Operation Matterhorn

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Operation Matterhorn
Part of the
LaVerne Saunders
  • Curtis LeMay
  • Date1944–1945
    Executed byXX Bomber Command

    Operation Matterhorn was a military operation of the United States Army Air Forces in World War II for strategic bombing by Boeing B-29 Superfortress bombers based in India, Ceylon and China. Targets included industrial facilities in Japan, China and Southeast Asia.

    The B-29 was one of the largest aircraft of

    line of communications with China was over "the Hump", as the air ferry route to China over the Himalayas
    was called. All the fuel, ammunition and supplies used American forces in China had flown in.

    To control the B29s, the

    port of Calcutta
    . The four B-29 airbases around Chengdu, along with five airstrips for fighters to defend them, were built by tens of thousands of Chinese laborers with hand tools.

    The XX Bomber Command deployed to India between February and May 1944. On 5 June, Wolfe launched the first B–29 Superfortress combat mission,

    incendiary bombs
    . The attack left Hankou burning for three days, proving the effectiveness of incendiaries against the predominantly wooden housing stock of the Far East.

    In November 1944, American bombers began raiding Japan from the

    58th Bombardment Wing, the only operational wing of the XX Bomber Command, left India to join the XXI Bomber Command
    in the Marianas in March 1945.

    Background

    B-29 Superfortress

    On 29 January 1940, the United States Army Air Corps issued a request to five major aircraft manufacturers to submit designs for a four-engine bomber with a range of 2,000 miles (3,200 km). These designs were evaluated, and on 6 September orders were placed for two experimental models each from Boeing and Consolidated Aircraft, which became the Boeing B-29 Superfortress and the Consolidated B-32 Dominator.[1] These were known as very long range (VLR) bombers.[a] On 17 May 1941, Boeing was ordered to commence the manufacture of the B-29 when ready.[1]

    Boeing devoted its plants in

    Bell Aircraft Corporation in Marietta, Georgia, and the Glenn L. Martin Company in Omaha, Nebraska.[1] A major recruiting and training program was required. Many of the workers were recruited from the surrounding areas, and had no experience in aircraft manufacturing. As they became more skilled, the man-hours required to build a B-29 was reduced from 150,000 to 20,000.[3] The $3 billion cost of design and production (equivalent to $51 billion today), far exceeded the $1.9 billion cost of the Manhattan Project, made the B-29 program the most expensive of the war.[4][5][6]

    With its 141-foot (43 m) wingspan, the B-29 was one of the largest aircraft of

    Browning .50 caliber machine guns; the rear turret also had a 20-mm cannon.[8][9] It was powered by four 18-cylinder, 2,200-horsepower (1,600 kW) Wright R-3350 Duplex-Cyclone radial engines, each with two turbochargers.[8]

    The cumulative effect of so many advanced features was more than the usual number of problems and defects associated with a new aircraft. This was compounded by efforts to fast track its introduction into service.[8] These included engine malfunctions, jammed gears and dead power plants. The engines in particular had a large number of defects. The front and rear rows of the engine cylinders were located too close together for efficient cooling;[10] there was insufficient lubrication of the upper cylinders; the reduction drive was prone to failure; and the carburetor produced an inefficient fuel mixture distribution. All of these factors contributed to engine overheating, which sometimes resulted in fires owing to an extensive use of magnesium.[11] In spite of 2,000 engineering changes, the engines remained susceptible to overheating.[6]

    Strategy

    Ostensibly, the B-29 was intended to defend the

    AWPD-1, issued in September 1941, called for B-29s to bomb Germany from bases in Great Britain and Egypt by 1944. Early war plans did not contemplate bombing Japan until after the war against Germany was won.[12] The idea of basing the Superfortresses in China first surfaced at the Casablanca Conference in January 1943.[13] In March, the Assistant Chief of the Air Staff, Major General Laurence S. Kuter, initiated a detailed study of the possibility of using VLR bombers based in China. No other bases within range of Japan were expected to be in Allied hands in 1944.[14][15]

    Potential bases for the B-29 bombers

    Support for the effort was through the

    line of communications with China was over "the Hump", as the air ferry route to China over the Himalayas was called. Until the Burma Road could be reopened by the ground forces, all the fuel, ammunition and supplies used American forces in China had flown over the Hump.[16] It was estimated that 200 C-87 flights would be required to support each VLR bomber group, with 2,000 C-87s in operation by October 1944 and 4,000 by May 1945. Five missions per group per month could be flown, with 168 group-months believed to be sufficient to destroy all targets in Japan within twelve months.[14][15]

    The staff of the

    Joseph W. Stilwell submitted an alternative plan drafted by his air commander, Major General George E. Stratemeyer, codenamed "Twilight", that called for more time, a smaller effort, and reduced logistical support. Under this plan, the bombers would be based in the Calcutta area and only staged through Chinese bases for missions. Keeping the ground crews in India would reduce the logistical footprint in China. Stilwell cautioned that the likely Japanese response to any success by the bombers would be a ground offensive to capture the airfields.[14][17] It was estimated that the first raids on Japan could be mounted as early as April 1944.[18]

    In April 1943, the commander of the

    308th Bombardment Group. Arnold approved the plan on 12 October.[19]

    .

    On 10 November 1943,

    The British and American Combined Chiefs of Staff had authorized a Central Pacific drive that included the capture of the Gilbert and Marshall Islands, Truk, Palau and the Mariana Islands.[24] but it was not considered likely that they would be available before 1945.[25] The air staff planners began incorporating the Marianas into their plans as a potential base for the B-29s in September 1943.[14] This was formally approved at Sextant.[26] By January 1944, there was consideration of advancing the Central Pacific timetable by bypassing Truk and heading directly for Palau after the capture of the Marshalls, but senior army and navy officers in the Pacific doubted the utility of basing B-29s in the Marianas due to the limited harbor facilities there.[27]

    A study by the Joint War Plans Committee (JWPC) assessed the Mariana Islands as the best location for the deployment of the B-29s, but in view of the fact that they would not be captured until later in the year, recommended that the first B-29 groups be deployed to the

    Netherlands East Indies or to India and China to attack industrial targets in Japan.[28] The timetable for the Central Pacific advance was revised in March 1944: Truk was to be bypassed and the Palau operation was postponed until 15 September, after the capture of the southern Mariana Islands, which was now scheduled to commence on 15 June 1944. The new timetable was approved by the Joint Chiefs of Staff on 12 March.[29][30]

    Target selection

    In March 1943, Arnold had asked the Committee of Operations Analysts (COA) to prepare an analysis of strategic targets in Japan whose destruction might affect the course of the war. Moat of Japan's war industries lay within the 1,500-mile (2,400 km) range of a B-29 with a ten-ton bomb load. The COA had been created in December 1942, and its membership included officers from the Army and Navy, along with distinguished civilians consultants such as

    Edward M. Earle, Thomas W. Lamont, Clark H. Minor and Elihu Root Jr. In a report delivered on 11 November 1943, they identified six priority economic targets: merchant shipping, steel production, urban industrial areas, aircraft plants, ball bearings, and electronics.[31]

    Particular vulnerable were the ball bearing industry, which relied on six major plants, and the steel industry, which was dependent on a small number of coke plants located on Kyushu and in Manchuria and Korea—all within range of B-29s based at Chengdu.[31] The analysts assessed the capacity of the Japanese steel industry at 13,690,000 short tons (12,420,000 t) per year, which was very close to the real figure, but erroneously thought that it was running at full capacity. In fact, the bombers would have to destroy 5,000,000 short tons (4,500,000 t) of capacity to have any impact on production.[32]

    The JWPC also considered targeting, but favored shipping and the oil industry, which could more easily be attacked from bases in Australia. The staff of the USAAF accepted the importance of targeting shipping, but it was not what the B-29 was designed for. As for the oil industry, the oil refineries in the Dutch East Indies, primarily the ones at Palembang, could be attacked by B-29s based in India, staging through Ceylon.[33] The Joint Chiefs of Staff approved the Matterhorn plan on 10 April 1944, but cut the force to just one wing of four groups. In recognition of the accelerated schedule for the capture of the Marianas, the second B-29 wing would be sent there instead, or to Australia if bases in the Marianas were not yet ready.[33][28]

    Command and organization

    To control the B-29s, the

    11th Bombardment Group during the Guadalcanal campaign.[34][35]

    The

    Smoky Hill Army Air Field near Salina on 15 September. The wing was initially under the direct control of USAAF headquarters, but on 11 October it was assigned to Second Air Force. The XX Bomber Command was activated in Salina, on 27 November 1943, with Wolfe as its commander, and Harman became the commander of the 58th Bombardment Wing.[34]

    58th Bombardment Wing[34]
    Group Commander Location
    40th Bombardment Group
    Colonel Lewis R. Parker Pratt Army Air Field, Pratt, Kansas
    444th Bombardment Group
    Colonel Alva L. Harvey Great Bend Army Air Field, Great Bend, Kansas
    462nd Bombardment Group Colonel Richard H. Carmichael
    Walker Army Air Field
    , Victoria, Kansas
    468th Bombardment Group Colonel Howard E. Engler
    Smoky Hill Army Air Field
    , Smoky Hill, Kansas

