.[370] In doing so he synthesised both counter-cultural and hegemonic views, for instance by drawing upon ideas from the then-dominant Afrikaner nationalism in promoting his anti-apartheid vision.[371]
His political development was strongly influenced by his legal training and practice, in particular his hope to achieve change not through violence but through "legal revolution".[372] Over the course of his life, he began by advocating a path of non-violence, later embracing violence, and then adopting a non-violent approach to negotiation and reconciliation.[373] When endorsing violence, he did so because he saw no alternative, and was always pragmatic about it, perceiving it as a means to get his opponent to the negotiating table.[374] He sought to target symbols of white supremacy and racist oppression rather than white people as individuals and was anxious not to inaugurate a race war in South Africa.[375] This willingness to use violence distinguishes Mandela from the ideology of Gandhism, with which some commentators have sought to associate him.[376]
Democracy
Although he presented himself in an autocratic manner in several speeches, Mandela was a devout believer in democracy and abided by majority decisions even when deeply disagreeing with them.
According to Lodge, Mandela's political thought reflected tensions between his support for
Socialism and Marxism
Mandela advocated the ultimate establishment of a classless society,[383] with Sampson describing him as being "openly opposed to capitalism, private land-ownership and the power of big money".[384] Mandela was influenced by Marxism, and during the revolution he advocated scientific socialism.[385] He denied being a communist at the Treason Trial,[386] and maintained this stance both when later talking to journalists,[387] and in his autobiography, where he outlined that the cooperation with the SACP was pragmatic, asking rhetorically, "who is to say that we were not using them?"[388] According to the sociologist Craig Soudien, "sympathetic as Mandela was to socialism, a communist he was not."[389] Conversely, the biographer David Jones Smith stated that Mandela "embraced communism and communists" in the late 1950s and early 1960s,[390] while the historian Stephen Ellis commented that Mandela had assimilated much of the Marxist–Leninist ideology by 1960.[391]
Ellis also found evidence that Mandela had been an active member of the South African Communist Party (SACP) during the late 1950s and early 1960s,[118] something that was confirmed after his death by both the ANC and the SACP, the latter of which claimed that he was not only a member of the party, but also served on its Central Committee.[120] His membership had been hidden by the ANC, aware that knowledge of Mandela's former SACP involvement might have been detrimental to his attempts to attract support from Western countries.[392] Mandela's view of these Western governments differed from those of Marxist–Leninists, for he did not believe that they were anti-democratic or reactionary and remained committed to democratic systems of governance.[393]
The 1955 Freedom Charter, which Mandela had helped create, called for the nationalisation of banks, gold mines and land, to ensure equal distribution of wealth.
Personality and personal life
Mandela was widely considered a
For political scientists Betty Glad and Robert Blanton, Mandela was an "exceptionally intelligent, shrewd, and loyal leader".[404] His official biographer, Anthony Sampson, commented that he was a "master of imagery and performance", excelling at presenting himself well in press photographs and producing sound bites.[405] His public speeches were presented in a formal, stiff manner, and often consisted of clichéd set phrases.[406] He typically spoke slowly, and carefully chose his words.[407] Although he was not considered a great orator, his speeches conveyed "his personal commitment, charm and humour".[408]
Mandela was a private person who often concealed his emotions and confided in very few people.[409] Privately, he lived an austere life, refusing to drink alcohol or smoke, and even as president made his own bed.[410] Renowned for his mischievous sense of humour,[411] he was known for being both stubborn and loyal,[412] and at times exhibited a quick temper.[413] He was typically friendly and welcoming, and appeared relaxed in conversation with everyone, including his opponents.[414] A self-described Anglophile, he claimed to have lived by the "trappings of British style and manners".[415] Constantly polite and courteous, he was attentive to all, irrespective of their age or status, and often talked to children or servants.[416] He was known for his ability to find common ground with very different communities.[417] In later life, he always looked for the best in people, even defending political opponents to his allies, who sometimes thought him too trusting of others.[418] He was fond of Indian cuisine,[419] and had a lifelong interest in archaeology[420] and boxing.[421]
The significance of Mandela can be considered in two related ways. First, he has provided through his personal presence as a benign and honest conviction politician, skilled at exerting power but not obsessed with it to the point of view of excluding principles, a man who struggled to display respect to all ... Second, in so doing he was able to be a hero and a symbol to an array of otherwise unlikely mates through his ability, like all brilliant nationalist politicians, to speak to very different audiences effectively at once.
