New Left
The New Left was a broad political movement that emerged from the counterculture of the 1960s and continued through the 1970s. It consisted of activists in the Western world who campaigned for a broad range of social issues such as feminism, gay rights, drug policy reforms, Statism, Neo-Marxism and the rejection of traditional family values, social order, and gender roles.[1] The New Left differs from the traditional left in that it tended to acknowledge the struggle for various forms of social justice, whereas previous movements prioritized explicitly economic goals. However, many have used the term "New Left" to describe an evolution, continuation, and revitalization of traditional leftist goals.[2][3][4]
Some who self-identified as "New Left"[5] rejected involvement with the labor movement and Marxism's historical theory of class struggle,[6] although others gravitated to their own takes on established forms of Marxism, such as the New Communist movement (which drew from Maoism) in the United States or the K-Gruppen[a] in the German-speaking world. In the United States, the movement was associated with the anti-war college-campus protest movements, including the Free Speech Movement.
Origins
The origins of the New Left have been traced to several factors. Prominently, the confused response of the
The German critical theorist
The writings of sociologist C. Wright Mills, who popularized the term 'New Left' in a 1960 open letter,[14] would also give great inspiration to the movement. Mills' biographer, Daniel Geary, writes that his writings had a "particularly significant impact on New Left social movements of the 1960s".[15]
Latin America
The New Left in
Influential Latin American thinkers such as Francisco de Oliveira argued that the United States used Latin American countries as "peripheral economies" at the expense of Latin American society and economic development, which many saw as an extension of neo-colonialism and neo-imperialism.[17]
The New Left in Latin America sought to go beyond existing
United Kingdom
As a result of
The Marxist historians E. P. Thompson and John Saville of the Communist Party Historians Group published a dissenting journal within the CPGB called Reasoner. Refusing to discontinue the publication at the behest of the CPGB, the two were suspended from party membership and relaunched the journal as The New Reasoner in the summer of 1957.
Thompson was especially important in bringing the concept of a "New Left" to the United Kingdom in the summer of 1959 with a New Reasoner lead essay, in which he described
a generation which never looked upon the
Byzantine Birthday and of Khrushchev's Secret Speech; as the vast military and industrial power which repressed the Hungarian rising and threw the first sputniksinto space. ...A generation nourished on 1984 and Animal Farm, which enters politics at the extreme point of disillusion where the middle-aged begin to get out. The young people ... are enthusiastic enough. But their enthusiasm is not for the Party, or the Movement, or the established Political Leaders. They do not mean to give their enthusiasm cheaply away to any routine machine. They expect the politicians to do their best to trick or betray them. ... They prefer the amateur organisation and amateurish platforms of the Nuclear Disarmament Campaign to the method and manner of the left wing professional. ... They judge with the critical eyes of the first generation of the Nuclear Age.[19]
Later that year, Saville published a piece in the same journal which identified the emergence of the British New Left as a response to the increasing political irrelevance of socialists inside and outside the Labour Party during the 1950s, which he saw as being the result of a failure by the established left to come to grips with the political changes that had come to pass internationally after World War II and with the post–World War II economic expansion and the socio-economic legacy of the Attlee ministry:
The most important single reason for the miserable performance of the Left in this past decade is the simple fact of its intellectual collapse in the face of full employment and the welfare state at home, and of a new world situation abroad. The Left in domestic matters has produced nothing of substance to offset the most important book of the decade – Crosland's "The Future of Socialism" – a brilliant restatement of
Fabian ideas in contemporary terms. We have made no sustained critique of the economics of capitalism in the 1950s, and our vision of a socialist society has changed hardly at all since the days of Keir Hardie. Certainly a minority has begun to recognise our deficiencies in the most recent years, and there is no doubt that the seeds which have already been sown will bring an increasing harvest as we move along the sixties. But we still have a long way to go, and there are far too many timeless militants for whom the mixture is the same as before.[20]
In 1960, The New Reasoner merged with the
In this early period, many on the New Left were involved in the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND), formed in 1957. According to Robin Blackburn, "The decline of CND by late 1961, however, deprived the New Left of much of its momentum as a movement, and uncertainties and divisions within the Board of the journal led to the transfer of the Review to a younger and less experienced group in 1962."[21]
Under the long-standing editorial leadership of Perry Anderson, the New Left Review popularised the Frankfurt School, Antonio Gramsci, Louis Althusser, and other forms of Marxism.[21] Other periodicals like Socialist Register, started in 1964, and Radical Philosophy, started in 1972, have also been associated with the New Left, and published a range of important writings in this field.