    The group commanders had a wealth of experience. The

    40th Bombardment Group was commanded by Colonel Lewis R. Parker. He was sent to England to obtain combat experience with the Eighth Air Force and was shot down on his second mission over Germany on 6 March 1944. He was replaced by Harman in April 1944, and Saunders succeeded him as commander of the 58th Bombardment Wing.[36][40]

    Brigadier General

    Haywood S. Hansell Jr., the Deputy Chief of the Air Staff and the Acting Assistant Chief of the Air Staff for Plans, was appointed the chief of staff of the Twentieth Air Force.[41] As the air member of the JWPC, he was familiar with plans for the deployment and use of the B-29.[33] He held his first staff meeting on 12 April. He was the de facto commander of the Twentieth Air Force,[41] especially after Arnold suffered a heart attack on 10 May 1944.[42][43]

    The table of organization and equipment for the B-29 groups was authorized on 13 January 1944. Each aircraft had a crew of eleven. Five were officers: the pilot-commander, co-pilot, two navigator-bombardiers, and the flight engineer. The other six were enlisted personnel: an engine mechanic, electrical specialist, power-plant specialist, central fire-control specialist, radio operator, and radar operator. Each squadron had seven aircraft, and each of the four groups had four squadrons, so the wing had 112 B-29s. Each B-29 had two crews, so the wing had 3,045 officers, 8 warrant officers and 8,099 enlisted men. With the service and maintenance units and aviation engineers to build the airfields, Wolfe would have about 20,000 men under its command.[44]

    XX Bomber Command Order of Battle[45]

    XX Bomber Command

    10th Photo Tech Unit
    58th Bombardment Wing
    40th Bombardment Group
    444th Bombardment Group
    462nd Bombardment Group
    468th Bombardment Group
    395th Bombardment Squadrons[b]
    768th, 769th, 770th, 771st Bombardment Squadrons[b]
    28th Air Service Group 25th Air Service Group 86th Air Service Group 87th Air Service Group
    1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th Bomb Maintenance Squadrons[c] 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th Bomb Maintenance Squadrons[c] 9th, 10th, 11th, 12th Bomb Maintenance Squadrons[c] 13th, 14th, 15th, 16th Bomb Maintenance Squadrons[c]
    11th Photo Lab 12th Photo Lab 13th Photo Lab 14th Photo Lab

    Wolfe and an advanced echelon of his XX Bomber Command staff arrived in

    Lord Louis Mountbatten, the commander of South East Asia Command (SEAC). Stilwell feared that Chennault would use the B-29s to attack Japanese shipping and thereby provoke a strong Japanese reaction that would be beyond the ability of the Chinese army to oppose. He therefore issued a directive on 15 February that placed the XX Bomber Command under his own direct command and control.[48][49]

    Command and control of the B-29s was subject to further debate among the Joint Chiefs of Staff. To avoid the B-29s being misused on the battlefields when they would be much more useful against the Japanese home islands, the Commander in Chief, United States Fleet, Admiral Ernest J. King, suggested that an air force be created under Arnold's command. Arnold would be responsible for its administration and logistical support, and would control it as the executive agent of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, who would determine its deployment and missions. The Joint Chiefs approved the establishment of the Twentieth Air Force on 4 April 1944. This gave the USAAF equal status with the ground and naval forces in Asia and the Pacific for the first time. Stilwell's role as commander of CBI would be restricted to providing logistical support and the defense of the B-29's bases.[50][28]

    Training and preparation

    As well as the recruitment of senior staff, Wolfe was authorized to procure twenty-five pilots and twenty-five navigators with experience of long over-water flights in four-engine aircraft. The training of the crews of the 58th Bombardment Wing was rendered difficult by the shortage of B-29s. The first prototype XB-29 was turned over to the USAAF shortly after the 58th Bombardment Wing was formed in June 1943, but the first production B-29 did not arrive until August. In the meantime, crews trained on fifty Martin B-26 Marauders. These were subsequently replaced by B-17s, which were more like the B-29. By November 1943 there was still only one B-29 between twelve crews. A month later they had flown an average of just 18½ hours in the B-29, and only 67 commander-pilots were fully qualified on the B-29. In view of this, the number of crews to be trained was reduced to 240, and the date of completion of their training was postponed from 1 February to 1 March.[51]

    Workers assemble the forward compartment of a B-29 at the Boeing plant in Seattle, Washington

    By February 1944, the entire XX Bomber Command had only flown 9,000 hours in B-29s, and few of these were above 20,000 feet (6,100 m) due to issues with the power plant. Ninety-seven B-29s had been delivered, but two of them had the central fire control system installed, and it had not been fully tested.[52] The late delivery of the aircraft seriously dislocated the crew training program, and many of the crews lacked sufficient training in high-altitude formation flying, gunnery, and visual and radar bombing.[53]

    Arnold had hoped that the B-29s would be ready by January 1944, but on 12 October 1943 he notified Roosevelt:

    In connection with the bombing of Japan from China by B-29s, I regret exceedingly to have to inform you that there has been a holdup in production of engines. It looks now as if it will be impossible to get the required number of B-29s together in China to start bombing before the first of March, and with the possibility of not getting them there before the first of April. At this writing I expect to have 150 B-29s in China by March 1st, of which 100 can be used against Japan.[54]

    He visited the B-29 plant in Wichita on 11 January 1944 and had his name written on the 175th aircraft, and told the workers that he wanted it delivered by 1 March 1944.[55][56] The aircraft, Superfortress 42-6365 General H. H. Arnold Special, was delivered on 24 February 1944.[57][58] Changes disrupted the delivery of key parts. Because so many modifications had been made while aircraft were being built, it had become standard practice to fly new B-29s direct from the factory to a modification center to be upgraded. The modification centers were overworked, and had limited hangar space, so much of their work had to be done in the open air. When Arnold visited Pratt Army Air Field on 8 March 1944, he found no B-29s ready for combat. [55][56]

    Arnold designated Brigadier General

    Clarence S. Irvine as his deputy. Boeing provided 600 workers, although this slowed work on the production lines. The deficiencies of each aircraft were cataloged and spare parts were obtained. Work was carried out in appalling Kansas winter conditions, with snowstorms and outdoor temperatures between −2 and 20 °F (−19 and −7 °C). By 15 April, 150 aircraft were combat ready.[55][56]

    Base development

    India

    Airbases

    A team headed by Brigadier General

    Calcutta to bring them up to B-29 standards. Five airfields were selected on 17 November: Bishnupur, Piardoba, Kharagpur, Kalaikunda and Chakulia. Wolfe's advance party from the XX Bomber Command inspected the fields in December and accepted all but Bishnupur, for which Dudhkundi was substituted.[59][60]

    Kharagpur area airfields

    Work was to be carried out by US Army engineer units with imported materials and local labor. Company A of the 653rd Topographic Battalion surveyed the sites to determine how the airfields could be constructed. In order to get the runways operational as soon as possible, the airmen were persuaded to temporarily accept runways 7,500 feet (2,300 m) long and 150 feet (46 m) wide. Lieutenant Colonel Kenneth E. Madsen was in charge of construction of the air bases; Colonel William C. Kinsolving, a petroleum engineer, had the task of laying two four-inch (100 mm) pipelines to the airfields. They reported to Colonel Thomas Farrell, who headed the CBI Construction Service.[61][60]

    Each air base would require four months' work by an engineer aviation battalion. In order to meet the April deadline, the engineer units should have been in place by December, but they were still in the United States. Stillwell gave them priority for shipping, and they set out on a convoy that sailed on 15 December. Travelling via North Africa, they reached India in February 1944 In the meantime, local contractors and 300 trucks were borrowed from the Engineer-in-chief of the British Eastern Command.[61][60]

    The delay in sending the engineer units threatened to upset the entire Matterhorn timetable. On 16 January 1944, Stilwell diverted the 382nd Engineer Construction Battalion from working on the Ledo Road to working on Kharagpur. It deployed by air, taking over equipment on site. The 853rd Engineer Aviation Battalion arrived in the theater on 1 February and was set to work on Chakulia. Units from the 15 December convoy began arriving in mid-February. The 930th Engineer Regiment was assigned to Kalaikunda, the 1875th Engineer Aviation Battalion to Dudhkundi, the 1877th Engineer Aviation Battalion to Chakulia, and the 879th Engineer Aviation Battalion (Airborne) to Piardoba. As an airborne unit, the 879th was equipped with small, air-portable equipment that was unsuited to airbase work, and was eventually reassigned.[62][63]

    B-29 Superfortress 42-6292 "Black Jack" of the 678th Bomb Squadron, 444th Bomb Group, at Charra Airfield, India.

