Neo-fascism

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This article is about fascism after World War II. For Nazi movements after World War II, see Neo-Nazism.

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Neo-fascism is a post–World War II

market capitalism.[3]

Allegations that a group is neo-fascist may be hotly contested, especially when the term is used as a

post-World War II regimes have been described as neo-fascist due to their authoritarian nature, and sometimes due to their fascination with and sympathy towards fascist ideology and rituals.[4][5]

History

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According to Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, the neo-fascist ideology emerged in 1942, after Nazi Germany invaded the USSR and decided to reorient its propaganda on a Europeanist ground.[6] Europe then became both the myth and the utopia of the neo-fascists, who abandoned previous theories of racial inequalities within the white race to share a common euro-nationalist stance after World War II, embodied in Oswald Mosley's Europe a Nation policy.[7] The following chronology can therefore be delineated: an ideological gestation before 1919; the historical experience of fascism between 1919 and 1942, unfolded in several phases; and finally neo-fascism from 1942 onward.[6]

Drawing inspiration from the

Francoist Falange, Maurice Bardèche, Per Engdahl, and Oswald Mosley.[10] Other organizations like Jeune Nation called in the late 1950s for an extra-parliamentarian insurrection against the regime in what extents to a remnant of pre-war fascist strategies.[11] The main driving force of neo-fascist movements was what they saw as the defense of a Western civilization from the rise of both communism and the Third World, in some cases the loss of the colonial empire.[12]

In 1961, Bardèche redefined the nature of fascism in a book deemed influential in the European far-right at large entitled Qu'est-ce que le fascisme? (What Is Fascism?). He argued that previous fascists had essentially made two mistakes in that they focused their efforts on the methods rather than the original "idea"; and they wrongly believed that fascist society could be achieved via the nation-state as opposed to the construction of Europe. According to him, fascism could survive the 20th century in a new

metapolitical guise if its theorists succeed in building inventive methods adapted to the changes of their times; the aim being the promotion of the core politico-cultural fascist project rather than vain attempts to revive doomed regimes:[13] In addition, Bardèche wrote: "The single party, the secret police, the public displays of Caesarism, even the presence of a Führer are not necessarily attributes of fascism. ... The famous fascist methods are constantly revised and will continue to be revised. More important than the mechanism is the idea which fascism has created for itself of man and freedom. ... With another name, another face, and with nothing which betrays the projection from the past, with the form of a child we do not recognize and the head of a young Medusa, the Order of Sparta will be reborn: and paradoxically it will, without doubt, be the last bastion of Freedom and the sweetness of living."[14]

In the spirit of Bardèche's strategy of disguise through framework change, the MSI had developed a policy of inserimento (insertion,

Tambroni Cabinet in July 1960.[15]

According to

social hierarchy instead of protecting all individuals.[16]

Causes and description

A number of historians and political scientists have pointed out that the situations in a number of European countries in the 1980s and 1990s, in particular France, Germany and Italy, were in some significant ways analogous to the conditions in Europe in the period between World War I and World War II that gave rise to fascism in its many national guises. Constant economic crises including high unemployment, a resurgence of nationalism, an increase in ethnic conflicts, and the geo-political weakness of national regimes were all present, and while not an exact one-to-one correspondence, circumstances were similar enough to promote the beginning of neo-fascism as a new fascist movement. Because intense nationalism is almost always a part of neo-fascism, the parties which make up this movement are not pan-European, but are specific to each country they arise in; other than this, the neo-fascist parties and other groups have many ideological traits in common.[17]

While certainly fascistic in nature, it is claimed by some that there are differences between neo-fascism and what can be called "historical fascism", or the kind of neo-fascism which came about in the immediate aftermath of World War II. Some historians claim that contemporary neo-fascist parties are not anti-democratic because they operate within their country's political system. Whether that is a significant difference between neo-fascism and historical fascism is doubted by other scholars, who point out that Hitler worked within the existing political system of the

National Front in France are not neo-fascists in nature, but are merely "right radical parties" that will, in the course of time, moderate their positions in order to achieve electoral victory.[18]