As the campus orientation of the American New Left became clear in the mid to late 1960s, the student sections of the British New Left began taking action. The
Another significant figure in the British New Left was Stuart Hall, a black cultural theorist in Britain. He was the founding editor of the New Left Review in 1960.
The New Left Review, in an obituary following Hall's death in February 2014, wrote: "His exemplary investigations came close to inventing a new field of study, 'cultural studies'; in his vision, the new discipline was profoundly political in inspiration and radically interdisciplinary in character."[25]
Numerous Black British scholars attributed their interest in cultural studies to Hall, including Paul Gilroy, Angela McRobbie, Isaac Julien, and John Akomfrah. In the words of Indian literary theorist Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, "Academics worldwide could not think 'Black Britain' before Stuart Hall. And in Britain the impact of Cultural Studies went beyond the confines of the academy."[26]
United States
In the United States, the "New Left" was the name loosely associated with liberal, radical, Marxist political movements that took place during the 1960s, primarily among college students. At the core of this was the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS).[27] Noting the perversion of "the older Left" by "Stalinism", in their 1962 Port Huron Statement the SDS eschewed "formulas" and "closed theories". Instead they called for a "new left ... committed to deliberativeness, honesty [and] reflection".[28] The New Left that developed in the years that followed was "a loosely organized, mostly white student movement that advocated for democracy, civil rights, and various types of university reforms, and protested against the Vietnam war".[29]
The term "New Left" was popularised in the United States in an open letter written in 1960 by
A
The New Left opposed what it saw as the prevailing authority structures in society, which it termed "
The New Left in the United States also included anarchist,
Many New Left thinkers in the United States were influenced by the
Isserman (2001) reports that the New Left "came to use the word 'liberal' as a political epithet".[44] Historian Richard Ellis (1998) says that the SDS's search for their own identity "increasingly meant rejecting, even demonizing, liberalism".[45] As Wolfe (2010) notes, "no one hated liberals more than leftists".[46]
Other elements of the U.S. New Left were anarchist and looked to
The U.S. New Left drew inspiration first from the
The
The New Left also accommodated the rebirth of feminism.[50] With sexism being rampant in various fractions of the New Left,[51][52] women reacted to the lack of progressive gender politics with their own social intellectual movement.[53] The New Left was also marked by the invention of the modern environmentalist movement, which clashed with the Old Left's disregard for the environment in favor of preserving the jobs of union workers. Environmentalism also gave rise to various other social justice movements such as the environmental justice movement, which aims to prevent the toxification of the environment of minority and disadvantaged communities.[2]
By 1968, however, the New Left coalition began to split. The anti-war Democratic
Hippies and Yippies
The hippie
The
Students for a Democratic Society
The organization that really came to symbolize the core of the New Left in the United States was the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). By 1962, the SDS had emerged as the most important of the new campus radical groups; soon it would be regarded as virtually synonymous with the "New Left".[57] In 1962, Tom Hayden wrote its founding document, the Port Huron Statement,[58] which issued a call for "participatory democracy" based on non-violent civil disobedience. This was the idea that individual citizens could help make "those social decisions determining the quality and direction" of their lives.[48] The SDS marshaled antiwar, pro-civil rights and free speech concerns on campuses, and brought together liberals and more revolutionary leftists.