— Bill Freund, academic[422]
He was raised in the Methodist denomination of Christianity; the
Mandela was very self-conscious about being a man and regularly made references to
Reception and legacy
By the time of his death, within South Africa Mandela was widely considered both "the father of the nation"[438] and "the founding father of democracy".[439] Outside of South Africa, he was a "global icon",[440] with the scholar of South African studies Rita Barnard describing him as "one of the most revered figures of our time".[441] One biographer considered him "a modern democratic hero".[442] Some have portrayed Mandela in messianic terms,[443] in contrast to his own statement that "I was not a messiah, but an ordinary man who had become a leader because of extraordinary circumstances."[444] He is often cited alongside Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr. as one of the 20th century's exemplary anti-racist and anti-colonial leaders.[445] Boehmer described him as "a totem of the totemic values of our age: toleration and liberal democracy"[446] and "a universal symbol of social justice".[447]
Mandela's international fame emerged during his incarceration in the 1980s, when he became the world's most famous political prisoner, a symbol of the anti-apartheid cause, and an icon for millions who embraced the ideal of human equality.[252][448][449][450] In 1986, Mandela's biographer characterised him as "the embodiment of the struggle for liberation" in South Africa.[451] Meredith stated that in becoming "a potent symbol of resistance" to apartheid during the 1980s, he had gained "mythical status" internationally.[452] Sampson commented that even during his life, this myth had become "so powerful that it blurs the realities", converting Mandela into "a secular saint".[453] Within a decade of the end of his presidency, Mandela's era was widely thought of as "a golden age of hope and harmony",[454] with much nostalgia being expressed for it.[455] His name was often invoked by those criticising his successors like Mbeki and Zuma.[456] Across the world, Mandela earned international acclaim for his activism in overcoming apartheid and fostering racial reconciliation,[410] coming to be viewed as "a moral authority" with a great "concern for truth".[457] Mandela's iconic status has been blamed for concealing the complexities of his life.[458]
Mandela generated controversy throughout his career as an activist and politician,[459] having detractors on both the right and the radical left.[460] During the 1980s, Mandela was widely labelled a terrorist by prominent political figures in the Western world for his embrace of political violence.[461] According to Thatcher, for instance, the ANC was "a typical terrorist organisation".[462] The US government's State and Defense departments officially designated the ANC as a terrorist organisation, resulting in Mandela remaining on their terrorism watch-list until 2008.[463] On the left, some voices in the ANC—among them Frank B. Wilderson III—accused him of selling out for agreeing to enter negotiations with the apartheid government and for not implementing the reforms of the Freedom Charter during his presidency.[464] According to Barnard, "there is also a sense in which his chiefly bearing and mode of conduct, the very respect and authority he accrued in representing his nation in his own person, went against the spirit of democracy",[459] and concerns were similarly expressed that he placed his own status and celebrity above the transformation of his country.[465] His government would be criticised for its failure to deal with both the HIV/AIDS pandemic and the high levels of poverty in South Africa.[459]
Orders, decorations, monuments, and honours
Over the course of his life, Mandela was given over 250 awards, accolades, prizes, honorary degrees and citizenships in recognition of his political achievements.
