Opposition to immigration
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Opposition to immigration, also known as anti-immigration, is a political ideology that seeks to restrict the incoming of people from one area to another. In the modern sense, immigration refers to the entry of people from one state or territory into another state or territory in which they are not citizens in contrast, but closely correspond to emigration which refers people leaving one state or territory in which they are citizens. Illegal immigration occurs when people immigrate to a country without having official permission to do so.[1] Opposition to immigration ranges from calls for various immigration reforms, to proposals to completely restrict immigration, to calls for repatriation of existing immigrants.
Anti-immigration arguments
National identity
Whether and how national identity affects attitudes toward immigration depends heavily on the meanings associated with a particular national identity. If a national identity is defined in an exclusionary way that targets ethnic or racial groups, or if an ethnic or racial majority dominates in the political structures of a nation, then that national identity is likely to be associated with attitudes against immigration. Research also suggests that people respond more strongly to appeals to national identity than they do to economic considerations when they are asked about issues relating to immigration.[2] Both Americans and Europeans are likely to overestimate the number of immigrants in their countries and to favor lower immigration.[3]
Where national identity is not defined in a way that conflicts with ethnic or racial identity, and where such groups are not excluded socio-economically, national identity can be compatible with ethnic or
National identity can even be an important factor for social peace in cases where there are intra-national divides. For example, a 2015 study showed that educational content emphasizing the national unity of Indonesia was an important cause of improved inter-ethnic and inter-religious relationships in Suharto's Indonesia.[5]Isolation, separation and stability
Immigrants can be isolated in their own communities, forming self-organized communities,
Immigration may adversely affect social[8] and political stability.[9]
Increased competition
Economic arguments concentrate on competition for employment, and the higher burdens that some groups of immigrants may impose on
Environmental space, quality and resource scarcity
Some people think there is a certain size of land needed to provide for a population ("environmental space"), e.g., to provide for the population's consumption, including absorption of waste products.[13] Immigrants, in this logic, such as a newborn child, reduce the per-capita size of land of the native country.
Some are concerned about urban sprawl and congestion, alterations in the wildlife and natural environment of the state, and an expansive carbon footprint due to immigration.[14] Furthermore, some are concerned over a state's scarce resources, dwindling water reserves, energy, pauperized soils and solid waste.[14]
Diseases
Immigrants (and cross-border movements in general) can bring infectious diseases uncommon to the native population from their home countries[15][16][17][18][19][20] which some perceive as a threat of significance in opposition to immigration.[21][22][23]
There is a history of white supremacist groups such as the Ku Klux Klan exaggerating or fabricating a connection between immigrants and infectious disease in order to stoke anti-immigrant sentiment.[24]
Immigrant crime
Opponents of immigration often claim that immigrants contribute to higher crime rates, but research suggests that people tend to overestimate the relationship between immigration and criminality.[25][26][27] The academic literature provides mixed findings for the relationship between immigration and crime worldwide, but finds for the United States that immigration either has no impact on the crime rate or that it reduces the crime rate.[28][29][26][30][31][32][33][34][35][36]
Military unity
Some concerns regarding immigration can be found in perceived military loyalty, especially if the country of emigration becomes involved in a war with the country of immigration[37] or if a country finds itself to need conscription.
Dangerous journeys
Unauthorized or irregular migration can expose immigrants to many dangers, including exposure to harsh environments, lack of food and water, and violence from smugglers and authorities.[38] Since 2014, over 4,000 people have died each year on migration routes around the world, and this is likely to be a low estimate since many deaths are never recorded.[39]
Harshly restricting immigration and making these restrictions known to potential emigrants may prevent them from taking such dangerous journeys.
Import of culture
Immigrants bring their culture with them.[42][43][44][45][46][47][17] The immigrants' thinking, their norms, practices, customs and values shape, extend and influence the native country's culture (Leitkultur). Some such extensions and influences might not be desired by parts of the native population, for reasons that may include practises considered less civilized, restrictions as well as collisions with the native country's norms, laws and values in general.[48][49][self-published source][50][51]
Economic costs
Opponents of immigration often state that immigrants have a net negative effect on public coffers mainly due to the provisioning of medical care and welfare.[52][53][54][55][56][57][58]
Various factors influence the impact of immigrants to a nation's public coffers and their use of welfare. While immigrants can improve a state's welfare system by for example counteracting trends of
Damage to migrants' home countries
Some opponents of immigration argue that immigration of highly skilled or well-educated individuals may hurt their home countries, which could otherwise benefit from them and build up their economy and improve their social and political system. However, that notion of "
Remittances have a major impact on the developing economies of the world with the majority of remittances, $441 billion in 2015, going to developing nations. This amount is nearly triple the $131 billion of global Official Development Assistance.[92] For many developing nations, remittances received make up a significant portion of their economies often receiving over 10% of their GDP in remittances each year.[92] From a macroeconomic perspective, there is no conclusive relationship between remittances and GDP growth.[93] While remittances can boost aggregate demand and thereby spur economic activity, other research indicates that remittances may also have adverse macroeconomic impacts by increasing income inequality and reducing labour supply among recipient countries.[94]
No solution to underlying problems
Immigration may be the outcome of problems in the migrants' countries of origin. Open immigration policies and efforts do not address the problems, but keeping borders closed does not address them either.