The SDS became the leading organization of the anti-war movement on college campuses during the
In 1968 and 1969, as its radicalism reached a fever pitch, the SDS began to split under the strain of internal dissension and increasing turn towards
The SDS suffered the difficulty of wanting to change the world while "freeing life in the here and now". This caused confusion between short-term and long-term goals. The sudden growth due to the successful rallies against the Vietnam War meant there were more people wanting action to end the Vietnam War, whereas the original New Left had wanted to focus on critical reflection.[61] In the end, it was the anti-war sentiment that dominated the SDS.[59]: 183
The New Storefront Left
Stung by the criticism that they were "high on analysis, low on action", and in "the year of the 'discovery of poverty'" (in 1963 Michael Harrington's book The Other America[62] "was the rage"), the SDS launched the Economic Research and Action Project (ERAP).[63] Conceived by Tom Hayden as forestalling "white backlash", community-organizing initiatives would unite Black, Brown, and White workers around a common program for economic change. The leadership commitment was sustained barely two years. With no early sign in the neighborhoods of an interracial movement that would "collectivize economic decision making and democratize and decentralize every economic, political, and social institution in America", many SDS organizers were readily induced by the escalating U.S. commitment in Vietnam to abandon their storefront offices, and heed the anti-war call to return to campus.[64]
In some of ERAP projects, such as the JOIN ("Jobs or Income Now") project in uptown Chicago, SDSers were replaced by white working-class activists (some bitterly conscious that their poor backgrounds had limited their acceptance within "the Movement"). In community unions such JOIN and its successors in Chicago, the Young Patriots and Rising Up Angry, White Lightening in the Bronx, and the 4 October Organization in Philadelphia white radicals (open in the debt they believed they owed to the SNCC and to the Black Panthers) continued to organise rent strikes, health and legal clinics, housing occupations and street protests against police brutality.[65]
While city-hall and police harassment was a factor, internal tensions ensured that these radical community-organizing efforts did not long survive the sixties.[66] Kirkpatrick Sale recalls that the most dispiriting feature of the ERAP experience was that, however much they might talk at night about "transforming the system", "building alternative institutions", and "revolutionary potential", the organizers knew that their credibility on the doorstep rested on an ability to secure concessions from, and thus to develop relations with, the local power structures. Far from erecting parallel structures, projects were built "around all the shoddy instruments of the state". ERAPers were caught in "a politics of adjustment".[67]
Continental Europe
Part of a series on the |
Frankfurt School |
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The European New Left appeared first in West Germany and West Berlin, which became a prototype for European student radicals.[68] West Berlin, an Allied-occupied island within socialist East Germany to which young men from both German states had moved to avoid conscription, in particular became a center of critical dissent from the rival social-democratic and communist party traditions. At the beginning of the 1960, an early grouping was Subversive Action (Subversiven Aktion), conceived as the German branch of the Situationist International.[69] Associated with the charismatic East German emigre, and student of the Frankfurt School, Rudi Dutschke, it became a leasing faction within the German Socialist Students' Union (Sozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund, SDS).[70]
Dutschke and his faction had an important ally in Michael Vester, SDS vice-president and international secretary. Vester, who had studied in the US in 1961–62, and worked extensively with the American SDS (Students for a Democratic Society), introduced the theories of the American New Left and supported the call for "direct action" and civil disobedience.[71] The theory as expounded by Dutschke in relation to protests against the Vietnam War, which soon dominated the agenda, was that "systematic, limited and controlled confrontations with the power structure" would "force the representative 'democracy' to show openly its class character, its authoritarianism, ... to expose itself as a 'dictatorship of force'". The awareness produced by such provocations would free people to rethink democratic theory and practice.[72][73] Dutschke was also influenced by Provo, a Dutch counterculture movement in the mid-1960s that focused on provoking violent responses from authorities using non-violent bait.
In France the
Another West Berlin manifestation of a new left was
The student activism of the New Left came to a head around the world in 1968. The
Globally
Australia
In Australia, the New Left was engaged in debates concerning the legitimacy of heterodox economics and political economy in tertiary education.[76] This culminated in the establishment of an independent department of political economy at the University of Sydney.[77][78]
Brazil
The
China
The concept of New Left in China originates from the academic debate between "New Left" and "liberal" in the 1990s, both of which are common ideological labels in the Chinese mainland context.[80] In this context, the term "New Left" is often used to describe a faction that focuses on the continued widening of the urban-rural gap in the post-Deng Xiaoping era and calls for a critical re-evaluation of the legacy of the Mao era (including the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution) in response to the current situation.[81] The so-called Chinese New Left differs greatly from the Western New Left and is difficult to define clearly.[81] Under the one-party dictatorship, no "faction" in China can make political waves, so some scholars doubt the existence of a genuine New Left in China.[82]
Japan
The
Organizations
France
Germany
- Außerparlamentarische Opposition
- Red Army Faction
- Revolutionary Cells (German group)
- Sozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund (from 1967)
Italy
Japan
Soviet Union
United Kingdom
United States
- American Indian Movement
- Antonio Maceo Brigade
- Black Panther Party
- Black Liberation Army
- Brown Berets
- Diggers
- New American Movement
- Red Guard Party
- Students for a Democratic Society
- Symbionese Liberation Army
- Up Against the Wall Motherfucker
- White Panther Party
- Young Lords
- Young Patriots Organization
- Youth International Party
See also
- Anarcho-communism
- Congress for Cultural Freedom
- Counterculture of the 1960s
- Drug policy reform
- Environmental movement
- Left-libertarianism
- LGBT history
- LGBT movements
- Marxist cultural analysis
- Neoliberalism
- Neoconservatism
- New Right
- Old Left
- Reformist Left
- Regressive left
- Revisionism (Marxism)
- Shinjwapa
- Third World socialism
- Timeline of history of environmentalism
- Woke
Explanatory notes
- Maoist-oriented small parties and other associations that had emerged in the 1960s with the disintegration of the Socialist German Student Union (SDS) and the associated decline of the West German student movement. The term "K group" has been used primarily by competing left groups as well as in the media. It served as a collective name for the numerous, often violently divided groups and alluded to their common self-image as communist cadre organizations. The German term Kader denotes the civil servants or party functionaries in autocratic state systems, especially in socialist states (today, among others, the People's Republic of China and Cuba). In the Soviet sphere of influence, cadres were a group of people in the party and ideology sector with political and technical knowledge and skills ("party cadres", "leadership cadres", "leadership cadres", "junior cadres", "cadre policy", "cadre management"). In particular, they included the functionaries of the parties and mass organizations (executives), and university and technical college graduates (experts), but not normal working people. The personnel department of a company was called "Kaderabteilung" in the GDR; the head of this department was called "Kaderleiter".