In 2004, Johannesburg granted Mandela the Freedom of the City,[476] and in 2008 a Mandela statue was unveiled at the spot where Mandela was released from prison.[477] On the Day of Reconciliation 2013, a bronze statue of Mandela was unveiled at Pretoria's Union Buildings.[478] In November 2009, the United Nations General Assembly proclaimed Mandela's birthday, 18 July, as "Mandela Day", marking his contribution to the anti-apartheid struggle. It called on individuals to donate 67 minutes to doing something for others, commemorating the 67 years that Mandela had been a part of the movement.[479] In 2015 the UN General Assembly named the amended Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners as "the Mandela Rules" to honour his legacy.[480] Subsequently, the years 2019 to 2028 were also designated the United Nations Nelson Mandela Decade of Peace.[481][482]
Biographies and popular media
The first biography of Mandela was based on brief interviews with him that the author, Mary Benson, had conducted in the 1960s.[483] Two authorised biographies were later produced by friends of Mandela.[484] The first was Fatima Meer's Higher Than Hope, which was heavily influenced by Winnie and thus placed great emphasis on Mandela's family.[485] The second was Anthony Sampson's Mandela, published in 1999.[484] Other biographies included Martin Meredith's Mandela, first published in 1997, and Tom Lodge's Mandela, brought out in 2006.[484]
Since the late 1980s, Mandela's image began to appear on a proliferation of items, among them "photographs, paintings, drawings, statues, public murals, buttons, t-shirts, refrigerator magnets, and more",[361] items that have been characterised as "Mandela kitsch".[486] In the 1980s he was the subject of several songs, such as The Specials' "Free Nelson Mandela", Hugh Masekela's "Bring Him Back Home (Nelson Mandela)", and Johnny Clegg's "Asimbonanga (Mandela)", which helped to bring awareness of his imprisonment to an international audience.[487]
Mandela has also been depicted in films on multiple occasions.
See also
- List of peace activists
- Mandela effect
References
Footnotes
- ^ Mandela used the spelling Rolihlahla.[3] Peter Mtuze notes that the orthography of Xhosa names has changed since the time of Mandela's schooling, and that it would now be written Rholihlahla.[4]
- ^ "Mandela". Collins English Dictionary. Archived from the original on 5 April 2016. Retrieved 17 December 2013.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 3; Boehmer 2008, p. 21; Smith 2010, p. 17; Sampson 2011, p. 3.
- ^ See for example official website.
- from the original on 25 July 2022. Retrieved 25 July 2022.
- ^ Benson 1986, p. 16; Mandela 1994, p. 3; Smith 2010, p. 17; Meredith 2010, p. 2; Sampson 2011, p. 3.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 4; Lodge 2006, p. 2; Smith 2010, p. 16.
- ^ Meer 1988, p. 3; Guiloineau & Rowe 2002, p. 23; Meredith 2010, p. 1.
- ^ Guiloineau & Rowe 2002, p. 26.
- ^ Guiloineau & Rowe 2002, p. 26; Lodge 2006, p. 1; Mafela 2008, pp. 102–103.
- ^ Smith 2010, p. 19.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 8–9; Smith 2010, pp. 21–22; Sampson 2011, p. 4.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 17; Meredith 2010, p. 1.
- ^ Benson 1986, p. 15; Mandela 1994, pp. 7–8; Smith 2010, pp. 16, 23–24; Meredith 2010, pp. 1, 3; Sampson 2011, p. 4.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 19.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 15; Meredith 2010, p. 3.
- ^ Benson 1986, p. 16; Mandela 1994, p. 12; Smith 2010, pp. 23–24; Meredith 2010, pp. 2, 4.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 18–19; Lodge 2006, p. 3; Smith 2010, p. 24; Meredith 2010, pp. 2, 4–5; Sampson 2011, pp. 5, 7; Forster 2014, pp. 91–92.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 20; Lodge 2006, p. 3; Smith 2010, p. 25; Meredith 2010, p. 5; Sampson 2011, p. 7.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 8, 20.
- ^ Benson 1986, p. 17; Meer 1988, p. 4; Mandela 1994, pp. 22–25; Lodge 2006, p. 3; Smith 2010, pp. 26–27; Meredith 2010, p. 5; Sampson 2011, pp. 7–9.