Jeanne Park of the
Causes of anti-immigration views
A 2017 study comprised 18,000 interviews across eleven countries: Australia, Canada, Denmark, France, Japan, Korea, Norway, Spain, Switzerland, United Kingdom and the United States. The study found that "higher-skilled immigrants are preferred to their lower-skilled counterparts at all levels of native socio-economic status (SES). There is little support for the Labor Market Competition hypothesis, since respondents are not more opposed to immigrants in their own SES stratum. While skin tone itself has little effect in any country, immigrants from Muslim-majority countries do elicit significantly lower levels of support, and racial animus remains a powerful force."[100]
A paper published in 2018 found that an influx of high-skilled immigration was associated with declines in nationalist voting, but that an influx in low-skilled immigration was associated with increases in nationalist voting in elections during the 2007–2016 period.[101] Perceptions that immigrants are low skilled also caused increased opposition (though high-skilled immigrants are more likely to be welcomed).[102] A 2019 paper from Tel Aviv University identified economic competition, cultural competition, racial attitudes, and fear of crime as some of the most significant factors in opposition to immigration.[103]
While much research has been conducted to determine what causes opposition to immigration, little research has been done to determine the causes behind support for immigration.[104]
Country of origin
A study of Europe found that immigrants themselves tend to hold more favorable views of immigration.[105] The same study found no evidence that the native-born children of immigrants hold more favorable views of immigration.[105] A 2017 study found that immigrants who stay in the country longer hold more negative views of immigration than those who have only been there for a brief period, possibly due to assimilating into native society and adopting its views.[106]
Economic status
A 2014 review study in the Annual Review of Political Science found that "there is little accumulated evidence that citizens primarily form attitudes about immigration based on its effects on their personal economic situation. This pattern has held in both North America and Western Europe, in both observational and experimental studies."[107] A study of Europe found the unemployed hold less favorable views towards immigration than the employed.[105]
A 2022 study found that individuals in the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and Italy became less hostile to welfare for immigrants when immigrants had a long work history in the country.[108]
A study done in 2020 showed that "economic anxiety" had little to do with a person's view on the inflow of immigrants in the U.S. The data collected by surveys showed that respondents' negative views/feelings about immigration were not impacted by economic anxiety but instead were impacted by higher levels of ethnocentrism. This means that if someone was anti-immigrant their views were not likely to be justified through economic anxiety or viewing immigrants as burdens but instead, people were more likely to be anti-immigrant based on the higher levels of ethnocentrism the individual had.[109]
Education and knowledge
Levels of education are one of the best predictors of support for anti-immigration policies and parties.
One study of Japan found that exposure to information about the benefits of immigration substantially increased support for a more open immigration policy.[116][117]
A study by Alexander Janus investigated whether
Geographic proximity to immigrants
Some research suggests that geographic proximity to immigrants drives anti-immigration views,[121] while other research shows the reverse.[122][123] Other research suggests that it is the perception of proximity, not actual proximity, that drives these views.[123]
A 2017 study finds that "more rapid ethnic changes increase opposition to immigration and support for UKIP" in the United Kingdom.[124] A 2018 study found that increases in local ethnic diversity in Denmark caused "rightward shifts in election outcomes by shifting electoral support away from traditional “big government” left‐wing parties and towards anti‐immigrant nationalist parties."[125]
A 2018 study in the American Political Science Review found that Greeks who had "direct exposure to refugee arrivals" showed more hostility "toward refugees, immigrants, and Muslim minorities; support for restrictive asylum and immigration policies; and political engagement to effect such exclusionary policies."[126]
A 2019 study investigated why residents of cities tend to have more positive attitudes towards immigration and cosmopolitanism. The study concluded that it was not living in a city per se that created more positive attitudes but rather the composition of the populations of cities; city populations tended to be more educated, which correlated with more positive immigration attitudes, while people who were more positive of immigration were more likely to self-select into large cities. Cities were also found to be internally heterogenous with regards to immigration attitudes, with attitudes varying between neighbourhoods.[127]
Intergenerational transmission
Some research suggests that anti-immigration views are transmitted from older generations to younger generations.
