Neocolonialism

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Imperialism studies
Theories Dependency theory Intercommunalism Neo-Gramscianism Neocolonialism Social imperialism Super-imperialism Three Worlds Theory Ultra-imperialism World-systems theory
Concepts Ecologically unequal exchange North–South model Unequal exchange Superprofit Uneven and combined development
People Samir Amin Giovanni Arrighi Paul A. Baran Charles Bettelheim Ľuboš Blaha Nikolai Bukharin Arghiri Emmanuel John Bellamy Foster Andre Gunder Frank Michael Hardt Rudolf Hilferding J. A. Hobson Vladimir Lenin Li Minqi Rosa Luxemburg Antonio Negri Kwame Nkrumah Huey P. Newton Walter Rodney Paul Sweezy Leon Trotsky Immanuel Wallerstein
Works The Accumulation of Capital Empire How Europe Underdeveloped Africa Imperialism Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism Monopoly Capital Multitude Naked Imperialism
Related Banana republic Economic development Illicit financial flows Global North and Global South Lumpenbourgeoisie Neo-Marxism Prebisch–Singer hypothesis Primitive accumulation of capital Third worldism
Category
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Neocolonialism is the continuation or reimposition of imperialist rule by a state (usually, a former colonial power) over another nominally

Neocolonialism differs from standard globalisation and development aid in that it typically results in a relationship of dependence, subservience, or financial obligation towards the neocolonialist nation. This may result in an undue degree of political control^[4] or spiraling debt obligations,^[5] functionally imitating the relationship of traditional colonialism. Neocolonialism frequently affects all levels of society, creating neo-colonial systems that disadvantage local communities, such as neo-colonial science.

Coined by the French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre in 1956,^[6][7] it was first used by Kwame Nkrumah in the context of African countries undergoing decolonisation in the 1960s. Neocolonialism is also discussed in the works of Western thinkers such as Sartre (Colonialism and Neocolonialism, 1964)^[8] and Noam Chomsky (The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism, 1979).^[9]

Term

Origins

When first proposed, the neocolonialism was applied to European countries' continued economic and cultural relationships with their former colonies, those African countries that had been liberated in the aftermath of

Kwame Nkrumah, president of Ghana from 1960 to 1966, is credited with coining the term, which appeared in the 1963 preamble of the Organisation of African Unity Charter, and was the title of his 1965 book, Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism.^[11] In this challenging and thought-provoking book the President of Ghana exposes the workings of International monopoly capitalism in Africa. For him Neo-colonialism, insidious and complex, is even more dangerous than the old colonialism and shows how meaningless political freedom can be without economic independence. Nkrumah theoretically developed and extended to the post–World War II 20th century the socio-economic and political arguments presented by Lenin in the pamphlet Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (1917). The pamphlet frames 19th-century imperialism as the logical extension of geopolitical power, to meet the financial investment needs of the political economy of capitalism.^[12]

In Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism, Kwame Nkrumah wrote:

In place of colonialism, as the main instrument of imperialism, we have today neo-colonialism ... [which] like colonialism, is an attempt to export the social conflicts of the capitalist countries. ...

The result of neo-colonialism is that foreign capital is used for the exploitation rather than for the development of the less developed parts of the world. Investment, under neo-colonialism, increases, rather than decreases, the gap between the rich and the poor countries of the world. The struggle against neo-colonialism is not aimed at excluding the capital of the developed world from operating in less developed countries. It is also dubious in consideration of the name given being strongly related to the concept of colonialism itself. It is aimed at preventing the financial power of the developed countries being used in such a way as to impoverish the less developed.^[13]

The essence of neo-colonialism is that the State which is subject to it is, in theory, independent and has all the outward trappings of international sovereignty. In reality its economic system and thus its political policy is directed from outside.