    The units worked with borrowed equipment; their unit equipment did not begin to arrive until 15 April, and was not complete until 30 June. Marshall accepted a proposal from Stilwell and Mountbatten to divert units earmarked for amphibious operations in Burma to Matterhorn. Accordingly, he assigned the 1888th Engineer Aviation Battalion. It embarked from the West Coast of the United States in February, and reached India in mid-April. With its arrival, Madsen had 6,000 engineers and 27,000 Indian civilians under contract from India's Central Public Works Department on the job.[62][63] Religious sensibilities meant that seven different types of rations had to be stocked.[64]

    Grading of the runways accounted for more than half of the 1,700,000 cubic yards (1,300,000 m3) of the earth moved. New concrete was laid 10 inches (25 cm) tick; existing runways were overlaid with 7 inches (18 cm) of concrete. While sand was obtained from nearby streams and gravel and crushed basalt construction aggregate were obtained locally, Indian cement was in short supply and of inferior quality, so much of the cement was imported from the United States. Concrete was produced locally and spread by hand at all the fields except Kalaikunda, where heavy equipment was used. Chevron- and horseshoe-shaped hardstands were provided, as were paved, rectangular parking areas. To save time and concrete, dispersal areas were omitted.[65]

    B-29 Superfortress 42-63393 "Rush Order" of the 768th Bomb Squadron, 462nd Bomb Group, at Piardoba Airfield, India

    A variety of buildings were provided. At first the troops lived in tents, but later they were housed in native "basha" huts with earth or concrete floors, bamboo or plaster walls and thatched roofs. Basha huts were also used for administrative and technical buildings, along with U.S. prefabricated plywood structures, some of their Italian counterparts that had been captured in the East African campaign, and British Nissen huts. Workshops and hangers were also provided. Most of the utilities such as electricity and water were installed by U.S. Army engineers.[65]

    Although reports to USAAF headquarters frequently claimed that work was proceeding on schedule, that schedule was far behind the original plans, and works on the airbases were not completed until September. The decision in April to deploy the send wing of B-29s to the Marianas meant that only four groups would be deployed to CBI instead of the originally eight, so only the five original airfields were required. Delays in construction at Dudhkundi meant that

    Charra Airfield had to be used as a temporarily. The B-24 runway there was extended to accommodate the 444th Bombardment Group until Dudhkundi was ready in July. The total cost of constructing the five airbases was estimated at $20 million (equivalent to $346.16 million in 2023).[65]

    Pipelines

    Supplying fuel to the airfields in Bengal by rail would have placed too much strain on the railways, so a fuel pipeline to was laid from

    Calcutta to the airfields.[66] It was estimated that the Matterhorn bases would require 4,736,000 US gallons (17,930,000 L) of fuel in March 1944, 3,536,000 US gallons (13,390,000 L) in April and May, 7,027,000 US gallons (26,600,000 L) in June, 7,077,000 US gallons (26,790,000 L) in July, and 10,608,000 US gallons (40,160,000 L) in August. Each airbase was provided with 1,470,000 US gallons (5,600,000 L) of storage.[67]

    A

    Shell Oil terminal at Budge Budge had a tank farm with a capacity of 500,000 barrels (79,000,000 L), of which 300,000 to 400,000 barrels (48,000,000 to 64,000,000 L) were made available to the U.S. Army. The 700th Engineer Petroleum Distribution Company arrived at Kalaikunda on 3 January 1944, and was given the task of laying a six-inch (15 cm) pipeline from Budge Budge to Kharagpur, a distance of about 60 miles (97 km). The 707th and 708th Engineer Petroleum Distribution Companies arrived a few days later and were assigned the task of laying four-inch (10 cm) pipelines from Kharagpur to Chakulia via Dudhkundi, and from Kharagpur to Piardoba respectively. Each four-inch line was about 50 miles (80 km) long.[68]

    A major obstacle was the Hooghly River, which had a tidal bore of up to 7 feet (2.1 m) and a current that could reach 25 miles per hour (40 km/h). Heavy pipeline clamps were attached every few joints to hold the pipe in position on the bottom. Laying 5,000 feet (1,500 m) of pipeline across involved scheduling the work for optimal tidal conditions. The pipe was run across with steel cables pulled by large Caterpillar D8 tractors. Three pump stations were established: one at Budge Budge, one at Kharagpur, and one halfway between them. The system began pumping gasoline on 13 March 1944. The 707th operated the system, while the 700th and 708th moved on to other projects.[68]

    Due to a shortage of standard pipe, Farell and Kinsolving decided to use thin, light-weight, "invasion-weight" pipe.[64] Pipes were buried to prevent accidental or deliberate damage in densely populated areas.[65] Local labor was required to dig the ditches. "And the contractors' personnel policies, if they can be so dignified, were blends of inefficiency and time-honored skulduggery."[69] The invasion-weight pipe was susceptible to corrosion and leaking 100-octane gasoline could be dangerous. On 26 June 1944, a leak was found where the pipe crossed the Hooghly River near the village of Uluberia. Five days later, a vapor explosion set fire to thatched houses in the village. Seventy-one people died in the ensuing conflagration.[70][71]

    China

    B-29 airfields in the Chengdu area

    Lieutenant Colonel Henry A. Byroade was appointed the project engineer responsible for construction of the B-29 airfields in China. He personally reconoitered the Chengdu area in November 1943, and in his report on 8 December he selected four B-29 airbase sites, Xinjin, Guanghan, Qionglai and Pengshan, where existing runways could be strengthened and lengthened to accommodate the B-29s.[60] In addition, there were five airstrips for fighters.[72] On 16 March 1944, Byroade assumed the dual role of chief engineer of the 5308th Air Service Area Command and chief engineer of the Fourteenth Air Force.[73]

    At the Sextant Conference in Cairo, Roosevelt promised the Chiang that the United States would fully reimburse China for labor and materials expended on Matterhorn. The Chinese estimated that the airbases would cost two to three billion

    Chinese yuan, around $100 to $150 million (equivalent to $1,400 to $2,100 million in 2023), at least at the official rate of exchange;[74] on the black market an American dollar fetched up to 240 Chinese yuan. Stilwell suspected that half of this sum was in the form of "squeeze" (bribes and commissions), an accepted business practice in China.[75] "One more example", he wrote in his diary, "of the stupid spirit of concession that proves to them that we are suckers."[75]

    Building B-29 bases in China February 1944

    A settlement was reached between the

    Kung Hsiang-hsi, and the United States Secretary of the Treasury, Henry Morgenthau Jr., in June, under which the United States paid China $210 million (equivalent to $2,900 million in 2023), although this included payment for other works in addition to the Chengdu airfields.[76] Arthur N. Young, the American financial advisor the Chinese government was critical of the U.S. Army's profligate spending.[77] Price caps on materials were imposed used by contractors, but with limited success.[76] It became necessary to fly banknotes over the Hump.[78] Landowners were inadequately compensated for the loss of their land and the peasants who worked it were not compensated at all.[77] Contract workers were paid on a piecework basis, and averaged about 25 Chinese yuan per day. This was barely sufficient to buy food, so many had to be supported by their families.[76] These grievances generated support for the Chinese Communist Party.[77]

    The work was the overall responsibility of Zhang Qun, the governor of Sichuan Province. Zeng Yangfu, the head of the Ministry of Transportation and Communications, provided engineering, design and planning support.[72] Construction work was supervised by Lieutenant Colonel Waldo I. Kenerson.[60] Only fourteen U.S. Army engineers were assigned to the project.[79] Their role was limited to drafting specifications, carrying out inspections and administering the work. The Chinese Military Engineering Commission controlled construction.[60] Some 300,000 impressed laborers and 75,000 contract workers were employed on the project.[66] Kenerson found that he had to teach them about soil mechanics, and then supervise them to ensure what he told them was put into practice.[73]

    Chinese stone roller on display in the Air Power Gallery at the National Museum of the United States Air Force. Up to 300 workers pulled these stone rollers.

    Chinese laborers assembled for the project were organized in groups of 40,000 to 100,000 according to their local xian (counties); each xian was responsible for supplying a quota of workers. Workers had to provide their own tools and bring ninety days' rations with them.[79] Food and accommodation were provided by the Chinese War Area Service Corps.[66] The Chinese authorities insisted that workers from different xian could not be mixed, so each xian was allocated a portion of the project. The workers established temporary camps near the bases, which minimized travel time and facilitated health care and sanitation. Cooks provided meals of rice and steamed vegetables in baskets. Meat was provided once a week.[79]

    Since communications between China and India were solely by air, it was impractical to bring cement, asphalt or concrete mixers to China from India. The Chinese airfields had to be made entirely from local rock, gravel and sand.

    rock crushers and provided a detachment of engineers to install the fuel handling systems.[73] Because the B-29 runways could not be brought up to standard, they were built to the full length of 8,500 feet (2,600 m) to allow for an extra margin of safety.[74] They were 19 inches (48 cm) deep, with 52 hardstands for each. The accompanying fighter strips were 4,000 feet (1,200 m) long, 150 feet (46 m) wide, and 8 to 12 inches (20 to 30 cm), with 4 to 8 hardstands each.[80] Structures totalling 19,000 square meters were built, and each base had an oil storage tank.[81]

    Chinese laborers break rocks into smaller pieces for use as gravel

    Some 1,000 ox carts, 15,000 wheelbarrows and 1,500 trucks were used to carry building materials. There were no bulldozers,

    shoulder poles by men and boys. The subsoil was rolled flat using huge concrete rollers hauled by up to 300 workers. A layer of pebbles taken from nearby streams was laid down using wheelbarrows.[80][82] Over 300,000 cubic meters were used for the runways and taxiways.[81] Workers collected them from the banks of the Min River. As this source became depleted, they waded into the freezing rapids and shoals to collect them from the riverbed.[83] Rocks had to be used to supplement the pebbles. Women and girls shaped them with hammers and chisels so they would not shift about. A slurry of topsoil and subsoil was laid atop the rocks as a binder, which was then rolled flat. Successive layers of rock and slurry were laid down.[80][82]