Cultural absolutism
The belief that some cultures are better than others, called cultural absolutism or cultural racism, is correlated with opposition to immigration.[130]: 6,12
Biological racism
The belief that some groups of people are born with different psychological abilities or personalities was found to be correlated with opposition to immigration.[130]: 6,12
Religion
A 2017 study found that by emphasizing shared religion can produce more supportive attitudes toward refugees.[131] A 2015 study of the US found that religion did not seem to determine opposition to immigration as while respondents were explicit about opposition to Muslim immigration, they also concealed significant opposition to Christian immigration due to social desirability bias. It was thus determined that religiosity or denomination did not determine explicit or implicit opposition and any differences were down to social desirability bias in this case.[132]
One 2018 study in the United Kingdom found that opposition to Muslim immigrants was not about a more negative view of Muslim (compared to Christian) immigrants but rather about rejecting fundamentalist religiosity. The study concluded that opposition based on religion was thus less about the religious group and more about political liberalism versus religious fundamentalism.[133][134]
Sociopsychological explanations
A 2014 review study in the
A 2017 study in the American Political Science Review argued that hostility towards immigrants is driven by disgust and can be explained as a psychological mechanism designed to protect humans from disease.[135]
Research suggests that the perception that there is a positive causal link between immigration and crime leads to greater support for anti-immigration policies or parties.
A study of the long-term effects of the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the United States found that the post-9/11 increase in
Research has also indicated opposition to immigration may be motivated by a person's concern about their group's social position.[145] Studies found that increasing Hispanic immigration to the US caused greater support for immigration restriction amongst both white Americans and non-Hispanic non-white Americans (Hispanic Americans showed no change in attitudes), suggesting that concerns about group position could motivate opposition to immigration.[146][147] Political ideology can also interact with group social position;[148] in the 2016 United States presidential election white Clinton voters were strongly opposed to the notion of white Americans limiting immigration to maintain their group position but were not generally opposed to the notion of Hispanic Americans desiring to increase their population share via increased immigration, while white Trump voters showed the opposite.[145] David Frum suggests that while mass migration has occurred historically, for societies that have undergone a demographic transition, immigration brings change faster since the native population has fewer children. This causes immigrants to be perceived not as reinforcing the native population but instead as replacing it.[149]
Opposition to immigration by country or region
In 2018, a survey of 27 countries around the world showed that a median of 45% wanted fewer or no immigrants, 36% wanted to keep the current immigration levels and only 14% wanted immigration to increase. The median of those opposing was the highest in countries receiving the most migrants, with 51% in European countries.[150]
Country/territory | Fewer/none (%) | About the same (%) | More (%) |
---|---|---|---|
Greece | 82 | 15 | 2 |
Israel | 73 | 15 | 9 |
Hungary | 72 | 22 | 2 |
Italy | 71 | 18 | 5 |
Russia | 67 | 23 | 7 |
South Africa | 65 | 23 | 11 |
Argentina | 61 | 28 | 6 |
Kenya | 60 | 24 | 15 |
Germany | 58 | 30 | 10 |
Indonesia | 54 | 31 | 8 |
Sweden | 52 | 33 | 14 |
Nigeria | 50 | 26 | 20 |
Poland | 49 | 36 | 9 |
India | 45 | 11 | 13 |
Mexico | 44 | 42 | 11 |
Tunisia | 42 | 38 | 20 |
France | 41 | 42 | 16 |
Netherlands | 39 | 49 | 10 |
Australia | 38 | 42 | 18 |
Brazil | 37 | 44 | 14 |
United Kingdom | 37 | 43 | 16 |
Philippines | 32 | 46 | 19 |
Spain | 30 | 39 | 28 |
United States | 29 | 44 | 24 |
South Korea | 28 | 52 | 18 |
Canada | 27 | 53 | 19 |
Japan | 13 | 58 | 23 |
Australia
The impact of Europeans was profoundly disruptive to Aboriginal life and, though the extent of violence is debated, there was considerable conflict on the frontier. At the same time, some settlers were quite aware they were usurping the Aborigines place in Australia. In 1845, settler Charles Griffiths sought to justify this, writing; "The question comes to this; which has the better right – the savage, born in a country, which he runs over but can scarcely be said to occupy ... or the civilized man, who comes to introduce into this ... unproductive country, the industry which supports life." Many events illustrate violence and resistance as Aborigines sought to protect their lands from invasion and as settlers and pastoralists attempted to establish their presence. In May 1804, at Risdon Cove, Van Diemen's Land, perhaps 60 Aborigines were killed when they approached the town.