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Bibliography
- Burner, David (1996). Making Peace with the 60s. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Further reading
Primary sources
- Teodori, Massimo, ed., The New Left: A documentary History. London: Jonathan Cape (1970).
- Oglesby, Carl (ed.) The New Left Reader Grove Press (1969). ISBN 83-456-1536-8. Influential collection of texts by Mills, Marcuse, Fanon, Cohn-Bendit, Castro, Hall, Althusser, Kolakowski, Malcolm X, Gorz & others.
General
- Michael R. Krätke, Otto Bauer and the early "Third Way" to Socialism
- Detlev Albers u.a. (Hg.), Otto Bauer und der "dritte" Weg. Die Wiederentdeckung des Austromarxismus durch Linkssozialisten und Eurokommunisten, Frankfurt/M 1979
- Andrews, Geoff; ISBN 9780333741474
Australia
- Armstrong, Mick, 1,2,3, What Are We Fighting For? The Australian Student Movement From Its Origins To The 1970s, Melbourne; Socialist Alternative, 2001. ISBN 0957952708
- Cahill, Rowan, Notes on the New Left in Australia, Sydney: Australian Marxist Research Foundation, 1969.
- Hyde, Michael (editor), It is Right to Rebel, Canberra: The Diplomat, 1972.
- Gordon, Richard (editor), The Australian New Left: Critical Essays and Strategy, Melbourne: Heinnemann Australia,1970. ISBN 0855610093
- Symons, Beverley and ISBN 0909944091
- Williams-Brooks, Llewellyn, Radical Theories of Capitalism in Australia: Towards a Historiography of the Australian New Left, Honours Thesis, University of Sydney: Sydney, 2016, viewed 19 April 2017, hdl:2123/16655
Canada
- Anastakis, Dimitry, ed (2008). The sixties: Passion, politics, style (McGill Queens University Press).
- Cleveland, John. (2004) "New Left, not new liberal: 1960s movements in English Canada and Quebec", Canadian Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 41, no. 4: 67–84.
- Kostash, Myrna. (1980) Long way from home: The story of the sixties generation in Canada. Toronto: Lorimer.
- Levitt, Cyril. (1984). Children of privilege: Student revolt in the sixties. University of Toronto Press.
- Sangster, Joan. "Radical Ruptures: Feminism, Labor, and the Left in the Long Sixties in Canada", American Review of Canadian Studies, Spring 2010, Vol. 40 Issue 1, pp. 1–21
Germany
- Timothy Scott Brown. West Germany and the Global Sixties: The Anti-Authoritarian Revolt, 1962–1978. Cambridge University Press. 2013
Japan
- Miyazaki, Manabu (2005). Toppamono: Outlaw, Radical, Suspect: My Life in Japan's Underworld. Tōkyō: Kotan Publishing. ISBN 978-0-9701716-2-7. Includes an account of the author's days as a student activist and street fighter for the Japanese Communist Party, 1964–1969.; A primary source
- Andrews, William Dissenting Japan: A History of Japanese Radicalism and Counterculture, from 1945 to Fukushima.. London: Hurst, 2016. ISBN 978-1849045797. Includes summaries of the student movement and various New Left groups in postwar Japan.
United Kingdom
- ISBN 0-00-217779-X; A primary source
- Hock, Paul and Vic Schoenbach. LSE: the natives are restless, a report on student power in action London: Sheed and Ward, 1969. ISBN 0-7220-0596-2.; A primary source
- The New Left's renewal of Marxism an account by Paul Blackledge from International Socialism
British New Left periodicals
- "The New Reasoner". indexed articles online. 1957–1959. Retrieved 16 October 2006.