    Saunders landed the first B-29 at Guanghan on 24 April, where he was met by officials including Wolfe, Chenanult and Zhang.[84] All four airfields were completed by 10 May 1944.[80][85]

    Ceylon

    B-29 airfields in Ceylon

    In addition to raids on Japan from bases in China, the Sextant Conference also approved attacks on the oil refineries in the Dutch East Indies by B-29s based in India, staging through Ceylon, with a target date of 20 July 1944. Although the southeast corner of Ceylon would have been the best location from a tactical point of view, being closest to Palembang, it was rejected due to the poor communications with that part of the island.[86]

    Airbase construction in Ceylon was a SEAC responsibility. When Kuter paid Mountbatten a visit in Colombo on 5 March, he found work under way on bomber airstrips at Kankesanturai in the north and Katunayake in the west, with completion dates in late 1944 or early 1945. Neither was well-situated for the proposed B-29 missions. The British then offered to extend airfields at Minneriya and China Bay, and this was accepted. By April it was apparent that the deadline could not be met. Work on Minneriya was suspended and effort concentrated on China Bay. By mid-July there it had a 7,200-foot (2,200 m) runway with hardstands, fuel pumps and accommodation for 56 B-29s.[86]

    Deployment

    Sealift and airlift

    The Matterhorn plan called for 20,000 troops and 200,000 short tons (180,000 t) of cargo to be shipped from the United States to CBI between 1 January and 30 June 1944, followed by 20,000 short tons (18,000 t) of fuel per month starting in April 1944. This would not have been a major undertaking for the

    European Theater of Operations, but movement to CBI was complicated by the long distance from the United States, the poor state of communications within the theater, and the low priority of CBI, especially with regard to shipping. The proviso at Sextant that Matterhorn shipments not materially affect other approved operations in CBI conflicted with the tight timetable and had to be disregarded.[87][26]

    U.S. troops aboard a transport waiting to go ashore at a port in India.

    High priority passengers and freight traveled by air. The

    Morrison Field in twenty C-87 transports on 5 January 1944 and arrived in New Delhi eight days later.[88] Wolfe established his headquarters at Kharagpur, which was situated at a junction on Bengal Nagpur Railway lines serving the airfields. The Hijli Detention Camp was taken over to serve as his headquarters building.[87]

    It was originally intended that all air crews, both regular and relief, would fly in B-29s, but this was discarded in favor of carrying a spare engine in each plane in lieu of passengers. A sea-air service was instituted, sailing from Newark, New Jersey, to Casablanca, and then by air to Karachi. Twenty-five Douglas C-54 Skymaster aircraft were assigned to this service, which ran from 8 April to 1 June, and carried 1,252 passengers and 250 replacement Wright R-3350 engines. Stilwell provided this from CBI's allotment of ATC flights.[88]

    Cargo ships usually went to Calcutta and troop ships to

    Bombay, which was safer. The ports of India were congested and inefficient. Allied shipping losses had been lower than anticipated in the second half of 1943, so more cargo ships were available. By 19 February 1944, 52,000 short tons (47,000 t) of supplies were en route to CBI. Troopships were harder to find. Ships bound for CBI went via the Pacific, sailing south of Australia, or the Atlantic via the Mediterranean Sea and the Suez Canal. A Liberty ship took about sixty days to make the voyage from the United States to India, and the ports there were overburdened and inefficient, so it could only make two round trips per year.[88]

    Unloading American supplies at a port in India

    A contingent that included seven of the bomb maintenance squadrons departed from

    Melbourne, Australia, they reached Bombay on 31 March. From there it took a week to travel across India to Kharagpur by train. One contingent made the trip from the United States to Kharagpur in 34 days, but most took eight to ten weeks.[88][89][90]

    On 10 May, the XX Bomber Command reported 21,930 personnel on hand. This included a few who were already stationed in CBI, and several hundred who had arrived by air, but about 20,000 of them had arrived by sea in March and April.[88]

    B-29 deployment

    The construction of airfields in China and India with unusually long runways could not be concealed from the Japanese. Nonetheless, the B-29 Hobo Queen, commanded by Colonel Frank R. Cook, flew to

    Calcutta (1,500 miles, 2,400 km), a total of 11,530 miles (18,560 km).[91] Air crew were not informed of their final destination before departure.[93]

    By 15 April, only 32 aircraft had arrived at their stations. One B-29 crashed on takeoff from Marrakesh after the pilot forgot to extend the flaps. Another was grounded in Cairo for two weeks while engineers replaced all four engines. Two were lost in Cairo; one developed engine trouble soon after takeoff and crashed and burned on landing when it attempted to land, while another crashed on landing when its nose landing gear collapsed. All the crewmen survived these accidents, but five died when a B-29 crashed in Karachi in a sandstorm. Another was also lost there, and all B-29s were grounded from 21 to 29 April while investigations were conducted into the causes.[91][94] In all, five B-29s were lost and four damaged en route, but 130 aircraft had arrived safely by 8 May.[d] Wolfe reported to Arnold on 26 April 1944 that: "The airplanes and crews got off to a bad start due to late production schedules, difficult modifications, inclement weather, and the sheer pressure of time necessary to meet the early commitment date."[95]

    Operating bases[96]
    Group Assigned to Forward deployment
    40th Bombardment Group
    Chakulia Airfield, India Xinjin Airfield (A-1), China
    444th Bombardment Group
    Dudhkundi Airfield, India[e] Guanghan Airfield (A-3), China
    462nd Bombardment Group Piardoba Airfield, India Qionglai (Linqiong) Airfield (A-5), China
    468th Bombardment Group Kalaikunda Airfield, India
    Pengshan Airfield
    (A-7), China

    Fighters

    The deception plan was a failure; the Japanese made it known through radio broadcasts that they were well aware of the deployment of the B-29s. Although Calcutta was bombed, the B-29 airfields in Bengal lay close to the limit of the range of Japanese bombers. The airfields around Chengdu were well within range though. For this reason Chennault had asked for a fighter group to defend the airfields, and the Matterhorn plan had called for two. At the Sextant Conference the Combined Chiefs of Staff had decided to transfer two fighter groups from Italy.[98]

    Kunming, China
    on 20 April 1944

    The

    81st Fighter Groups were selected. To control the fighters, the Fourteenth Air Force activated the 312th Fighter Wing on 13 March, and Brigadier General Adlai H. Gilkeson assumed command twelve days later. Chennault recommended that the groups be equipped with North American P-51 Mustang fighters, but they had to be equipped with the less fuel efficient Republic P-47 Thunderbolt. Stratemeyer asked that the P-47s be sent from the United States, and the two groups conduct their conversion training in CBI.[98]

    If shipped normally, they would not arrive in Karachi before May, so the U.S. Navy made the escort carriers USS Mission Bay and Wake Island available to deliver the first hundred P-47s; the remaining fifty followed on freighters. The deployment of the two groups was delayed by their participation in the Battle of Anzio, but their flight echelons moved by air in mid-February, and the ground echelons moved by sea, embarking from Taranto, and arriving at Bombay on 20 March. The P-47s arrived at Karachi on 30 March, allowing conversion training to commence.[98]

    Stilwell was sufficiently concerned about the security of the Chengdu airfields to recommend that B-29 operations be postponed by a month. Permission for this was not forthcoiming, so the 33rd Fighter Group's

    59th Fighter Squadron was sent to Sichuan with its old P-40s. It provided Chengdu's sole air defense until May, when the rest of the 33rd Fighter Group, the 58th and 60th Fighter Squadrons, arrived with their P-47s. The 81st Fighter Group's 92nd Fighter Squadron deployed to Guanghan on 15 May, but the 91st and 93rd Fighter Squadrons did not join it until July. In the event, the Japanese response was not as intense as had been feared, and the late deployment of the fighters eased the burden of sticking fuel at Chengdu.[98]

    Logistics

    Hump routes of the XX Bomber Command

    The XX Bomber Command was well-situated in India, enjoying good road and rail communications with the port of Calcutta, the 28th Air Depot at Barrackpore, the ATC terminus in Assam, and the Air Service Command installations at Alipore. But delays in stocking the bases in China upset the Matterhorn timetable. Supplies moved from the port at Calcutta to Assam by rail and barge, from whence they had to be flown across the Hump. Although a key feature of the Matterhorn plan was that the XX Bomber Command would support itself, this was soon revealed to be impractical, and it had to fall back on the services of Brigadier General Thomas O. Hardin's India–China Wing (ICW) of the ATC. This generated friction with the Fourteenth Air Force, which saw the XX Bomber Command as an interloping freeloader.[99]

    The twenty C-87s that the XX Bomber Command brought with it had been flown out by ATC pilots on 90-days' temporary duty. They were intended to be operated by pilots of Stratemeyer's 308th Bombardment Group, but Stratemeyer objected. Instead the nineteen C-87s (one having been lost en route) were turned over to the ATC in return for an all the temporary-duty ATC pilots continued to fly them until they had to return to the United States, after which the C-87s were turned over to the XX Bomber Command. The ICW promised that the XX Bomber Command would receive 1,650 tons out of the first 10,250 short tons (9,300 t) flown over the Hump in February, plus half of the next 1,250 short tons (1,130 t), a possible total of 2,275 short tons (2,064 t), assuming that the ATC could meet its target. As it happened, the ATC exceeded its target, and delivered 12,950 short tons (11,750 t), but Wolfe handed 1,534 short tons (1,392 t) over to Chennault and the XX Bomber Command received just 400 short tons (360 t).[99]