A sparsely-populated continental nation with a predominantly European population,
Prime Minister John Curtin supported White Australia policy, saying "This country shall remain forever the home of the descendants of those people who came here in peace to establish in the South Seas an outpost of the British race."[152]
Prime Minister Stanley Bruce was a supporter of the White Australia Policy, and made it an issue in his campaign for the 1925 Australian Federal election.[153]
It is necessary that we should determine what are the ideals towards which every Australian would desire to strive. I think those ideals might well be stated as being to secure our national safety, and to ensure the maintenance of our White Australia Policy to continue as an integral portion of the British Empire.[153] We intend to keep this country white and not allow its people to be faced with the problems that at present are practically insoluble in many parts of the world.[154]
Labor leader (1951–1960)
You have always insisted on the right to determine the composition of your own people. Australia wants that right now. What you are attempting to do now, Japan attempted after the last war [the First World War] and was prevented by Australia. Had we opened New Guinea and Australia to Japanese immigration then the Pacific War by now might have ended disastrously and we might have had another shambles like that experienced in Malaya.[155]
Another (ALP) Leader of the Labor Party from 1960 to 1967 Arthur Calwell supported the White European Australia policy. This is reflected by Calwell's comments in his 1972 memoirs, Be Just and Fear Not, in which he made it clear that he maintained his view that non-European people should not be allowed to settle in Australia. He wrote:
I am proud of my white skin, just as a Chinese is proud of his yellow skin, a Japanese of his brown skin, and the Indians of their various hues from black to coffee-colored. Anybody who is not proud of his race is not a man at all. And any man who tries to stigmatize the Australian community as racist because they want to preserve this country for the white race is doing our nation great harm... I reject, in conscience, the idea that Australia should or ever can become a multi-racial society and survive.[156]
It was the high-profile historian Geoffrey Blainey, however, who first achieved mainstream recognition for the anti-multiculturalist cause when he wrote that multiculturalism threatened to transform Australia into a "cluster of tribes". In his 1984 book All for Australia, Blainey criticised multiculturalism for tending to "emphasise the rights of ethnic minorities at the expense of the majority of Australians" and also for tending to be "anti-British", even though "people from the United Kingdom and Ireland form the dominant class of pre-war immigrants and the largest single group of post-war immigrants."
According to Blainey, such a policy, with its "emphasis on what is different and on the rights of the new minority rather than the old majority," was unnecessarily creating division and threatened national cohesion. He argued that "the evidence is clear that many multicultural societies have failed and that the human cost of the failure has been high" and warned that "we should think very carefully about the perils of converting Australia into a giant multicultural laboratory for the assumed benefit of the peoples of the world."[157]
In one of his numerous criticisms of multiculturalism, Blainey wrote:
For the millions of Australians who have no other nation to fall back upon, multiculturalism is almost an insult. It is divisive. It threatens social cohesion. It could, in the long-term, also endanger Australia's military security because it sets up enclaves which in a crisis could appeal to their own homelands for help.
Blainey remained a persistent critic of multiculturalism into the 1990s, denouncing multiculturalism as "morally, intellectually and economically ... a sham".
In the 1996 election
Some Australians reacted angrily to One Nation, as Hanson was subjected to water balloons filled with urine at public speeches, ridiculed in the media, and received so many death threats she filmed a "good-bye video" in the case of her assassination.[160] She was imprisoned by the government on political corruption charges, which were dropped after her imprisonment. In recent years, however, Hanson returned to politics in 2016 after being elected as One Nation Senator for Queensland, and the rise of other anti-immigrant parties such as the Australian Liberty Alliance and groups such as the United Patriot Front indicates that anti-immigration sentiment may be becoming mainstream.