Françafrique

The representative example of European neocolonialism is Françafrique, the "French Africa" constituted by the continued close relationships between France and its former African colonies.^{[citation needed]}

In 1955, the initial usage of the term "French Africa", by President Félix Houphouët-Boigny of Ivory Coast, denoted positive social, cultural and economic Franco–African relations. It was later applied by neocolonialism critics to describe an imbalanced international relation.^{[citation needed]}

Neocolonialism was used to describe a type of foreign intervention in countries belonging to the Pan-Africanist movement, as well as the Asian–African Conference of Bandung (1955), which led to the Non-Aligned Movement (1961). Neocolonialism was formally defined by the All-African Peoples' Conference (AAPC) and published in the Resolution on Neo-colonialism. At both the Tunis conference (1960) and the Cairo conference (1961), AAPC described the actions of the French Community of independent states, organised by France, as neocolonial.^[15][16]

The politician Jacques Foccart, the principal adviser for African matters to French presidents Charles de Gaulle (1958–1969) and Georges Pompidou (1969–1974), was the principal proponent of Françafrique.^[17]

The works of

Belgium's approach to Belgian Congo has been characterized as a quintessential example of neocolonialism, as the Belgians embraced rapid decolonization of the Congo with the expectation that the newly independent state would become dependent on Belgium. This dependence would allow the Belgians to exert control over Congo, even though Congo was formally independent.[1]

After the decolonisation of

In 1961, regarding the economic mechanism of neocolonial control, in the speech Cuba: Historical Exception or Vanguard in the Anti-colonial Struggle?, Argentine revolutionary Che Guevara said:

We, politely referred to as "underdeveloped", in truth, are

colonial, semi-colonial or dependent countries. We are countries whose economies have been distorted by imperialism, which has abnormally developed those branches of industry or agriculture needed to complement its complex economy. "Underdevelopment", or distorted development, brings a dangerous specialisation in raw materials, inherent in which is the threat of hunger for all our peoples. We, the "underdeveloped", are also those with the single crop, the single product, the single market. A single product whose uncertain sale depends on a single market imposing and fixing conditions. That is the great formula for imperialist economic domination.^[18]

Dependency theory is the theoretical description of economic neocolonialism. It proposes that the global economic system comprises wealthy countries at the centre, and poor countries at the periphery. Economic neocolonialism extracts the human and natural resources of a poor country to flow to the economies of the wealthy countries. It claims that the poverty of the peripheral countries is the result of how they are integrated in the global economic system. Dependency theory derives from the Marxist analysis of economic inequalities within the world's system of economies, thus, under-development of the periphery is a direct result of development in the centre. It includes the concept of the late 19th century semi-colony.^[19] It contrasts the Marxist perspective of the theory of colonial dependency with capitalist economics. The latter proposes that poverty is a development stage in the poor country's progress towards full integration in the global economic system. Proponents of dependency theory, such as Venezuelan historian Federico Brito Figueroa, who investigated the socioeconomic bases of neocolonial dependency, influenced the thinking of the former President of Venezuela, Hugo Chávez.^{[citation needed]}

Cold War

During the mid-to-late 20th century, in the course of the ideological conflict between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., each country and its satellite states accused each other of practising neocolonialism in their imperial and hegemonic pursuits.^{[20][21][22][23][24][25][26]} The struggle included proxy wars, fought by client states in the decolonised countries. Cuba, the Warsaw Pact bloc, Egypt under Gamal Abdel Nasser (1956–1970) et al. accused the U.S. of sponsoring anti-democratic governments whose regimes did not represent the interests of their people and of overthrowing elected governments (African, Asian, Latin American) that did not support U.S. geopolitical interests.^{[citation needed]}

In the 1960s, under the leadership of Chairman

Critics of neocolonialism also argue that investment by

In the West African nations of Guinea-Bissau, Senegal and Mauritania, fishing was historically central to the economy. Beginning in 1979, the European Union began negotiating contracts with governments for fishing off the coast of West Africa. Unsustainable commercial over-fishing by foreign fleets played a significant role in large-scale unemployment and migration of people across the region.[28] This violates the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, which recognises the importance of fishing to local communities and insists that government fishing agreements with foreign companies should target only surplus stocks.^[29]

American economist Jeffrey Sachs recommended that the entire African debt (c. US$200 billion) be dismissed, and recommended that African nations not repay either the World Bank or the International Monetary Fund (IMF):^[31]

The time has come to end this charade. The debts are unaffordable. If they won't cancel the debts, I would suggest obstruction; you do it, yourselves. Africa should say: "Thank you very much, but we need this money to meet the needs of children who are dying, right now, so, we will put the debt-servicing payments into urgent social investment in health, education, drinking water, the control of AIDS, and other needs".