    Laohokow after the mission to Omura on 25 October 1944.[100]

    March was a difficult month for the ICW, with a gasoline shortage in Assam. The opening of the Battle of Imphal and operations in Northern Burma and Western Yunnan caused both ATC aircraft and 682 short tons (619 t) of supplies intended for Matterhorn to be diverted to support of the ground forces. In April the C-46s only managed to haul a meager 14 short tons (13 t) to China.[101] The first two B-29s flew across the Hump with gasoline on 26 April.[102] One, flown by Major Charles Hansen, was attacked by six Japanese Nakajima Ki-43 Hayabusa (Oscar) fighters. Hansen's crew were was credited with downing one of the fighters; one crewman was wounded. In turn, they claimed to have shot him down, but all the aircraft involved landed safely.[103][104] B-29s delivered 27 short tons (24 t) that month. A B-29 combat sortie was estimated to require 23 short tons (21 t), so this was sufficient to support one combat sortie. Wolfe calculated that he needed 4,600 short tons (4,200 t) to support two 100-bomber raids on Japan.[105]

    Arnold assigned three squadrons with eighteen

    2nd Air Transport Squadrons (Mobile), joined the ATC's North African Wing. They lacked the range of the C-54s and had to make more stopovers, but they hauled 333 short tons (302 t) per month in June and July, which included 225 spare Wright R-3350 engines. Matterhorn was also allocated 50 short tons (45 t) per month from the weekly ATC "Fireball" service to CBI,[88] which flew in urgently required spare parts from the Fairfield Aviation General Supply Depot in Fairfield, Ohio.[106]

    B-29 42-6323 Princess Eileen of the 444th Bombardment Group in China. This aircraft was reconfigured as a tanker and lost over the Hump on 26 June 1944 with all crew members.[107]

    The ICW delivered 1,293 short tons (1,173 t) in May. Wolfe had some B-29s converted to tankers by stripping them of combat equipment except for the tail guns. In this configuration, a B-29 could carry seven tons instead of three. On 26 May, the Japanese launched an offensive in China. Stilwell diverted diverted Hump tonnage earmarked for Matterhorn to the Fourteenth Air Force, and forwarded a request from Chiang that the XX Bomber Command's stockpiles in China be handed over to the Fourteenth Air Force to the JCS, but without his endorsement. The JCS declined the request.[108] The 2nd and 3rd Air Transport Squadrons were reassigned from the North African Wing to the XX Bomber Command. The former was assigned to the Hump run in June followed by the latter in July. The allocation to the 312th Fighter Wing was again cut, but on 20 July responsibility for its maintenance was handed over to the Fourteenth Air Force, along with its 1,500-short-ton (1,400 t) monthly Hump tonnage allocation.[109]

    Lieutenant Colonel

    Robert S. McNamara's statistical section of the XX Bomber Command conducted a detailed investigation of the different factors involved in the delivery of supplies to China. He managed to reduce gasoline consumption on a B-29 round trip to China from 6,312 US gallons (23,890 L) in May to 5,651 US gallons (21,390 L) in July, while the fuel it delivered rose from 495 US gallons (1,870 L) to 1,326 US gallons (5,020 L), and each B-29 tanker delivered 2,496 US gallons (9,450 L). In July, 237 B-29 trips and 419 C-46 trips delivered 1,162 short tons (1,054 t) in C-46's,[109] 1,063 short tons (964 t) in tactical B-29s, and 2,998 short tons (2,720 t) in B-29 tankers. The XX Bomber Command also received 976 tons from the ATC, for a total of 3,954 tons.[110]

    unloads fuel in China in 1945.

    Part of this was accomplished by flying a more southerly and direct route. This brought the B-29s in range of Japanese fighters based in northern Burma, but there were only seven contacts with Japanese fighters, and no attacks were pressed. The Hump was still dangerous, though, with high mountains and variable weather, and flights were counted as combat missions for the purpose of crew rotation. Twelve B-29s were lost over the Hump route by the end of July, mostly due to engine failures, and six C-46s by the end of September. Most of the crews were rescued by friendly Chinese civilians.[109]

    In September 1944 70 C-109s were added to the effort, flown by surplus B-29 crews, but XX Bomber Command, fearful of diversions to other agencies, resisted all attempts to have them operated by ATC. Its transport procedures contradicted those of ATC, however, limiting its efficiency, and beginning in November 1944 the B-29s were withdrawn from the airlift and the C-109s transferred to ATC.[111]

    Hump tonnage for XX Bomber Command [112]
    Month of 1944 February March April May June July August September Total
    C46s - - 14 117 280 1,162 798 707 3,078
    Tactical B29s - - 27 518 404 1,083 - 504 2,536
    Tanker B29s - - - 22 396 753 1,106 814 3,091
    C109s - - - - - - - 415 415
    Total XX BC - - 41 657 1,080 2,998 1,904 2,440 9,120
    ATC 427 2,608 1,399 1,293 308 976 1,478 2,141 10,630
    Grand Total 427 2,608 1,440 1,950 1,388 3,974 3,382 4,581 19,750

    Operations

    Bangkok

    By 19 May the XX Bomber Command had accumulated 2,867 flying hours in B-29s, of which 2,378 were on transport missions and 50 on miscellaneous tasks. Only 439 had been devoted to training activities. Since there were 240 crews, this worked out to less than two hours each. Before attempting a raid on Japan, Wolfe decided to conduct a shakedown combat mission. The chosen target was the Makkasan railway yard facilities in Bangkok, Thailand.[53] This was the only heavy locomotive and railway car repair shop on the Burma-Thailand railway network. A successful attack could affect the supply of Japanese troops fighting around Imphal and Myitkyina. Intelligence indicated that the likely Japanese anti-aircraft and fighter opposition would not be as great as that anticipated over Japan.[113] The decisive factor in the choice of target, though, was that it could be attacked from the airfields in Bengal and would not affect the supplies stockpiled in Chengdu.[53][113][114]

    B-29 Superfortress 42-6310 (later named Hump Happy Jr.) of the 40th Bombardment Group takes off from Chakulia on the mission to Bangkok on 5 June 1944.

    The mission involved a round trip of 2,261 miles (3,639 km).

    incendiary bombs.[53] The XX Bomber Command wanted to test out the new M18 incendiary bombs and the large number of wooden buildings and freight cars and a small oil facility in the area offered good targets.[113] The resulting 134,000-pound (61,000 kg) takeoff weight was too heavy for the temporary field at Charra, so the 444th Bombardment Group had to stage from the other three fields.[53] The attack was launched at 05:45 (local time) on 5 June 1944 to avoid high ground temperatures that were bad for the R-3350 engines and to allow the whole mission to be conducted in daylight. Wolfe had suggested a night-time raid, but Arnold insisted on daylight precision bombing.[113][115]

    Of the 112 bombers that were readied for the mission, 98 took off from India.[113] It took sixty-three minutes to get them all in the air.[115] Most of the bombers that failed to take off had ignition or supercharger problem. One plane crashed shortly after takeoff when an engine lost power, killing all on board except the co-pilot.[116][117] Thirteen planes aborted. Twelve aborted due to mechanical failures, most of which involved oil leaks or faults with the oil coolers. One plane failed to find its formation as a tropical cyclone rolled in over the Bay of Bengal; several others joined formations of groups other than their own, and some proceeded on their own.[116][115]

    Seventy-seven planes found the target. Seven planes reached Bangkok but were unable to bomb due to mechanical problems. Six had problems with their bomb bays. A chaotic series of bombing runs were made between 10:52 and 12:32. Because the target was obscured by clouds, forty-eight planes bombed by radar, although most crews had not been instructed in this technique. Japanese anti-aircraft fire was inaccurate, and although nine fighters attacked the bombers, thei attacks were not pressed, and no B-29s were shot down.[118][115] Four planes were lost on the return trip; two ditched into the Bay of Bengal after fuel ran out due to problems with the fuel transfer system; one crashed attempting to land at Dum Dum airfield; and one diverted to Kunming, China, but ran out of fuel and the crew had to bail out.[119][120]

    The mission to Bangkok resulted in the loss of five B-29s and the deaths of fifteen aircrew, with two more missing. Photo reconnaissance on 8 June indicated that sixteen or eighteen bombs had fallen within the target area. There was some damage to rolling stock and buildings, including the erecting and boiler shops. It was assessed that the damage would have no impact on the Japanese forces in Burma. The XX Bomber Command rated the mission as a success.[121][122]

    Yawata

    The following day Wolfe received orders from Arnold for an attack Japan with at least 70 B-29s on 15 June, to coincide with the invasion of the Marianas. Drastic economies were applied, which particularly affected the 312th Fighter Wing, which was left with very little fuel. Wolfe calculated that he would have enough fuel for a raid, but not enough for all the B-29s to return to India immediately afterwards. A particular problem was that only 86 Superfortreses could be equipped with the bomb bay tanks needed for the flight to Japan.[108][122] The B-29s began staging to China on 13 June. Each carried a full bomb load of eight 500-pound (230 kg) general purpose bombs, so only refueling was required in China. Of the 92 Superfortresses that departed, 79 made it to Chengdu, and one crashed en route.[123]