- ^ Meer 1988, p. 7; Mandela 1994, pp. 27–29; Meredith 2010, pp. 8–9.
- ^ Meer 1988, p. 7; Mandela 1994, p. 25; Smith 2010, p. 27; Meredith 2010, p. 9.
- ^ Meer 1988, pp. 11–12; Mandela 1994, pp. 31–34; Lodge 2006, p. 3; Smith 2010, p. 18; Meredith 2010, p. 8.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 43; Meredith 2010, p. 11.
- ^ Benson 1986, p. 17; Mandela 1994, pp. 36–42; Lodge 2006, p. 8; Smith 2010, pp. 29–31; Meredith 2010, pp. 9–11; Sampson 2011, p. 14.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 45–47; Smith 2010, pp. 27, 31; Meredith 2010, pp. 12–13; Sampson 2011, p. 15.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 48–50.
- ^ Sampson 2011, p. 17.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 52; Smith 2010, pp. 31–32; Meredith 2010, p. 14; Sampson 2011, pp. 17–18.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 53–54; Smith 2010, p. 32; Meredith 2010, pp. 14–15; Sampson 2011, pp. 18–21.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 56; Smith 2010, p. 32; Meredith 2010, p. 15.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 62–65; Lodge 2006, p. 9; Smith 2010, pp. 33–34; Meredith 2010, pp. 15–18; Sampson 2011, pp. 21, 25.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 62–63; Smith 2010, pp. 33–34; Meredith 2010, pp. 17–19; Sampson 2011, pp. 24–25.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 67–69; Smith 2010, p. 34; Meredith 2010, p. 18; Sampson 2011, p. 25.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 68; Lodge 2006, p. 10; Smith 2010, p. 35; Meredith 2010, p. 18; Sampson 2011, p. 25.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 68; Lodge 2006, p. 10; Meredith 2010, p. 18; Forster 2014, p. 93.
- ^ Sampson 2011, p. 25.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 70–71; Lodge 2006, p. 11; Meredith 2010, p. 19; Sampson 2011, p. 26.
- ^ Benson 1986, p. 21; Mandela 1994, pp. 78–86; Lodge 2006, pp. 11–12; Smith 2010, pp. 34–35; Meredith 2010, pp. 19–20; Sampson 2011, pp. 26–27.
- ^ Benson 1986, p. 21; Mandela 1994, pp. 73–76; Lodge 2006, p. 12; Smith 2010, pp. 36–39; Meredith 2010, pp. 20–22; Sampson 2011, pp. 27–28.
- ^ Benson 1986, p. 23; Meer 1988, pp. 25–26; Mandela 1994, pp. 89–94; Lodge 2006, pp. 12–13; Smith 2010, p. 40; Meredith 2010, pp. 27–28; Sampson 2011, pp. 29–30.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 96–101; Lodge 2006, pp. 13, 19–21; Smith 2010, p. 41; Meredith 2010, pp. 28–30; Sampson 2011, pp. 30–31.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 104–105; Lodge 2006, pp. 22, 31–32; Smith 2010, pp. 43, 48; Meredith 2010, pp. 31–32; Sampson 2011, pp. 32–33.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 106; Smith 2010, pp. 48–49.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 100; Smith 2010, p. 44; Meredith 2010, p. 33; Sampson 2011, p. 34.
- ^ Benson 1986, p. 23; Meer 1988, p. 26; Mandela 1994, pp. 99, 108–110; Smith 2010, pp. 44–45; Meredith 2010, p. 33; Sampson 2011, p. 33.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 113–116; Lodge 2006, p. 23; Smith 2010, pp. 45–46; Sampson 2011, p. 33.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 118–119; Lodge 2006, p. 24; Meredith 2010, p. 33; Sampson 2011, p. 34.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 116–117, 119–120; Lodge 2006, p. 22; Smith 2010, p. 47; Meredith 2010, pp. 33–34; Sampson 2011, p. 33.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 122, 126–27; Smith 2010, p. 49; Meredith 2010, p. 34; Sampson 2011, p. 34.