Conservation and neocolonialism

Wallerstein, and separately Frank, claim that the modern conservation movement, as practiced by international organisations such as the World Wide Fund for Nature, inadvertently developed a neocolonial relationship with underdeveloped nations.^[32]

Science

There is an ongoing debate about whether certain actions by the United States should be considered neocolonialism.^[44] Nayna J. Jhaveri, writing in Antipode, views the 2003 invasion of Iraq as a form of "petroimperialism", believing that the U.S. was motivated to go to war to attain vital oil reserves, rather than to pursue the U.S. government's official rationale for the Iraq War ("a preemptive strike to disarm Saddam Hussein of his weapons of mass destruction").^[45]

Noam Chomsky has been a prominent critic of "American imperialism";^[46] he believes that the basic principle of the foreign policy of the United States is the establishment of "open societies" that are economically and politically controlled by the United States and where U.S.-based businesses can prosper.^[47] He argues that the U.S. seeks to suppress any movements within these countries that are not compliant with U.S. interests and to ensure that U.S.-friendly governments are placed in power.^[48] When discussing current events, he emphasizes their place within a wider historical perspective.^[49] He believes that official, sanctioned historical accounts of U.S. and British extraterritorial operations have consistently whitewashed these nations' actions in order to present them as having benevolent motives in either spreading democracy or, in older instances, spreading Christianity; criticizing these accounts, he seeks to correct them.^[50] Prominent examples he regularly cites are the actions of the British Empire in India and Africa and the actions of the U.S. in Vietnam, the Philippines, Latin America, and the Middle East.^[50]

Chomsky's political work has centered heavily on criticizing the actions of the United States.

Chalmers Johnson argued in 2004 that America's version of the colony is the military base.^[54] Johnson wrote numerous books, including three examinations of the consequences of what he called the "American Empire": Blowback, The Sorrows of Empire, and Nemesis; The Last Days of the American Republic.^[55]

US "benevolent" imperialism

International relations scholar Joseph Nye argues that U.S. power is more and more based on "soft power", from cultural hegemony rather than raw military or economic force. This includes such factors as a widespread desire to emigrate to the United States, the prestige and corresponding high proportion of foreign students at U.S. universities, and the spread of U.S. styles of popular music and cinema. Mass immigration into America may justify this hypothesis, but it is hard to know whether the United States would still maintain its prestige without its military and economic superiority.^[56]

US foreign policy and the CIA

The CIA has been involved in the training and support of death squads that suppressed dissent against US-backed right-wing dictatorships in Latin America. Florencio Caballero, a former Honduran Army interrogator, said that he had been trained by the Central Intelligence Agency, which the

black sites^[63][64][65] and sent detainees to be tortured by friendly governments in a manner contravening both US and international law.^{[66][67][68][69]}

Regime change

See also: United States involvement in regime change

United States involvement in regime change has entailed both overt and covert actions aimed at altering, replacing, or preserving foreign governments. In the latter half of the 19th century, the

Dominican Republic

.

During

UN Charter, the preeminent international law document,^[71] which legally bound the U.S. government to the Charter's provisions, including Article 2(4), which prohibits the threat or use of force in international relations, except in very limited circumstances.^[72] Therefore, any legal claim advanced to justify regime change by a foreign power carries a particularly heavy burden.^[73]

In the aftermath of World War II, the U.S. government struggled with the

U.S. engaged in 64 covert and six overt attempts at regime change during the Cold War.^[74]

Following the

Afghan war, or removing dictatorial and hostile regimes, as in the Iraq War

.