    The target chosen for the mission was the

    Doolittle raid of April 1942 and marked the beginning of the strategic bombardment campaign against Japan.[126] Eight journalists and three news photographers accompanied the mission,[127] which was led by Saunders, who flew as a passenger on B-29 Superfortress 42-6274 Lady Hamilton of the 468th Bombardment Group, piloted by Engler.[128][129]

    Takeoffs began at 16:16 local time. One plane crashed on takeoff but the crew escaped. Not so lucky were the crew of another which was launched after the main group to conduct post-attack photography that also crashed on takeoff; the whole crew died. Four planes aborted the mission and returned to Chengdu.[127][128] Only forty-seven of the sixty-eight B–29s launched hit the target area: one crashed en route, six jettisoned their bombs because of mechanical difficulties, and seven bombed secondary targets or targets of opportunity.[130] Six bombers suffered minor damage from flak, and one was lost over Yawata, 42-6230 Limber Dragon, which was shot down by a Kawasaki Ki-45 night fighter piloted by Warrant Officer Sadamitsu Kimura. One Japanese fighter reported minor damage.[131]

    On the way back to Chengdu, two B-29s crashed into mountainsides in China with the loss of all on board, including

    Neixiang.[131][132][133] To get his B-29s back to India, Wolfe had to borrow 15,000 US gallons (57,000 L) from the 312th Fighter Wing's meager supply. Although B-29s sat on the ground at Chengdu unprotected for several days afterwards, there were no Japanese attacks on the bases at Chengdu.[130]

    The raid on Yawata cost seven B-29s and fifty-five crewmen. Photos of the target were taken by the Fourteenth Air Force on 8 June, which indicated that only one bomb had landed in the target area, striking a power house 3,700 feet (1,100 m) from the coke ovens.[130] Press releases were factual and downplayed the damage inflicted. The existence of the Twentieth Air Force and XX Bomber Command were disclosed for the first time.[134][129][135]

    Sasebo

    Arnold ordered a small fifteen-plane follow-up raid on Japan by 10 July to demonstrate that Yawata was the start of a bombing campaign and not a one-off like the Doolittle raid, followed by a hundred-plane attack on Manchuria by 30 July and a fifty-plane attack on Palembang as soon as the airfields in Ceylon were ready. Wolfe's response was a counterproposal, scaling back the size of the forces to be engaged. Arnold relieved Wolfe of his command on 4 July, and promoted him to major general. Saunders assumed temporary command until Wolfe's relief, Major General

    Curtis E. LeMay, could arrive.[136][137]

    The first of the requested missions was flown on the night of 7 July. The mission plan called for attacks on five targets on

    Sasebo Naval Base; three would bomb the Akunoura engine works in Nagasaki; two would raid the nearby Omura aircraft plant; and one-plane strikes would be conducted against the steel works at Yawata and Tobata. That the likely damage would be negligible was not overlooked, but it was felt that this would be outweighed by the psychological factor. Putting 25 B-29s over Japan required 203 Hump missions and ate into the stockpile required for the hundred-plane mission to Manchuria.[138]

    Of the 28 B-29s despatched from India, two had to turn back with mechanical trouble.[139] One plane caught fire on the ground at Chakulia and was a total loss.[100][140] Seventeenth planes took off from Chengdu, along with two reconnaissance aircraft detailed to photograph the Miike Dyestuffs Plant in Omuta. Eleven bombed Sasebo using radar, as cloud cover obscured the target. Single planes attacked Omura and Tobata; one plane bombed Laoyao harbor near Yawata; and another bombed Hankou, but missed the city by 20 miles (32 km).[136][141][142] No planes were lost to flak or fighters over Japan, but one ditched into the sea.[143][140]

    Anshan

    With 3,954 short tons (3,587 t) carried across the Hump in July, the availability of aircraft now became the major limiting factor on operations. With only 127 B-29s available after some had been converted to tankers, Sanders was hard pressed to meet the Arnold's desire for a 100-plane strike. To gather as many aircraft as possible, he pushed back the date for the operation to the end of July. This meant postponing Palembang until August, but the airfields on Ceylon were not yet ready in any case. By allocating five days for the deployment to China, aircraft that were forced to turn back could be repaired and sent out again, and additional maintenance could be performed in China. The procedure entailed some risk because the B-29s could become targets for Japanese attacks while sitting on the ground at Chengdu for up to five days.[110][144]

    Showa Steel works

    The B-29s began making the trip to China on 25 July, and only four of the 111 despatched failed to reach China. One aircraft's engine caught on fire after takeoff for Chakulia, and it crash landed near Midnapore; nine of the thirteen crew died.[110][145] The mission was launched on 29 July. The target was the Showa Steel Works in Anshan, an important producer of coke, pig iron and steel. It produced 3,793,000 metric tons of coke annually, about a third of the Japanese Empire's total. The 444th Bombardment Group's base at Guanghan Airfield was rendered unserviceable by heavy rains, but 79 B-29s from the other three groups were available, and all but seven were able to take off. On crashed shortly afterwards when two engines caught fire.[146][147]

    Eleven aircraft developed mechanical trouble, and did not reach the target. One bombed the bombed the secondary target, the port of Qinhuangdao, two bombed the target of last resort, rail yards at Zhengxian, four attacked targets of opportunity, and four returned without bombing at all. Sixty attacked the Showa Steel Works, flying in close formation. A bomb hit a byproducts plant near the target, resulting in a cloud of dark smoke.[148][149]

    Great clouds of smoke rising from the Showa Steel Works during the daylight raid on Anshan, Manchuria.

    Flak damaged five bombers. One, Lady Hamilton, was then shot down by fighters. Eight of the crew bailed out and eventually reached Chengdu with the aid of Chinese guerrillas.[148][149] Another made an emergency landing at Ankang. The Japanese attempted to destroy it on the ground while it sat there for five days, resulting in the loss of a Kawasaki Ki-48 bomber during a night raid to Fourteenth Air Force fighters. Tools, spare parts and mechanics were flown in by C-46 and the B-29 was repaired and took to the sky again on 3 August.[148][150] Flak damaged one of the engines of Ramp Tramp, so it made an emergency landing in Vladivostok. The crew were interned in the Soviet Union, but were permitted to escape to Iran, along with the crews of three other B-29s that landed in the Soviet Union. The Soviets later reverse engineered the B-29 to produce the Tupolev Tu-4.[149]

    The ground at Guanghan dried out, allowing twenty-four B-29s of the 444th Bombardment Group to take to the air. It was five hours too late to participate in the attack on Anshan, so they headed for the tertiary target, the port of Taku. Five planes turned back with mechanical trouble, sixteen planes bombed Taku, and three attacked Zhengxian.[148][150]

    The mission was assessed as a success. At a cost of five B-29s, there were direct hits on two of the sixteen coke oven batteries and damage to a third, which was estimated would take a year to repair. At Taku two large warehouses and a collier were damaged.[148][150]

    Palembang

    The Pladjoe refinery at

    Moesi River. This was the first use of aerial mines by the Twentieth Air Force.[151][152] This mission involved a flight of 3,855 miles (6,204 km) to Palembang and 4,030 miles (6,490 km) to the Moesi River, so maximum fuel loads were carried, which meant only a one short ton (0.91 t) of bombs or mines.[153]

    Fifty-six B-29s of 444th and 468th Bombardment Groups arrived at China Bay on the afternoon of 9 August.[154][155] The strike force began to take off from China Bay at 16:45 the next day. A total of 54 B-29s were dispatched. One of the aircraft returned to the base 40 minutes after taking off due to engine problems, it was repaired within two hours, and took off again bound for Sumatra. Eight aircraft returned to Ceylon with mechanical trouble, and six more did not bomb the primary target. Thirty-nine bombers reached their primary targets. Thirty-one attacked the refinery. The B-29 assigned to drop illumination flares did not make it, so bombing was at night through overcast. A photo reconnaissance mission could not be flown until 19 September, which made it difficult to assess the results, but it appeared than only one building had been destroyed.[156][157]

    Carmichael personally led the 462nd Bombardment Group's mining mission[152] Eight bombers carried out the mission, laying sixteen aerial mines.[156] Mines dropped in the river connecting Palembang to the sea sank three ships totalling 1,768 deadweight tons (1,796 deadweight tonnes) and damaged four ships of 6,560 deadweight tons (6,670 deadweight tonnes). It took the Japanese almost a month to sweep the mines and open the river for maritime traffic again, which held up petroleum exports.[158] The Japanese fighters and antiaircraft guns failed to destroy any of the American bombers,[157] but B-29 Superfortress 42-24420 of the 444th Bombardment Group ditched when it ran out of fuel 90 miles (140 km) from Ceylon.[159][160][161] One crewman died, but the rest were rescued on 12 August by the British destroyer HMS Redoubt, which homed in on their Gibson Girl beacon.[157][161]

    This was the only USAAF raid on the oil facilities at Palembang. No more B-29 missions were flown from Ceylon. On 24 August, the XX Bomber Command recommended that the base at China Bay be abandoned, and Twentieth Air Force concurred on 3 October.[157]