Minister of immigration Alex Hawke, minister of defense Peter Dutton, former prime-minister Tony Abbott, premier of New south wales Dominic Perrottet and other members of right-wing faction of Liberal/national coalition have an anti-immigration views. Current prime-minister Scott Morrison also has right-wing views to immigration (see Scott Morrison political views)
During the premiership of Tony Abbott Australia started the anti-immigration Operation Sovereign Borders, which was continued by the Scott Morrison government
Canada
Opponents of immigration to Canada have argued that immigration to Canada in current numbers of over 400 000 per year,[161] the highest in the Western world, is unsustainable and puts pressure on resources such as further worsening the country's current housing crisis.[162][unreliable source?][163] They argue that Canadian cities are limited in size and cannot take an infinite number of people. This also further creates a competition for jobs and puts a strain on the economy, the environment and tax funded public services.[164][165]
Europe
A February 2017 poll of 10,000 people in 10 European countries by Chatham House found on average a majority (55%) were opposed to further Muslim immigration, with opposition especially pronounced in several countries: Austria (65%), Poland (71%), Hungary (64%), France (61%) and Belgium (64%). Except for Poland, all of those had recently suffered jihadist terror attacks or been at the centre of a refugee crisis. Of those opposed to further Muslim immigration, 3/4 classify themselves as on the right of the political spectrum. Of those self-classifying as on the left of the political spectrum, 1/3 supported a halt.[166]
According to a Yougov poll in 2018, majorities in all seven polled countries were opposed to accepting more migrants: Germany (72%), Denmark (65%), Finland (64%), Sweden (60%), United Kingdom (58%), France (58%) and Norway (52%).[167]
Political opposition to high levels of legal immigration has been associated with certain
Immigration is one of the central political issues in many European countries, and increasingly also at European Union level. The anti-immigration perspective is predominantly nationalist, cultural and economic. A new index measuring the level of perceived threat from immigrants has been recently proposed and applied to a data set covering 47 European countries and regions.[169]
In France, the
Denmark
According to a poll in 2017, two out of three (64%) wished for limiting immigration from Muslim countries which was an increase from 2015 (54%).[172]
France
According to an Ipsos poll in September 2019, 65% responded that accepting migrants did not improve the situation in France and 45% responded that accepting migrants deprived the French of social services.[173]
The largest party in Senate Les Républicains have a right-wing populist views on immigration[174]
Germany
Greece
In February 2020, more than 10 000 individuals attempted to cross the border between Greece and Turkey after Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan opened its border to Europe, but they were blocked by Greek army and police forces. Hundreds of Greek soldiers and armed police resisted the trespassers and fired tear gas at them. Among those who attempted to cross the majority were not war refugees from Syria, but the largest group was from Afghanistan and the next largest from Pakistan along with significant numbers of migrants from African countries Ethiopia, Morocco and Algeria. Greece responded by refusing to accept asylum applications for a month.[175][176][177] Among the illegal immigrants who were apprehended between 28 February and 5 March by Greek authorities in the Evros region 64% were from Afghanistan, 19% were from Pakistan, 5% were from Turkey, 4% from Syria and 2.6% from Somalia.[177]
Hungary
In 2015 during the
Ireland
In 2022, during the
As news of the protests spread,
Social media campaigns have united the far-right activists to join the anti-immigration protests. Anti-immigration activists have used
Controversy has been raised over the loss or destruction of travel documents by 2,232 asylum seekers who were over 16 and traveling through Dublin Airport in 2022 after a freedom of information request. Reports had been made of the destruction of passports during transit in 2019.[196][197]
Italy
According to poll published by Corriere della Serra, one of two respondents (51%) approved closing Italy's ports to further boat migrants arriving via the Mediterranean, while 19% welcomed further boat migrants.[198]
In 2018, a poll by Pew Research found that a majority (71%) wanted fewer immigrants to be allowed into the country, 18% wanted to keep the current level and 5% wanted to increase immigration.[150]
Portugal
Portugal had little immigration until a sudden influx in the 1970s, as ex-colonists, most of them ethnically white, returned.[199] After the former Portuguese African colonies gained independence, and because nationals of Portuguese-speaking nations can freely live and work in Portugal without much bureaucracy, an incremental growth of immigration from Portugal's former overseas possessions was observed over the past few decades, primarily from Brazil, Cape Verde, Angola and Mozambique.[200][201] The country now has are nearly 240,000 Brazilians[202] and about 350,000 people born in an African country.[203] Although immigrants are mostly concentrated in urban and suburban areas, mainly on Portugal's coast, Portuguese authorities have in recent times encouraged immigration, notably from Brazil, to rural areas, in an effort to increase an ever shrinking population.[204] The growth of the number of immigrants has been linked to an escalation of anti-immigration sentiments and protests throughout Portugal since the mids 2000's.[205][206]
Until recently, far-right party "
Spain
A January 2004 survey by Spanish newspaper El País showed that the "majority" of Spaniards believe immigration was too high.[215]
In Spain, surveys show "in descending order, jobs, crime and housing" as the primary concerns for citizens opposed to immigration.[216]
Small Neo-fascist parties, such as Movimiento Social Español, openly campaign using nationalist or anti-immigrant rhetoric as do other small far-right parties such as National Democracy (Spain) and España 2000. These parties have never won national or regional parliamentary seats.