Support of dictatorships and state terrorism

See also: United States and state terrorism

The U.S. has been criticized for supporting dictatorships with economic assistance and military hardware. Particular dictatorships have included Zia and Musharraf of Pakistan,^[77] the Shah of Iran,^[77] Museveni of Uganda,^[78] warlords in Somalia,^[78] Fulgencio Batista of Cuba, the House of Saud of Saudi Arabia, Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines, Hassanal Bolkiah of Brunei,^[79] Ngo Dinh Diem of South Vietnam, Emomali Rahmon of Tajikistan,^[80] Park Chung Hee of South Korea, Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan^[81]Generalissimo Franco of Spain, António de Oliveira Salazar and Marcelo Caetano of Portugal, Islam Karimov and Shavkat Mirziyoyev of Uzbekistan,^[82][83] Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia, Augusto Pinochet in Chile,^[84] Alfredo Stroessner of Paraguay,^[85] Efraín Ríos Montt of Guatemala,^[86] Jorge Rafael Videla of Argentina,^[87] Nursultan Nazarbayev and Kassym-Jomart Tokayev of Kazakhstan^[88][89][90] Plaek Phibunsongkhram and Prayut Chan-o-cha of Thailand^[91][92] Suharto of Indonesia,^[93][94] Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedow and Serdar Berdimuhamedow of Turkmenistan,^[80] Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire, Georgios Papadopoulos of Greece, and Hissène Habré, Idriss Déby and Mahamat Déby of Chad.^[95][96]

Ruth J Blakeley, Professor of Politics and International Relations at the

Global South.^[97]

J. Patrice McSherry, a professor of political science at Long Island University, states that "hundreds of thousands of Latin Americans were tortured, abducted or killed by right-wing military regimes as part of the US-led anti-communist crusade," which included US support for Operation Condor and the Guatemalan military during the Guatemalan Civil War.^[98] According to Latin Americanist John Henry Coatsworth, the number of repression victims in Latin America alone far surpassed that of the Soviet Union and its East European satellites during the period 1960 to 1990.^[99] Mark Aarons asserts that the atrocities carried out by Western-backed dictatorships rival those of the communist world.^[100]

Some experts assert that the US directly facilitated and encouraged the mass murder of hundreds of thousands of suspected Communists in Indonesia during the mid-1960s.^[101][102] Bradley Simpson, Director of the Indonesia/East Timor Documentation Project at the National Security Archive, says "Washington did everything in its power to encourage and facilitate the army-led massacre of alleged PKI members, and U.S. officials worried only that the killing of the party's unarmed supporters might not go far enough, permitting Sukarno to return to power and frustrate the [Johnson] Administration's emerging plans for a post-Sukarno Indonesia."^[103] According to Simpson, the terror in Indonesia was an "essential building block of the quasi neo-liberal policies the West would attempt to impose on Indonesia in the years to come".^[104] Historian John Roosa, commenting on documents released from the US embassy in Jakarta in 2017, says they confirm that "the U.S. was part and parcel of the operation, strategizing with the Indonesian army and encouraging them to go after the PKI."^[105] Geoffrey B. Robinson, historian at UCLA, argues that without the support of the U.S. and other powerful Western states, the Indonesian Army's program of mass killings would not have occurred.^[106]

The U.S. has been accused of complicity in war crimes for backing the

cholera outbreak and millions facing starvation.^{[107][108][109]}

U.S. military bases

bases and troops stationed globally.^[110] Their presence has generated controversy and opposition.^[111][112]

  More than 1,000 U.S. troops

  100–1,000 U.S. troops

  Use of military facilities

Further information:

List of United States military bases

Air and Space Operations Center (CAOC) at Al Udeid Air Base

in Qatar, 2015

Chalmers Johnson argued in 2004 that America's version of the colony is the military base.^[54] Chip Pitts argued similarly in 2006 that enduring U.S. bases in Iraq suggested a vision of "Iraq as a colony".^[113]