The problem of immigrants, both legal and illegal or irregular, whether called "foreigners", "foreign workers", "economic refugees", "ethnic minorities", "asylum seekers", or "aliens", is a core neo-fascist issue, intimately tied to their nativism, ultranationalism, and xenophobia, but the specifics differ somewhat from country to country due to prevailing circumstances. In general, the anti-immigrant impetus is strong when the economy is weak or unemployment is high, and people fear that outsiders are taking their jobs. Because of this, neo-fascist parties have more electoral traction during hard economic times. Again, this mirrors the situation in the interwar years, when, for instance, Germany suffered from incredible hyperinflation and many people had their life savings swept away. In contemporary Europe, mainstream political parties see the electoral advantage the neo-fascist and far-right parties get from their strong emphasis on the supposed problem of the outsider, and are then tempted to co-opt the issue by moving somewhat to the right on the immigrant issue, hoping to slough off some voters from the hard right. In the absence in post-war Europe of a strong socialist movement, this has the tendency to move the political centre to the right overall.[19]

While both historical fascism and contemporary neo-fascism are xenophobic, nativist and anti-immigrant, neo-fascist leaders are careful not to present these views in so strong a manner as to draw obvious parallels to historical events. Both Jean-Marie Le Pen of France's National Front and Jörg Haider's Freedom Party of Austria, in the words of historian Tony Judt, "revealed [their] prejudices only indirectly". Jews would not be castigated as a group, but a person would be specifically named as a danger who just happened to be a Jew.[20] The public presentation of their leaders is one principal difference between the neo-fascists and historical fascists: their programs have been "finely honed and 'modernized'" to appeal to the electorate, a "far-right ideology with a democratic veneer". Modern neo-fascists do not appear in "jackboots and brownshirts", but in suits and ties. The choice is deliberate, as the leaders of the various groups work to differentiate themselves from the brutish leaders of historical fascism and also to hide whatever bloodlines and connections tie the current leaders to the historical fascist movements. When these become public, as they did in the case of Haider, it can lead to their decline and fall.[21][20]

International networks

In 1951, the New European Order (NEO) neo-fascist European-wide alliance was set up to promote pan-European nationalism. It was a more radical splinter group of the European Social Movement. The NEO had its origins in the 1951 Malmö conference, when a group of rebels led by René Binet and Maurice Bardèche refused to join the European Social Movement as they felt that it did not go far enough in terms of racialism and anti-communism. As a result, Binet joined with Gaston-Armand Amaudruz in a second meeting that same year in Zürich to set up a second group pledged to wage war on communists and non-white people.[22]

Francoist-Falangist and Nazi memorabilia in a shop in Toledo, Spain

Several

María Servini de Cubría, stating that Enrique Arancibia Clavel (a former Chilean secret police agent prosecuted for crimes against humanity in 2004) and US expatriate DINA agent Michael Townley were directly involved in General Carlos Prats' assassination. Michael Townley was sentenced in Italy to 15 years of prison for having served as intermediary between the DINA and the Italian neo-fascists.[26]

The regimes of

Cubana Flight 455 bombing on 6 October 1976. According to the Miami Herald, this bombing was decided on at the same meeting during which it was decided to target Chilean former minister Orlando Letelier, who was assassinated on 21 September 1976. Carriles wrote in his autobiography that "we the Cubans didn't oppose ourselves to an isolated tyranny, nor to a particular system of our fatherland, but that we had in front of us a colossal enemy, whose main head was in Moscow, with its tentacles dangerously extended on all the planet."[28]

Europe

Finland

In Finland, neo-fascism is often connected to the 1930s and 1940s fascist and pro-Nazi

Blues-and-Blacks and its predecessor Lapua Movement. Post-war fascist groups such as Patriotic People's Movement (1993), Patriotic People's Front, Patriotic National Movement, Blue-and-Black Movement and many others consciously copy the style of the movement and look up to its leaders as inspiration. A Finns Party councillor and police officer in Seinäjoki caused small scandal wearing the fascist blue-and-black uniform.[29][30]

Greece

Golden Dawn demonstration in Greece, 2012 (I will be found dead for Greece is written on the banner).