- "Marxism Today". indexed articles online. Communist Party of Great Britain and Marxism Today. 1980–1991. Retrieved 16 October 2006. (also 1998 special issue)
- "Indexed articles online". newleftreview.org. New Left Review. Retrieved 24 March 2007.
- "Socialist Register". indexed articles online. 1964–1999. Archived from the original on 18 July 2006. Retrieved 16 October 2006.
- "Universities & Left Review". indexed articles online. 1957–1959. Retrieved 16 October 2006.
British New Left articles
- Mills, C. Wright (September–October 1960). "Letter to the New Left". New Left Review. I (5). New Left Review. Full text.
- "Placating Mr. Jenkins". Article discussing online archiving of four British New Left publications Universities & Left Review, Marxism Today, The New Reasoner and Socialist Register. 16 October 2006. Retrieved 16 October 2006.
United States
- Bahr, Ehrhard (2008). Weimar on the Pacific: German Exile Culture in Los Angeles and the Crisis of Modernism. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-25795-5.
- Breines, Wini. Community Organization in the New Left, 1962–1968: The Great Refusal, reissue edition (Rutgers University Press, 1989). ISBN 0-8135-1403-7.
- Cohen, Mitchell, and Hale, Dennis, eds. The New Student Left (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966).
- Elbaum, Max. Revolution in the Air: Sixties Radicals turn to Lenin, Che and Mao. (Verso, 2002).
- Evans, Sara. Personal Politics: The Roots of Women's Liberation in the Civil Rights Movement & the New Left (Vintage, 1980). ISBN 0-394-74228-1.
- Frost, Jennifer. "An Interracial Movement of the Poor": Community Organizing & the New Left in the 1960s (New York University Press, 2001). ISBN 0-8147-2697-6.
- Gosse, Van. The Movements of the New Left, 1950–1975: A Brief History with Documents (Bedford/St. Martin's, 2004). ISBN 0-312-13397-9.
- Isserman, Maurice. If I had a Hammer: the Death of the Old Left and the Birth of the New Left, reprint edition (University of Illinois Press, 1993). ISBN 0-252-06338-4.
- Klatch, Rebecca E. A Generation Divided: The New Left, the New Right, and the 1960s. (Berkeley : University of California Press, 1999). ISBN 0-520-21714-4.
- Long, Priscilla, ed. The New Left: A Collection of Essays (Boston: Porter Sargent, 1969).
- Mattson, Kevin, Intellectuals in Action: The Origins of the New Left and Radical Liberalism, 1945–1970 (Penn State Press, 2002). ISBN 0-271-02206-X
- McMillian, John and Buhle, Paul (eds.). The New Left Revisited (Temple University Press, 2003). ISBN 1-56639-976-9.
- Sale, Kirkpatrick. SDS: The Rise and Development of The Students for a Democratic Society. (Random House, 1973).
- Novack, George; writing as "William F. Warde" (1961). "Who Will Change The World? The New left and the Views of C. Wright Mills". International Socialist Review. 22 (3). USFI: 67–79. Retrieved 16 October 2006.
- Rand, Ayn. The New Left: The Anti-Industrial Revolution (New York: Penguin Books, 1993, 1975). ISBN 0-452-01125-6.
- Rossinow, Doug. The Politics of Authenticity: Liberalism, Christianity, and the New Left in America (Columbia University Press, 1998). ISBN 0-231-11057-X.
- Rubenstein, Richard E. Left Turn: Origins of the Next American Revolution (Boston: Little, Brown, 1973).
- Young, C. A. Culture, Radicalism, and the Making of a US Third World Left (Duke University Press, 2006).
Primary sources: US
- Albert, Judith Clavir, and Stewart Edward Albert (1984). The Sixties Papers: Documents of a Rebellious Decade. New York: Praeger. ISBN 0-275-91781-9.
- Committee on Internal Security, Anatomy of a Revolutionary Movement, Students for a Democratic Society. Report by the committee on Internal Security. House of Representatives. Ninety-first Congress. Second Session. 6 October 1970. Washington: U.S. Government P.O.. 1970
- Jaffe, Harold, and John Tytell (eds.) (1970). The American Experience: A Radical Reader. New York: Harper & Row. xiii, 480 pp. OCLC 909407028.
Archives
- New Left Movement: 1964–1973. Archive # 88-020. Title: New Left Movement fonds. 1964–1973. 51 cm of textual records. Trent University Archives. Peterborough, Ontario, Canada. Online guide retrieved April 12, 2005.
- Russ Gilbert "New Left" Pamphlet Collection: An inventory of the collection at the University of Illinois at Chicago. Online guide retrieved October 8, 2005