- ^ Meer 1988, pp. 33–34; Mandela 1994, pp. 127–131; Smith 2010, pp. 64–65; Meredith 2010, pp. 34–35; Sampson 2011, pp. 34–35.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 122–123; Lodge 2006, pp. 27–28; Smith 2010, p. 48; Meredith 2010, p. 44; Sampson 2011, p. 37.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 136; Smith 2010, p. 53; Meredith 2010, pp. 36, 43.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 137–139; Lodge 2006, pp. 33–34; Smith 2010, p. 53; Meredith 2010, pp. 42–43; Sampson 2011, pp. 38–39.
- ^ Benson 1986, p. 31; Meer 1988, pp. 34–35; Mandela 1994, pp. 142–143; Smith 2010, p. 54.
- ^ Benson 1986, pp. 28–29; Mandela 1994, pp. 139–143; Lodge 2006, p. 35; Smith 2010, pp. 52–56; Meredith 2010, pp. 44–46; Sampson 2011, pp. 39–41.
- ^ Smith 2010, p. inset photographs.
- ^ Benson 1986, p. 24; Meer 1988, pp. 39–40; Mandela 1994, pp. 144, 148–149; Lodge 2006, pp. 24, 25; Smith 2010, pp. 59–62; Meredith 2010, p. 47; Sampson 2011, p. 36.
- ^ Meer 1988, pp. 40–41; Mandela 1994, pp. 149, 152; Lodge 2006, p. 29; Smith 2010, pp. 60–64; Meredith 2010, p. 48; Sampson 2011, p. 36.
- ^ Meer 1988, p. 40; Mandela 1994, pp. 150, 210; Lodge 2006, p. 30; Smith 2010, p. 67; Meredith 2010, p. 48; Sampson 2011, p. 36.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 151; Smith 2010, p. 64; Meredith 2010, pp. 48–49.
- ^ Benson 1986, p. 36; Meer 1988, p. 43; Mandela 1994, pp. 153–154; Smith 2010, p. 66; Sampson 2011, p. 48.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 154; Sampson 2011, p. 42.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 154–157; Lodge 2006, p. 37; Smith 2010, p. 66; Sampson 2011, p. 49.
- ^ Benson 1986, p. 35; Mandela 1994, pp. 159–162; Lodge 2006, pp. 41–42; Smith 2010, pp. 70–72; Meredith 2010, pp. 76–78; Sampson 2011, pp. 51–52.
- ^ Benson 1986, pp. 36–37; Mandela 1994, pp. 162–165; Lodge 2006, p. 44; Smith 2010, pp. 72–73; Meredith 2010, pp. 78–79; Sampson 2011, pp. 53–55.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 165.
- ^ Smith 2010, pp. 68–70; Sampson 2011, p. 35.
- ^ Benson 1986, p. 26.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 168; Lodge 2006, p. 44; Sampson 2011, pp. 55–56.
- ^ Benson 1986, p. 41; Mandela 1994, p. 176; Lodge 2006, p. 47; Smith 2010, p. 78; Meredith 2010, p. 88; Sampson 2011, pp. 63–64.
- ^ Benson 1986, pp. 38–40; Meer 1988, pp. 48–49; Mandela 1994, pp. 165–167; Smith 2010, pp. 74–75; Meredith 2010, pp. 81–83; Sampson 2011, pp. 61–62.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 176; Smith 2010, p. 78; Sampson 2011, pp. 63–64.
- ^ Benson 1986, p. 42; Meer 1988, p. 55; Lodge 2006, p. 48; Meredith 2010, p. 94.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 177–172; Lodge 2006, pp. 45, 47; Smith 2010, pp. 75–76; Meredith 2010, p. 87; Sampson 2011, pp. 64–65.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 172.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 165; Lodge 2006, p. 53; Smith 2010, p. 77; Meredith 2010, p. 92.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 170; Smith 2010, p. 94; Meredith 2010, p. 103.