While territories such as

Okinawa, which came under U.S. administration after the Battle of Okinawa during the Second World War, this happened despite local popular opinion on the island.^[114] In 2003, a Department of Defense distribution found the United States had bases in over 36 countries worldwide,^[115] including the Camp Bondsteel base in the disputed territory of Kosovo.^[116] Since 1959, Cuba has regarded the U.S. presence in Guantánamo Bay as illegal.^[117]

In 2015, David Vine's book, Base Nation, found 800 U.S. military bases located outside of the U.S., including 174 bases in Germany, 113 in Japan, and 83 in South Korea. The total cost: an estimated $100 billion a year.^[118]

According to

The Huffington Post, "The 45 nations and territories with little or no democratic rule represent more than half of the roughly 80 countries now hosting U.S. bases. ... Research by political scientist Kent Calder confirms what's come to be known as the "dictatorship hypothesis": The United States tends to support dictators [and other undemocratic regimes] in nations where it enjoys basing facilities."^[119]

China

See also: Sino-African relations, Belt and Road Initiative, and Sinicization

The

People's Republic of China has built increasingly strong ties with some African, Asian, European and Latin American nations which has led to accusations of colonialism,^[120][121] As of August 2007, an estimated 750,000 Chinese nationals were working or living for extended periods in Africa.^[122][123] In the 1980s and 90s, China continued to purchase natural resources—petroleum and minerals—from Africa to fuel the Chinese economy and to finance international business enterprises.^[124][125] In 2006, trade had increased to $50 billion expanding to $500 billion by 2016.^[126]

In Africa, China has loaned $95.5 billion to various countries between 2000 and 2015, the majority being spent on power generation and infrastructure.[127] Cases in which this has ended with China acquiring foreign land have led to accusations of "debt-trap diplomacy".^{[128][129][130]} Other analysts say that China's activities "are goodwill for later investment opportunities or an effort to stockpile international support for contentious political issues".^[131]

Commentators have stated that Western perceptions of China's motives are misconstrued due to Western conceptions of development as seen through their own lens of exploitation of others for resources—as exemplified by European colonialism—instead of through Chinese conceptions of development.^[132]

In 2018, Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad cancelled two China-funded projects. He also talked about fears of Malaysia becoming "indebted" and of a "new version of colonialism".^[133][134] He later clarified that he did not refer to the Belt and Road Initiative or China with this.^[135][136]

Langan (2017) stated that Western commentators tend to paint China as a threat in Africa, othering it from themselves, but they neglect the fact that Europe, the United States, China, and other emerging powers all facilitate economic and political interests through aid and trade in a manner that conflicts with African sovereignty.^[137]

Other countries and entities

Islamic Republic of Iran

The Iranian government has been called an example of Neo-colonialism.^[138] The motivation for Iran is not economic, but religious.^[139] After its establishment in 1979, Iran sought to export Shia Islam globally and position itself as a force in world political structures.^[139] Africa's Muslims present a unique opportunity in Iran's dominance in the Muslim world.^[139] Iran is able to use these African communities to circumvent economic sanctions and move arms, man power, and nuclear technology.^[139]

Iran exerts its influence through humanitarian initiatives, such as those seen in Ghana.^[140] Through the building of hospitals, schools, and agricultural projects Iran uses "soft power" to assert its influence in Western Africa.^[140]

Niue

The

Swedish organisation. The Niue government is currently fighting on two fronts to get back control on its domain name, including with the ICANN.^[142] Toke Talagi, the long-serving Premier of Niue who died in 2020, called it a form of neocolonialism.^[143]

South Korean land acquisitions

To ensure a reliable, long-term supply of food, the

South Korean government and powerful Korean multinationals bought farming rights to millions of hectares of agricultural land in under-developed countries.^[144]

South Korea's RG Energy Resources Asset Management CEO Park Yong-soo stressed that "the nation does not produce a single drop of

crude oil and other key industrial minerals. To power economic growth and support people's livelihoods, we cannot emphasise too much that securing natural resources in foreign countries is a must for our future survival."^[145] The head of the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), Jacques Diouf, stated that the rise in land deals could create a form of "neocolonialism", with poor states producing food for the rich at the expense of their own hungry people.^[146]