After the onset of the

Golden Dawn, widely considered a neo-Nazi party, soared in support out of obscurity and won seats in Greece's parliament, espousing a staunch hostility towards minorities, illegal immigrants and refugees. In 2013, after the murder of an anti-fascist musician by a person with links to Golden Dawn, the Greek government ordered the arrest of Golden Dawn's leader Nikolaos Michaloliakos and other Golden Dawn members on charges related to being associated with a criminal organization. In October, 2020, the court declared Golden Dawn to be a criminal organization, convicting 68 members of various crimes including murder. However, far-right politics continue to be strong in Greece, such as Ilias Kasidiaris' National Party – Greeks, an Ultranationalist party. In 2021, Greek neo-Nazi youth attacked a rival group at a school in Greece.[31]

Italy

See also: History of the Italian Republic
Giorgio Almirante, leader of the Italian Social Movement

Italy was broadly divided into two political blocs following World War II: the

Italian war criminals to Yugoslavia, which they feared would benefit the PCI. With no event such as the Nuremberg trials taking place for Italian war crimes, the collective memory of the crimes committed by Italian fascists was excluded from public media, from textbooks in Italian schools, and even from the academic discourse on the Western side of the Iron Curtain throughout the Cold War.[32][33] The PCI was expelled from power in May 1947, a month before the Paris Conference on the Marshall Plan, along with the French Communist Party
(PCF).

In 1946, a group of

Bologna railway bombing
.

In 1987, the reins of the MSI party were taken by

far right, including neo-fascists, into three clusters: the pro-Western and Atlanticist extreme right (e.g. CasaPound), nostalgic and pro-Putin neo-fascism (New Force), and an ideologically evolving collection of National Bolshevik and Eurasianist militants.[43] Recent studies have studied the geopolitical role of Italian neofascism with some groups partecipating with CIA-backing in the Strategy of Tension during the Cold War where terrorists actions were aimed to keep Italy in NATO and prevent the Communist Party from coming to power [44]

Portugal

After the fall of authoritarianism in

Fuerza Nueva
in Spain. The New Order was disbanded in 1982, however its activities continued to as late as 1985.

Romania

Main article: Neo-Legionarism

In Romania, the ultra-nationalist movement which allied itself with the

national communist tendencies from the era of Nicolae Ceaușescu (the party was founded by his "court poet" Corneliu Vadim Tudor).[47]

Russia

See also:
Rashism

In 1990,

nuclear waste should be dumped there.[49] During the First Chechen War in the mid-1990s, he advocated hitting some Chechen villages with tactical nuclear weapons.[50]

The

Russian-Ukrainian War.[52][53][54][55]

Serbia

A neo-fascist organization in Serbia was Obraz, which was banned on 12 June 2012 by the Constitutional Court of Serbia.[56][57][58]

Earlier, on 18 June 1990, Vojislav Šešelj organized the Serbian Chetnik Movement (SČP) though it was not permitted official registration due to its obvious Chetnik identification. On 23 February 1991, it merged with the National Radical Party (NRS), establishing the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) with Šešelj as president and Tomislav Nikolić as vice president.[59] It was a Chetnik party,[60] oriented towards neo-fascism with a striving for the territorial expansion of Serbia.[59][61]

Slovakia

clerical fascist war criminal and former Slovak President Jozef Tiso.[67]

In 2003, Kotleba founded the far-right political party Slovak Community (Slovak:

Slovenská Pospolitosť). In 2007, the Slovak interior ministry banned the party from running and campaigning in elections. In spite of this ban, Kotleba's party got 8.04%[68] of votes in the Slovak 2016 parliamentary elections. As of December 2022, voter support has dropped significantly to about 3.1%, under the 5% threshold required to enter parliament.[69]

Turkey

See also: Grey Wolves (organization)

Grey Wolves is a Turkish

ultranationalist[70][71][72] and neo-fascist[73][74][75][76][77][78][79] youth organization. It is the "unofficial militant arm" of the Nationalist Movement Party.[80] The Grey Wolves have been accused of terrorism.[73][75][76] According to Turkish authorities,[who?] the organization carried out 694 murders during the late-1970s political violence in Turkey, between 1974 and 1980.[81]

The nationalist political party MHP founded by Alparslan Türkeş is also sometimes described as neo-fascist.[82]

United Kingdom

The

anti-immigration.[87] In the 2009 European elections, it gained two members of the European Parliament (MEPs), including former party leader Nick Griffin.[88] Other British organisations described as fascist or neo-fascist include the National Front,[89][90] Combat 18,[91] the English Defence League,[92] and Britain First.[93][94]

Americas

Argentina

In Argentina, a notable advocate of neo-fascism was president

María Estela Martínez de Perón, who applied anti-communist policies under the fascist police organization Triple A and economic market opening policies.[95][96][97] Perón made a direct apology to fascism by performing the Roman salute in an appearance on the national radio network.[98] The National Reorganization Process is also considered a neo-fascist or fascist dictatorship.[99][100][101][102]

Bolivia

The

Hugo Banzer Suárez, who preceded Tejada, also displayed admiration for Nazism
and fascism.