    Nagasaki

    Only using fifty-six B-29s against Palembang left aircraft available for use elsewhere. Saunders therefore proposed a small raid on Japan. It was hoped that striking on the same day as Palembang would have a psychological impact by demonstrating that the B-29s could simultaneously attack targets thousands of miles apart. Saunders chose Nagasaki as the target, as it was an important shipbuilding, steel and munitions production area. He proposed to attack at night with incendiaries. This was the first incendiary raid on Japan.[162][163]

    Thirty-three B-29s from all four groups took off from India. One had to turn back with mechanical problems and another caught fire and the crew had to bail out over India. Twenty-nine bombers took off for Nagasaki. Each B-29 carried thirteen M-18 incendiary clusters and three M-26 fragmentation clusters, a total load of 5,816 pounds (2,638 kg). Two bombers from the 40th Bombardment Group had to return early, one with an oil leak and one with radar problems. Twenty-six B-29s attacked the target. The damage inflicted was minimal.[164][163]

    No B-29s were lost over the target and one downed a Japanese fighter, the Twentieth Air Force's first confirmed kill. Two B-29s were lost due to running out of fuel. The crew of one bailed out over China; the other landed at a forward airfield where it sank into the mud. The 312th Fighter Wing provided air cover and mechanics were flown in. The Chinese jacked the plane up and laid 4,500 railroad ties. Mechanics and the crew stripped the aircraft of non-essential equipment, and it was able to take off again on 23 August and land at Chiung Lai.[164][163]

    Yawata II

    For the next mission, Saunders wanted to complete the destruction of the coke oven in Yawata. His staff debated whether the best course of action was daylight precision bombing or a night attack with incendiaries. In the end, it was decided to do both, although not by design. One innovation was to allow the group commanders to set different loads for each B-29, based upon the efficiency of the aircraft and crew. On this mission some B-29s burned as little as 6,100 US gallons (23,000 L) and some as much as 7,600 US gallons (29,000 L), carrying an average of 6.3 500-pound (230 kg) bombs.[165][166]

    Three bombers had to return to India with mechanical trouble, two more had to land at forward airbase en route, and one crashed; the crew bailed out and were recovered by Chinese civilians. The three bombers that returned to base and one of the ones that made a forced landing were repaired and were able to rejoin the others in China. Ninety-seven bombers were then available in China, and seventy-five took off on the daylight raid. The eighth aircraft of the 462nd Bombardment Group to take off from Kuinglai crashed when its landing gear failed on takeoff, blocking the runway for the remaining thirteen aircraft. Strong winds prevented takeoff in the opposite direction, and it took six hours to clear the runway. It was therefore decided to mount a night mission. Eight of the thirteen remaining bombers were able to launch on this mission. They were joined by five bombers from the 40th and 444th Bombardment Groups that had failed to take off on the daylight raid, and one that had returned with mechanical trouble but had been repaired.[167][168]

    Sixty-one of the seventy-five bombers on the daylight raid found the target. They were met by intense flak from up to 166 anti-aircraft guns. Eight bombers were damaged and one, B-29 Superfortress 42-6408 Reddy Teddy of the 468th Bombardment Group, was shot down over Japan.[169][170] Another, B-29 Superfortress 42-6308 Feather Merchant of the 40th Bombardment Group, was damaged by flak and fighters; all but two of the crew bailed out over friendly territory in China and were rescued by Chinese civilians.[169][171] B-29 Superfortress 42-24474 Starduster of the 462nd Bombardment Group, piloted by Carmichael, was damaged by a Japanese Ki-45 fighter and crashed on Iki Island. Nine of the ten crew bailed out, but one man's parachute did not open and another was machine gunned in the air. The remaining seven, including Carmichael, were captured and endured beatings and mistreatment in captivity.[172][173] B-29 Superfortress 42-93829 Cait Paomat received flak damage over Yawata and the pilot, Major Richard McGlinn, elected to bail out over the Soviet Union rather than Japanese-occupied China. The crew of eleven became the second B-29 crew interned in the Soviet Union.[172][174] That night ten more B-29s dropped bombs on Yawata. The damage assessment was dispiriting; two coke ovens had been hit. Four B-29s had been shot down and ten lost to other causes, and ninety-five aircrew were dead or missing. [175]

    Anshan II

    On August 20, LeMay arrived to breathe new energy into the XX Bomber Command. The former Eighth Air Force group and wing commander had achieved remarkable success with strategic bombing operations in Europe, testing new concepts such as stagger formations, the combat box, and straight-and-level bombing runs. The youngest two-star general in the Army Air Forces had also revised tactics, tightened and expanded formations, and enhanced training for greater bombing precision. He inaugurated a lead-crew training school so that formations could learn to drop as a unit on cue from the aircraft designated as the lead ship. During his first two months at XX Bomber Command, LeMay had little more success than Wolfe or Saunders. The command continued to average only about one sortie a month per aircraft against Japan's home islands. When

    Kyūshū, and Manchuria.[176]

    LeMay gained the support of Communist leader Mao Zedong, who controlled parts of northern China. Willing to help against a common enemy, Mao agreed to assist downed American airmen and to locate in northern China a weather station that would provide better forecasts for the XX Bomber Command's raids on the Japanese in Manchuria and Kyūshū. Hoping to gain American recognition of his regime, Mao suggested that the Americans set up B–29 bases in northern China like those in Chiang Kai-shek's area of control in Sichuan. LeMay declined because he found it difficult enough to supply the airfields at Chengdu.[176]

    A black and white map of eastern India, Sri Lanka and South East Asia. Most of the cities depicted on the map are marked with bomb symbols.
    Locations of B-29 bomber bases in India and Ceylon and the main targets they attacked in South East Asia

    Ichi-Go and the first "fire raid" of Hankou (Wuhan)

    In late 1944, the Japanese offensive Operation Ichi-Go in China probed toward the B–29 and Air Transport Command bases around Chengdu and Kunming. To slow the enemy advance, Maj. Gen. Claire L. Chennault of the Fourteenth Air Force asked for raids on Japanese supplies at Hankou (an area now part of present-day Wuhan), and the Joint Chiefs directed LeMay to hit the city with firebombs. On December 18, LeMay launched the fire raid, sending eighty-four B–29s in at medium altitude with five hundred tons of incendiary bombs. The attack left Hankou burning for three days, proving the effectiveness of incendiary weapons against the predominantly wooden housing stock of the Far East.[176][177]

    By late 1944, American bombers were raiding Japan from the recently captured Marianas, making operations from the vulnerable and logistically impractical China bases unnecessary. In January 1945, the XX Bomber Command abandoned its bases in China and concentrated 58th Bomb Wing resources in India. The transfer signaled the end of Matterhorn. During the same month, LeMay moved to the Marianas, leaving command of the XX Bomber Command in India to Brig. Gen. Roger M. Ramey. Between January and March, Ramey's B–29s assisted

    Singapore, Malaya, as well as Palembang and other locations in the Netherlands East Indies. The 58th, the only operational wing of the XX Bomber Command, remained in India until the end of March 1945, when it moved to the Marianas to join the XXI Bomber Command.[176]

    XX Bomber Command stopped being an operational command at the end of March 1945 when the 58th Bomb Wing moved from India to the Marianas and control of the wing passed to the XXI Bomber Command.[176]