In 2008, South Korean multinational

malnourished, using South African workers instead of locals. Local residents were not consulted or informed, despite being dependent on the land for food and income. The controversial deal played a major part in prolonged anti-government protests that resulted in over a hundred deaths.^[144] This was a source of popular resentment that contributed to the fall of then-President Marc Ravalomanana. The new president, Andry Rajoelina, cancelled the deal.^[147] Tanzania later announced that South Korea was in talks to develop 100,000 hectares for food production and processing for 700 to 800 billion won. Scheduled to be completed in 2010, it was to be the largest single piece of overseas South Korean agricultural infrastructure ever built.^[144]

In 2009,

South Korean government announced its intention to invest 30 billion won in land in Paraguay and Uruguay. As of 2009 discussions with Laos, Myanmar and Senegal were underway.^[144]

Cultural approaches

Although the concept of neocolonialism was originally developed within a

Marxist theoretical framework and is generally employed by the political left

, the term "neocolonialism" is found in other theoretical frameworks.

Coloniality

"Coloniality" claims that knowledge production is strongly influenced by the context of the person producing the knowledge and that this has further disadvantaged developing countries with limited knowledge production infrastructure. It originated among critics of subaltern theories, which, although strongly de-colonial, are less concerned with the source of knowledge.^[149]

Cultural theory

Outermost Regions

(OMR) in blue

One variant of neocolonialism theory critiques

Negritude movement, have been employed to overcome these associations. Post-colonial importation or continuation of cultural mores or elements may be regarded as a form of neocolonialism.^{[citation needed}

]

Postcolonialism

Main article: Postcolonialism

Post-colonialism theories in philosophy, political science,

literature and film deal with the cultural legacy of colonial rule. Post-colonialism studies examine how once-colonised writers articulate their national identity; how knowledge about the colonised was generated and applied in service to the interests of the coloniser; and how colonialist literature justified colonialism by presenting the colonised people as inferior whose society, culture and economy must be managed for them. Post-colonial studies incorporate subaltern studies of "history from below"; post-colonial cultural evolution; the psychopathology of colonisation (by Frantz Fanon); and the cinema of film makers such as the Cuban Third Cinema, e.g. Tomás Gutiérrez Alea, and Kidlat Tahimik.^{[citation needed}

]

Critical theory

Critiques of postcolonialism/neocolonialism are evident in

postpositivist positions, including postmodernist, postcolonial and feminist approaches. These differ from both realism and liberalism in their epistemological and ontological premises. The neoliberalist approach tends to depict modern forms of colonialism as a benevolent imperialism.^{[citation needed}

]

Neocolonialism and gender construction

Concepts of neocolonialism can be found in theoretical works investigating gender outside the global north. Often these conceptions can be seen as erasing gender diversity within communities in the global south[151] to create conceptions of gender that align with the global north. Gerise Herndon argues that applying feminism or other theoretical frameworks around gender must look at the relationship between the individual subject, their home country or culture, and the country and culture that exerts neocolonial control over the country. In her piece "Gender Construction and Neocolonialism", Herndon presents the writings of Maryse Condé as an example of grappling with what it means to have your identity constructed by neocolonial powers. Her work explores how women in burgeoning nations rebuilt their identities in the postcolonial period. The task of creating new identities was met with challenges from not only an internal view of what the culture was in these places but also from the external expectations of ex-colonial powers.^[152]

An example of the construction of gender norms and conceptions by neocolonial interests is made clear in the