Brazil

The Brazilian government of

bolsonarism there is a power bloc made up of non-fascist conservatives and far-right neo-fascists; although still without the support of the broad and fanatical mass movement which was the basis of European fascism.[111]

United States

See also: Fascism in North America, Alt-right, and Radical right (United States)

Groups which are identified as neo-fascist in the

umbrella term "neo-fascist", because alt-right individuals and organizations advocate a radical form of authoritarian ultranationalism.[118][119]

Oceania

Australia and New Zealand

the French far-right theory of the same name).[120][121]

Africa

South Africa

The Economic Freedom Fighters are a self-described pan-Africanist political party founded in 2013 by the expelled former African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) President Julius Malema, and his allies.[122] Malema and the party have frequently courted controversy for engaging in anti-White[123][124] and anti-Indian racism.[125] In November 2019, the Professor of International Relations at University of the Witwatersrand, Vishwas Satgar, defined them as a manifestation of a new phenomena, 'Black Neofascism'.[126]

Asia

India

Main articles: Hindutva and Akhand Bharat

The Hindutva ideology of organisations such as RSS have long been compared to fascism or Nazism. An editorial published on 4 February 1948, for example, in the National Herald, the mouthpiece of the Indian National Congress party, stated that "it [RSS] seems to embody Hinduism in a Nazi form" with the recommendation that it must be ended.[127] Similarly, in 1956, another Congress party leader compared Jana Sangh to the Nazis in Germany.[128][a] After the 1940s and 1950s, a number of scholars have labelled or compared Hindutva to fascism.[130][131][132] Marzia Casolari has linked the association and the borrowing of pre-World War II European nationalist ideas by early leaders of Hindutva ideology.[133] According to the Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics and International Relations, the term Hindutva has "fascist undertones".[134] Many scholars have pointed out that early Hindutva ideologues were inspired by fascist movements in early 20th-century Italy and Germany.[135][136][137][138]

The Indian Marxist economist and political commentator

race and masculinity".[139]

Due to the institutionalization of anti-Muslim racism, pervasive ethno-nationalism, and hyper-militarism in the movement, Hindutva is often compared to Revisionist Zionism[140][141][142] and Kahanism.[143][144]

Indonesia

Dutch colony. The first fascist party was the Partai Fasis Indonesia (PFI). Sukarno admired Nazi Germany under Hitler and its vision of happiness for all: "It's in the Third Reich that the Germans will see Germany at the apex above other nations in this world," he said in 1963.[145] He stated that Hitler was 'extraordinarily clever' in 'depicting his ideals': he spoke about Hitler's rhetorical skills, but denied any association with Nazism as an ideology, saying that Indonesian nationalism was not as narrow as Nazi nationalism.[146]

Japan

See also: Nippon Kaigi and Uyoku dantai

After World War II, neo-fascism and ultra-nationalism were ostracized from mainstream politics in Germany, while in Japan, they were partially related to major right-wing conservative politics.[147][148] Since 2006, all prime ministers of Japan's LDP have been members of far-right ultranationalist Nippon Kaigi.[149]

Mongolia

With Mongolia located between the larger nations Russia and China, ethnic insecurities have driven many Mongolians to neo-fascism,[150] expressing nationalism centered around Genghis Khan and Adolf Hitler. Groups advocating these ideologies include Blue Mongolia, Dayar Mongol, and Mongolian National Union.[151]

Pakistan

Pakistan's Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan is considered fascist by some analysts because of its engagement in Islamic extremism.[152][153]

Taiwan

Main article: National Socialism Association

The National Socialism Association (NSA) is a neo-fascist political organization founded in Taiwan in September 2006 by Hsu Na-chi (許娜琦), a 22-year-old female political science graduate of Soochow University. The NSA views Adolf Hitler as its leader and often uses the slogan "Long live Hitler". This has brought them condemnation from the Simon Wiesenthal Center, an international Jewish human rights centre.[154]

See also

References

Informational notes

  1. ^ The Hindutva organisations were not exclusively criticised in the 1940s by the Indian political leaders. The Muslim League was also criticised for "its creed of Islamic exclusiveness, its cult of communal hatred" and called a replica of the German Nazis.[129]

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Bibliography

  • Golsan, Richard J. ed. (1998) Fascism's Return: Scandal, Revision and Ideology since 1980. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press.
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  • ISBN 1-59420-065-3
    .

Further reading

External links
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