    Combat missions

    Combat missions[178]
    Mission Date Primary target Groups Up Bombed Lost
    1 5 June 1944 Makkasan railway yards, Bangkok, Thailand 40, 444, 462, 468 98 77 5
    2 15 June 1944 Yahata Steel Works, Yahata, Fukuoka, Japan 40, 444, 462, 468 68 47 7
    3 7 July 1944 Sasebo Shipyard, Nagasaki, Japan 444, 468 18 14 0
    4 29 July 1944 Showa Steel Works, Anshan, Manchuria 40, 444, 462, 468 96 75 3
    5 10 August 1944 Baraban oil refineries, Palembang, Dutch East Indies 40, 444, 462, 468 54 39 2
    6 10 August 1944 Nagasaki, Japan 40, 444, 462, 468 29 24 1
    7 20 August 1944 Yahata Steel Works, Yahata, Fukuoka, Japan 40, 444, 462, 468 88 71 14
    8 8 September 1944 Showa Steel Works, Anshan, Manchuria 40, 444, 462, 468 88 72 3
    9 26 September 1944 Showa Steel Works, Anshan, Manchuria 40, 444, 462, 468 109 83 0
    10 14 October 1944 Takao Naval Air Station, Okayama, Formosa 40, 444, 462, 468 131 106 2
    11 16 October 1944 Okayama, Formosa 444, 462 49 38 0
    11 16 October 1944 Heito, Formosa 468 24 20
    12 17 October 1944 Einansho Airfield, Tainan, Formosa 40 30 10 0
    13 25 October 1944 Omura, Nagasaki, Japan 40, 444, 462, 468 75 58 0
    14 3 November 1944 Malegon Railway Yards, Rangoon, Burma 40, 444, 462, 468 50 44 1
    15 5 November 1944 Singapore 40, 444, 462, 468 74 53 3
    16 5 November 1944 Omura Aircraft Factory, Nagasaki, Japan 40, 444, 462, 468 93 29 2
    17 11 November 1944 Omura Aircraft Factory, Nagasaki, Japan 40, 444, 462, 468 96 63 2
    18 27 November 1944 Bangkok, Thailand 40, 444, 462, 468 60 55 3
    19 7 December 1944
    Mukden
    , Manchuria
    40, 444, 462, 468 70 40 9
    20 14 December 1944 Rama VI Bridge, Bangkok, Thailand 40, 444, 462, 468 45 33 1
    21 18 December 1944 Hankou, China 40, 444, 462, 468 94 85 6
    22 19 December 1944 Omura, Nagasaki, Japan 40, 444, 462, 468 36 17 5
    23 21 December 1944
    Mukden
    , Manchuria
    40, 444, 462, 468 55 40 0
    24 2 January 1945 Rama VI Bridge, Bangkok, Thailand 40, 444, 462, 468 49 44 2
    25 6 January 1945 Omura, Nagasaki, Japan 40, 444, 462, 468 48 29 2
    26 9 January 1945 Formosa 40, 444, 462, 468 46 40 0
    27 11 January 1945 Floating Dry Dock and King George VI Graving Dock, Singapore 40, 444, 462, 468 43 27 0
    28 14 January 1945 Kagi Airfield, Chiayi County, Formosa 40, 444, 462, 468 82 54 0
    29 17 January 1945 Shinchiku, Formosa 40, 444, 462, 468 90 78 2
    30 25 January 1945 Mine-laying, Indochina area 462 26 25 0
    31 25 January 1945 Mine-laying, Singapore area 444, 462 45 41 1
    32 27 January 1945 Saigon Naval Shipyard 40 25 22 0
    33 1 February 1945 Floating Dry Dock 40, 444, 462, 468 104 78 0
    34 7 February 1945 Saigon Naval Shipyard 444, 462 66 44 0
    34 7 February 1945 Phnom Penh, Indochina 444, 462 17 0
    35 7 February 1945 Rama VI Bridge, Bangkok, Thailand 40, 468 60 59 2
    36 11 February 1945
    Rangoon
    , Burma
    40, 444, 462, 468 60 56 1
    37 19 February 1945 Kuala Lumpur, Malaya 444, 468 58 48 0
    38 24 February 1945 Empire Dock, Singapore 40, 444, 462, 468 117 105 0
    40 24 February 1945 Mine-laying,
    Johore Strait
    area
    444 12 10 0
    41 2 March 1945 Singapore Naval Base 40, 444, 462, 468 62 48 1
    39 4 March 1945 Mine-laying,
    Yangtze River
    , China
    468 30 24 0
    43 10 March 1945 Railway yards, Kuala Lumpur, Malaya 468 29 23 0
    42 12 March 1945 Samboe Island oil storage, Singapore 40 15 11 0
    42 12 March 1945 Bukum Island oil storage, Singapore 444 30 21 0
    42 12 March 1945 Sebarok Island oil storage, Singapore 462 15 11 0
    44 17 March 1945
    Rangoon
    , Burma
    40, 468 39 39 0
    45 22 March 1945
    Rangoon
    , Burma
    444, 462 30 28 0
    45 22 March 1945 Mingaladon railway station, Rangoon, Burma 468 10 10 0
    46 28 March 1945 Mine-laying,
    Yangtze River
    , China
    468 10 10 0
    47 28 March 1945 Mine-laying,
    Saigon area and Cam Ranh Bay
    , Indochina
    468 18 16 0
    48 28 March 1945 Mine-laying,
    Johore Strait and Riau Strait
    , Malaya
    444 33 32 0
    49 29 March 1945 Bukum Island oil storage, Singapore 40, 462 26 24 0

    Assessment

    The American Bomber Summary Survey states that "Approximately 800 tons of bombs were dropped by China-based B-29s on Japanese home island targets from June 1944 to January 1945. These raids were of insufficient weight and accuracy to produce significant results."[179] The XX Bomber Command failed to achieve the strategic objectives that the planners had intended for Operation Matterhorn, largely because of logistical problems, the bomber's mechanical difficulties, the vulnerability of Chinese staging bases, and the extreme range required to reach key Japanese cities. Although the B-29s achieved some success when diverted to support Chiang Kai-shek's forces in China, MacArthur's offensives in the Philippines, and Mountbatten's efforts in the Burma campaign, they generally accomplished little more than the B-17s and B-24s of the Fourteenth, Fifth, Thirteenth and Tenth Air Forces.[180]

    Chennault considered the Twentieth Air Force a liability and thought that its supplies of fuel and bombs could have been used more profitably by the Fourteenth Air Force. The XX Bomber Command consumed almost 15 percent of the Hump tonnage per month during Matterhorn.

    Albert C. Wedemeyer, who replaced Stilwell as the American senior commander in the China theater in October 1944,[181] agreed. The two were happy to see the B–29s leave China and India. Yet, despite those objections, Matterhorn did benefit the Allied war effort. Using the China bases bolstered Chinese morale and, more important, it allowed the strategic bombing of Japan to begin six months before bases were available in the Marianas. The Matterhorn raids against the Japanese home islands also demonstrated the B–29's effectiveness against Japanese fighters and anti-aircraft artillery. Operations from the Marianas would profit from the streamlined organization and improved tactics developed on the Asian mainland.[180]

    Footnotes

    1. ^ The name "Superfortress" was not assigned until March 1944.[2]
    2. ^ a b c d The 395th, 679th, 771st and 795th Bombardment Squadrons were disbanded in October 1944.[46][47]
    3. ^ a b c d The bomb maintenance squadrons were disbanded in October 1944.[46]
    4. ^ By March 1945 another 255 B-29s had made their way to CBI, and only three were lost en route.[95]
    5. Charra Airfield until July, but that base was not capable of sustaining very heavy bomber operations.[97]

    Notes

    1. ^ a b c Cate 1953, pp. 6–8.
    2. ^ "Superfortress". The Mirror. Vol. 22, no. 1139. Western Australia. 11 March 1944. p. 8. Retrieved 24 August 2023 – via National Library of Australia.
    3. ^ Boyne 2012, p. 96.
    4. ^ Boyne 2009, p. 52.
    5. ^ Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 723–724.
    6. ^ a b Coffey 1982, p. 334.
    7. ^ Haulman 1999, p. 6.
    8. ^ a b c Knaack 1988, p. 482.
    9. ^ Moore, Christopher (12 August 2020). "Defending the Superbomber: The B-29's Central Fire Control System". National Air and Space Museum. Retrieved 19 July 2023.
    10. ^ Haulman 1999, pp. 6–7.
    11. ^ Boyne 2012, p. 95.
    12. ^ Cate 1953, pp. 9–13.
    13. ^ United States 1968, p. 687.
    14. ^ a b c d e Cate 1953, pp. 17–19.
    15. ^ a b United States 1970, pp. 995–999.
    16. ^ Tunner 1998, pp. 58–59.
    17. ^ Hayes 1982, pp. 493–495.
    18. ^ Hayes 1982, p. 497.
    19. ^ a b Cate 1953, pp. 20–21.
    20. ^ United States 1961, p. 172.
    21. ^ Hayes 1982, pp. 496–497.
    22. ^ United States 1961, pp. 771–773.
    23. ^ Cate 1953, pp. 22–26.
    24. ^ Hayes 1982, pp. 500–501.
    25. ^ Hayes 1982, p. 493.
    26. ^ a b United States 1961, p. 780.
    27. ^ Hayes 1982, pp. 546–547.
    28. ^ a b c Hayes 1982, pp. 592–593.
    29. ^ Cate 1953, pp. 30–31.
    30. ^ Hayes 1982, pp. 554–560.
    31. ^ a b Cate 1953, pp. 26–28.
    32. ^ Romanus & Sunderland 1956, p. 16.
    33. ^ a b c Cate 1953, pp. 29–31.
    34. ^ a b c d Cate 1953, pp. 53–54.
    35. ^ Mays 2016, pp. 22–23.
    36. ^ a b c Mays 2016, pp. 23–26.
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    43. ^ Cate 1953, p. 23.
    44. ^ Cate 1953, p. 55.
    45. ^ Li 2020, pp. 36–37.
    46. ^ a b Cate 1953, pp. 123.
    47. ^ Maurer 1982, pp. 485, 705, 746, 760.
    48. ^ Cate 1953, pp. 45–46.
    49. ^ Romanus & Sunderland 1956, pp. 113–114.
    50. ^ Cline 1951, pp. 254–255.
    51. ^ Cate 1953, p. 56.
    52. ^ Coffey 1982, p. 342.
    53. ^ a b c d e Cate 1953, p. 95.
    54. ^ Coffey 1982, pp. 334–335.
    55. ^ a b c Boyne 2012, pp. 96–97.
    56. ^ a b c Coffey 1982, pp. 341–342.
    57. ^ Marshall 1993, p. 33.
    58. ^ Mann 2004, p. 14.
    59. ^ Cate 1953, pp. 59–60.
    60. ^ a b c d e f g Dod 1966, pp. 438–440.
    61. ^ a b Cate 1953, pp. 59–62.
    62. ^ a b Madsen 1944, pp. 332–334.
    63. ^ a b Cate 1953, pp. 63–64.
    64. ^ a b Dod 1966, p. 450.
    65. ^ a b c d Cate 1953, pp. 64–65.
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    References

    External links