Sweden
A 2008 study, which involved questionnaires circulated to 5000 people, showed that less than a quarter of the respondents (23%) wanted to live in areas characterised by cultural, ethnic and social diversity.[217] A 2016 SOM Institute survey published by University of Gothenburg reported that between the years 2011 and 2016, the estimated share of people with concerns about the increasing number of immigrants increased from around 20% to 45%.[218] In 2018, a poll by Pew Research found that a majority (52%) wanted fewer immigrants to be allowed into the country, 33% wanted to keep the current level and 14% wanted to increase immigration.[150]
On the question of repatriation of the asylum immigrants, 61% of native respondents in 1990 thought that it was a good suggestion, with this figure steadily decreasing over the ensuing years to a low of around 40% in 2014. In 2015, there was an increase in respondents in favor of repatriation, with a majority, 52%, deeming it a good suggestion. The proportion of respondents who felt repatriation was neither a good nor bad proposal simultaneously dropped from almost 40% to 24%.[218]
In February 2020 finance minister
Switzerland
United Kingdom
In the UK the
The
The former Prime Minister Theresa May introduced an Immigration Skills Charge in April 2017, on companies who employ skilled non-EU immigrants, of £1000 per immigrant employee; small or charitable organizations pay a reduced amount of £364.[225][226] The money is to be used to help fund apprenticeships and skills training for people from the UK and EU. In her 2017 General Election manifesto, the Prime Minister promised to double the Immigration Skills Charge to £2,000 per employee, if re-elected.[227]
Asia
India
India has anti-immigration parties at the state level. Two anti-immigration parties in the state of Maharashtra, the Shiv Sena and the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena, are a proponent of the idea that migrants from Northern India steal jobs from the native Marathi people, with a history of attacking immigrants and accusing them of playing a role in crime in the city of Mumbai. The Shiv Sena also has a history of threatening the Pakistani cricket team from coming to Mumbai and also threatening Australian cricket players in the Indian Premier League, following racially motivated attacks on Indian students in Australia in 2009.
In the last few decades, there has been a rise in the anti-illegal immigration attitudes in the North East Indian states like Assam, which has become a common entry point for illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. Riots have occurred between the native tribes of Assam and illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.
In 2019, the
The
Israel
In 2012, Israel constructed a barrier on its border with Egypt which reduced the number of illegal immigrants crossing the border into Israel, from 16000 in 2011 to fewer than 20 in 2016 which represents a decrease of 99%.[232][233] The government tried offering money to migrants to encourage them to return to their countries of origin, while the Supreme Court blocked the government's attempts to deport them.[232]
In December 2017, the parliament approved legislation which would allow the government to overrule the Supreme Court to deport 40000 illegal immigrants. In the preceding decade, some 60000 illegal immigrants entered Israel by crossing the border with Egypt. Some were legitimate refugees, most were economic migrants.[232]
Japan
The movement for Japanese cultural isolation, sakoku (鎖 国), arose in Edo period Japan, in response to the strong influence of Western culture. The study of (ancient) Japanese literature and culture was called kokugaku (国 学, "country study").
Turkey
Established against the increasing number of asylum seekers and refugees in Turkey, Victory Party (Turkey) has been the leader of anti-refugeeism in Turkey since the day it was founded. The Victory Party's founding manifesto has numerous references to the founding father of the modern Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and his nationalist revolution after World War I. Ümit Özdağ defines the mass refugee influx from the Middle East to Turkey as “strategically engineered migration”—a renewed imperialist plot, resurfacing a century after the republic's inception. Only this time, Ümit Özdağ suggests, the imperialists will not use a “rental Greek army” to upend Turkey's sovereignty; they will instead install a Sunni Arab population of refugees to undermine Turkish national identity.