- ^ Benson 1986, pp. 44–46; Meer 1988, pp. 56–58; Mandela 1994, pp. 182–183; Smith 2010, pp. 77, 80; Meredith 2010, pp. 88–89; Sampson 2011, pp. 66–67.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 183–188; Lodge 2006, p. 52, 53.
- ^ Lodge 2006, p. 47.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 188–192; Sampson 2011, p. 68.
- ^ Benson 1986, p. 51; Mandela 1994, pp. 194–195; Lodge 2006, p. 54; Smith 2010, p. 85; Sampson 2011, pp. 72–73.
- ^ Benson 1986, pp. 50–51; Mandela 1994, pp. 195–198; Lodge 2006, p. 54; Smith 2010, pp. 83–84; Meredith 2010, p. 92; Sampson 2011, pp. 71–72.
- ^ Meer 1988, p. 64; Mandela 1994, pp. 199–200, 204; Smith 2010, p. 86; Sampson 2011, p. 73.
- ^ Benson 1986, pp. 58–59; Meer 1988, p. 60; Mandela 1994, pp. 205–207, 231; Lodge 2006, p. 58; Meredith 2010, pp. 107–108; Smith 2010, pp. 116–117; Sampson 2011, pp. 81–82, 84–85.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 209–210; Smith 2010, p. 87; Meredith 2010, p. 95; Sampson 2011, p. 7.
- ^ Benson 1986, pp. 54–57; Meer 1988, p. 61; Mandela 1994, pp. 210–216; Lodge 2006, p. 73; Smith 2010, pp. 87–93; Meredith 2010, pp. 95–101; Sampson 2011, pp. 77–80.
- ^ Lodge 2006, pp. 28–29, 75.
- ^ Meredith 2010, pp. 103–104; Smith 2010, pp. 95–99, 105–106.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 293–294; Meredith 2010, pp. 104–105; Smith 2010, pp. 98–99, 105–106; Sampson 2011, pp. 76–77.
- ^ Benson 1986, p. 66; Sampson 2011, p. 92.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 218–233, 234–236; Lodge 2006, pp. 59–60; Meredith 2010, pp. 114–117; Smith 2010, p. 120–123; Sampson 2011, pp. 82–84.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 226–227; Lodge 2006, p. 60; Meredith 2010, pp. 108–109; Smith 2010, p. 118; Sampson 2011, p. 84.
- ^ Benson 1986, pp. 64–67; Meer 1988, pp. 71–75; Mandela 1994, pp. 243–249; Lodge 2006, pp. 65–66; Meredith 2010, pp. 129–133; Smith 2010, pp. 118–120, 125–128; Sampson 2011, pp. 87–95.
- ^ Meredith 2010, p. 134.
- ^ Mandela 1994, pp. 253–274; Smith 2010, pp. 130–132; Sampson 2011, pp. 96–99.
- ^ Mandela 1994, p. 275; Meredith 2010, p. 147; Sampson 2011, pp. 101–102.
- ^ Meer 1988, pp. 79–80; Meredith 2010, pp. 143–144; Smith 2010, pp. 100–102; Sampson 2011, p. 110.
- ^ Meer 1988, pp. 79–80; Mandela 1994, p. 296; Smith 2010, pp. 102–104; Sampson 2011, p. 110.
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{{cite news}}
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External links
- Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory
- Nelson Mandela Children's Fund
- Nelson Mandela Foundation (archived)
- Mandela Rhodes Foundation
- The Elders
- Nelson Mandela Museum
- Nelson Mandela Day (archived)
- Nelson Mandela's family tree
- Nelson Mandela at Curlie
- Nelson Mandela at IMDb
- Appearances on C-SPAN
- Nelson Mandela on Nobelprize.org