Ugandan Anti-Homosexuality Act introduced in 2009 and passed in 2014. The act expanded upon previously existing laws against sodomy to make gay relationships punishable by life imprisonment. The call for this bill came from Ugandans who claimed traditional African values that did not include homosexuality. This act faced backlash from western countries, citing human rights violations. The United States imposed economic sanctions against Uganda in June 2014 in response to the law, the World Bank indefinitely postponed a $90 million aid loan to Uganda and the governments of Denmark, the Netherlands, Sweden and Norway halted aid to Uganda in opposition to the law; the Ugandan government defended the bill and rejected condemnation of it, with the country's authorities stating President Museveni wanted "to demonstrate Uganda's independence in the face of Western pressure and provocation".^[153] The Ugandan response was to claim that this was a neocolonialist attack on their culture. Kristen Cheney argued that this is a misrepresentation of neocolonialism at work and that this conception of gender and anti-homosexuality erased historically diverse gender identities in Africa. To Cheney, neocolonialism was found in accepting conservative gender identity politics, specifically those of U.S.-based Evangelical Christians. Before the introduction of this act, conservative Christian groups in the United States had put African religious leaders and politicians on their payroll, reflecting the talking points of U.S.-based Christian evangelism. Cheney argues that this adoption and bankrolling of U.S. conservative Christian evangelist thought in Uganda is the real neocolonialism and effectively erodes any historical gender diversity in Africa.^[151]

See also

• Academic imperialism
• Americanization
• Colonialism
• Cultural hegemony
• Cultural imperialism
• Dependency theory
• Ecological imperialism
• François-Xavier Verschave's book on Françafrique
• Gatekeeper state: the concept of neocolonial "successor states", introduced by the African historian Frederick Cooper in Africa Since 1940: The Past of the Present.
• Global apartheid
• Hegemony
• Impact of Western European colonialism and colonisation
• Imperialism
• List of coups d'état and coup attempts
• Modernization theory
• Neocolonial racism
• Neoliberalism
• New imperialism
• Oil imperialism
• Postcolonialism
• Sino-African relations
• Trans-Pacific Partnership
• Washington Consensus

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Bibliography

• McGilvray, James (2014). Chomsky: Language, Mind, Politics (Second ed.). Cambridge: Polity.
  ISBN 978-0-7456-4989-4
  .