The Victory Party promises to send all fugitives and asylum seekers within one year. Although there is not a very high rate of votes among the public for now, it seems to have received 4.1% of the votes in some polls. The slogan of the party is "Victory Party will come, refugees will go." Foreign policy reported on Victory Party (Turkey) and Ümit Özdağ Turkey’s Far Right Has Already Won
Americas
Brazil
Brazil is a country of immigrants and developed a reputation for "warm welcome" of people all over the world. Nevertheless, different analysts often dispute how truthful this image is and, although openly xenophobic manifestation were uncommon, some scholars denounce it existence in more subtle ways.[234]
Despite the fact that Brazil was considered a safe haven for neighboring refugees and immigrants, xenophobic violence has erupted. Brazil received up to 3000
During the
Canada
In a 2013 interview with the French news magazine L'Express Canadian academic and environmental activist David Suzuki stated that Canada's immigration policy was "crazy" and "Canada is full". However, he insisted that Canada should "open its doors to those who are oppressed" and accept refugees.[239]
In a 2017 poll conducted by the
The National Citizens Alliance is a far-right political party in Canada that regularly holds anti-immigration rallies.[241][242]
The political parties Avenir Quebec, United Conservative, Bloc Québécois, People's party and factions of Conservative party have anti-immigration views, the former minister of foreign Affairs Maxime Bernier and some members of conservative party and regional conservative parties, such as Jason Kenney, François Legault, Scott Reid have anti-immigration views.
Costa Rica
Anti-immigrant feelings date back to the late 19th century and early 20th century with the country's first waves of migrations from places like
After a series of
Mexico
In Mexico, during the first eight months of 2005, more than 120,000 people from
Many immigration restrictionists in the United States have accused the Mexican government of
Panama
The recent exodus of Venezuelan migrants in Panama encouraged the xenophobic and anti-migration public speech from Panamanian nationalist groups.[31]
United States
In the United States of America, opponents of immigration typically focus on perceived adverse effects, such as economic costs (job competition and burdens on education and social services); negative environmental impact from accelerated population growth; increased crime rates, and in the long run, changes in traditional identities and values.[257]
In countries where the majority of the population is of immigrant descent, such as the United States, opposition to immigration sometimes takes the form of nativism.[258]
In the United States, opposition to immigration has a long history, starting in the late 1790s, in reaction to an influx of political refugees from France and Ireland. The
Immigration again became a major issue from the 1990s onward, with burgeoning rates of undocumented immigration, particularly by Mexicans who crossed the Southern border, and others who overstayed their visitor visas. The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 provided an amnesty which was described as the amnesty to end all amnesties but it had no lasting impact on the flow of illegal immigrants.[260]
By 2014, the
- What started five years ago as a groundswell of conservatives committed to curtailing the reach of the federal government, cutting the deficit and countering the Wall Street wing of the Republican Party has become a movement largely against immigration overhaul. The politicians, intellectual leaders and activists who consider themselves part of the Tea Party movement have redirected their energy from fiscal austerity and small government to stopping any changes that would legitimize people who are here illegally, either through granting them citizenship or legal status.[261]
As of 2014, over 42.4 million immigrants were living in the United States. This was about 13.3% of the entire United States population at that time.[262]
- Labor unions
The American Federation of Labor (AFL), a coalition of labor unions formed in the 1880s, vigorously opposed unrestricted immigration from Europe for moral, cultural, and racial reasons. The issue unified the workers who feared that an influx of new workers would flood the labor market and lower wages.[263] Nativism was not a factor because upwards of half the union members were themselves immigrants or the sons of immigrants from Ireland, Germany and Britain. However, nativism was a factor when the AFL even more strenuously opposed all immigration from Asia because it represented (to its Euro-American members) an alien culture that could not be assimilated into American society. The AFL intensified its opposition after 1906 and was instrumental in passing immigration restriction bills from the 1890s to the 1920s, such as the 1921 Emergency Quota Act and the Immigration Act of 1924, and seeing that they were strictly enforced.[264]
Mink (1986) concludes that the link between the AFL and the Democratic Party rested in part on immigration issues, noting the large corporations, which supported the Republicans, wanted more immigration to augment their labor force.[265]
The United Farm Workers was committed to restricting immigration during Cesar Chavez tenure. Chavez and Dolores Huerta, cofounder and president of the UFW, fought the Bracero Program that existed from 1942 to 1964. Their opposition stemmed from their belief that the program undermined U.S. workers and exploited the migrant workers. Since the Bracero Program ensured a constant supply of cheap immigrant labor for growers, immigrants could not protest any infringement of their rights, lest they be fired and replaced. Their efforts contributed to Congress ending the Bracero Program in 1964. In 1973, the UFW was one of the first labor unions to oppose proposed employer sanctions that would have prohibited hiring illegal immigrants.