Further reading

• Agyeman, Opoku (1992). Nkrumah's Ghana and East Africa: Pan-Africanism and African interstate relations. Fairleigh Dickinson University Press.
• Ankerl, Guy (2000). Global communication without universal civilisation. INU societal research. Vol. 1: Coexisting contemporary civilisations : Arabo-Muslim, Bharati, Chinese, and Western. Geneva: INU Press.
  ISBN 2-88155-004-5
  .
• Ashcroft, Bill, ed. (1995). The post-colonial studies reader. et al. London: Routledge.
• Barongo, Yolamu R. (1980). Neo-colonialism and African politics: A survey of the impact of neo-colonialism on African political behavior. New York: Vantage Press.
• Mongo Beti, Main basse sur le Cameroun. Autopsie d'une décolonisation (1972), new edition La Découverte, Paris 2003 [A classical critique of neo-colonialism. Raymond Marcellin, the French Minister of the Interior at the time, tried to prohibit the book. It could only be published after fierce legal battles.]
• Frédéric Turpin. De Gaulle, Pompidou et l'Afrique (1958–1974): décoloniser et coopérer (Les Indes savantes, Paris, 2010. [Grounded on Foccart's previously inaccessibles archives]
• Kum-Kum Bhavnani. (ed., et al.) Feminist futures: Re-imagining women, culture and development (Zed Books, NY, 2003). See: Ming-yan Lai's "Of Rural Mothers, Urban Whores and Working Daughters: Women and the Critique of Neocolonial Development in Taiwan's Nativist Literature", pp. 209–225.
• David Birmingham. The decolonisation of Africa (Ohio University Press, 1995).
• Charles Cantalupo(ed.). The world of Ngugi wa Thiong'o (Africa World Press, 1995).
• Laura Chrisman and Benita Parry (ed.) Postcolonial theory and criticism (English Association, Cambridge, 2000).
• Renato Constantino. Neocolonial identity and counter-consciousness: Essays on cultural decolonisation (Merlin Press, London, 1978).
• George A. W. Conway. A responsible complicity: Neo/colonial power-knowledge and the work of Foucault, Said, Spivak (University of Western Ontario Press, 1996).
• Julia V. Emberley. Thresholds of difference: feminist critique, native women's writings, postcolonial theory (University of Toronto Press, 1993).
• Nikolai Aleksandrovich Ermolov. Trojan horse of neo-colonialism: U.S. policy of training specialists for developing countries (Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1966).
• Thomas Gladwin. Slaves of the white myth: The psychology of neo-colonialism (
  Humanities Press
  , Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1980).
• Lewis Gordon. Her Majesty's Other Children: Sketches of Racism from a Neocolonial Age (Rowman & Littlefield, 1997).
• Ankie M. M. Hoogvelt. Globalisation and the postcolonial world: The new political economy of development (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001).
• J. M. Hobson, The Eastern Origins of Western Civilisation (Cambridge University Press, 2004).
• M. B. Hooker. Legal pluralism; an introduction to colonial and neo-colonial laws (
  Clarendon Press
  , Oxford, 1975).
• E.M. Kramer (ed.) The emerging monoculture: assimilation and the "model minority" (Praeger, Westport, Conn., 2003). See: Archana J. Bhatt's "Asian Indians and the Model Minority Narrative: A Neocolonial System", pp. 203–221.
• Scandinavian University Press
  , Oslo, 1994).
• ISBN 0-415-19145-9
  .
• Peccia, T., 2014, "The Theory of the Globe Scrambled by Social Networks: A New Sphere of Influence 2.0", Jura Gentium – Rivista di Filosofia del Diritto Internazionale e della Politica Globale, Sezione "L'Afghanistan Contemporaneo", The Theory of the Globe Scrambled by Social Networks
• Stuart J. Seborer. U.S. neo-colonialism in Africa (International Publishers, NY, 1974).
• D. Simon. Cities, capital and development: African cities in the world economy (Halstead, NY, 1992).
• Phillip Singer(ed.) Traditional healing, new science or new colonialism": (essays in critique of medical anthropology) (Conch Magazine, Owerri, 1977).
• Jean Suret-Canale. Essays on African history: From the slave trade to neo-colonialism (Hurst, London 1988).
• Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o. Barrel of a pen: Resistance to repression in neo-colonial Kenya (Africa Research & Publications Project, 1983).
• Carlos Alzugaray Treto. El ocaso de un régimen neocolonial: Estados Unidos y la dictadura de Batista durante 1958,(The twilight of a neocolonial regime: The United States and Batista during 1958), in Temas: Cultura, Ideología y Sociedad, No.16-17, October 1998/March 1999, pp. 29–41 (La Habana: Ministry of Culture).
• Uzoigw, Godfrey N. "Neocolonialism Is Dead: Long Live Neocolonialism." Journal of Global South Studies 36.1 (2019): 59–87.
• Reports of International Arbitral Awards. Vol. XXVII.
  ISBN 978-92-1-033098-5
  .
• Richard Werbner (ed.) Postcolonial identities in Africa (Zed Books, NJ, 1996).

External links

Wikiquote has quotations related to Neocolonialism.

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Neocolonialism.

Library resources about
Neocolonialism

---

• Resources in your library
• Resources in other libraries

• Mbeki warns on China-Africa ties
• "neocolonialism" in Encyclopedia of Marxism.
• "Neocolonialism". Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
• Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism, by Kwame Nkrumah, originally published 1965, at Marxists Internet Archive.
• "Africa 'should not pay its debts'" – BBC, July 6, 2004.
• Harvard economist Jeffrey Sachs video (ram) – hosted by Columbia Univ. Archived 2010-06-23 at the Wayback Machine
• "IMF: Market Reform and Corporate Globalization", by Gloria Emeagwali.

Academic course materials

• Sovereignty in the Postcolonial African State, Syllabus^{[permanent dead link]} : Joseph Hill, University of Rochester, 2008.
• Studying African development history: Study guides, Lauri Siitonen, Päivi Hasu, Wolfgang Zeller.
  Helsinki University
  , 2007.