On a few occasions, concerns that illegal immigrant labor would undermine UFW strike campaigns led to a number of controversial events, which the UFW describes as anti-strikebreaking events, but which have also been interpreted as being anti-immigrant. In 1969, Chavez and members of the UFW marched through the
In 1973, the United Farm Workers set up a "wet line" along the
In 1979, Chavez used a forum of a U.S. Senate committee hearing to denounce the federal immigration service, which he said the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service purportedly refused to arrest illegal Mexican immigrants who Chavez claims are being used to break the union's strike.[276]
[A] right-wing proposal, which says essentially there is no United States. [...] [Y]ou're doing away with the concept of a nation-state. What right-wing people in this country would love is an open-border policy. Bring in all kinds of people, work for $2 or $3 an hour, that would be great for them. I don't believe in that. I think we have to raise wages in this country, I think we have to do everything we can to create millions of jobs.[279][280]
Africa
South Africa
Several periods of violent riots against migrants have occurred in South Africa in the past decade, some resulting in fatalities. Countries from which the migrants targeted originated include Malawi, Mozambique and Zimbabwe.[281][282]
In March 2019, groups armed with machetes broke into the homes of migrants in Durban. At least six people were killed, several were wounded and their homes were looted. At least 300 Malawi migrants were forced to leave the country. In separate attacks, foreign truck drivers were forced out of their vehicles and were attacked with knives. On 2 April 2019, another group of migrants in Durban was attacked[by whom?] and forced to flee their homes. The escalating violence added tension to the 2019 South African general election.[283]
See also
- America First (policy)
- Aporophobia
- Build the Wall
- Criticism of economic growth
- Divide and rule
- Economic migrant
- Economic results of migration
- Emigration
- Environmental migrant
- Environmental racism
- Executive Order 13769
- Human capital flight
- Human overpopulation
- Immigration and crime
- Immigration policy
- Immigration reduction in the United States
- Immigration reform
- International Organization for Migration
- Islamization and Islamophobia
- Left-wing terrorism
- Make America Great Again
- Nativism (politics)
- People smuggling
- Political asylum
- Refugee
- Right of foreigners to vote
- Right-wing terrorism
- Rivers of Blood speech
- Trump administration family separation policy
- Trumpism
- With Open Gates
- Xenophobia
Further reading
- Esses, Victoria M. (2021-01-04). "Prejudice and Discrimination Toward Immigrants". Annual Review of Psychology. 72 (1)
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{{cite journal}}
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(help) - ^ Chinchilla, Aaron (25 July 2018). "Restauración Nacional exige al Gobierno reforzar controles migratorios en Peñas Blancas". El Periódico.
- ^ Pérez, Karla (January 2018). "Fabricio Alvarado: Hay que implementar una política migratoria fuerte". El Mundo.
- ^ a b c d Rico (18 August 2018). "44 arrested for xenophobic attacks against Nicaraguans in San José". QCosta Rica. Retrieved 2 November 2018.
- ^ a b "Costa Rica: symboles nazis lors d'une manifestation anti-migrants nicaraguayens". Journal de Montreal. 19 August 2018. Retrieved 2 November 2018.
- ^ "Costa Rica: violenta protesta contra inmigración nicaragüense". DW. Retrieved 2 November 2018.
- ^ Redaccion (26 August 2018). "Costa Rica marcha contra la xenofobia hacia los migrantes de Nicaragua que llegan al país huyendo de la crisis". BBC Mundo. Retrieved 2 November 2018.
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- ^ Arellano, Gustavo. "The year in Mexican-bashing". OC Weekly. Archived from the original on 9 June 2014. Retrieved 18 June 2014.
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Sources and further reading
- Alexseev, Mikhail A. (2006). Immigration phobia and the security dilemma: Russia, Europe, and the United States. Cambridge New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521849883.
- Jensen, Richard (Spring 2009). "Comparative nativism: the United States, Canada and Australia, 1880s–1910s". Canadian Issues. Association for Canadian Studies: 45–55. Archived from the original on 3 July 2017. Retrieved 23 February 2016.
- Peter Thisted Dinesen and Frederick Hjorth. 2020. "Attitudes toward Immigration: Theories, Settings, and Approaches." in The Oxford Handbook of Behavioral Political Science.
- United States
- ISBN 9780313093036.
- Anbinder, Tyler (2006), "Nativism and prejudice against immigrants", in Ueda, Reed (ed.), A companion to American immigration, Malden, Massachusetts Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, pp. 177–201, ISBN 9780631228431. Excerpt.
- Barkan, Elliott R. (Summer 2003). "Return of the nativists? California public opinion and immigration in the 1980s and 1990s". S2CID 144785379.
- Higham, John (1963). Strangers in the land: patterns of American nativism, 1860–1925. New York: Atheneum. OCLC 421752.
- Hueston, Robert F. (1976). The Catholic press and nativism, 1840–1860. New York: Arno Press. ISBN 9780405093425.
- Maddalena, Marinari. Unwanted: Italian and Jewish Mobilization against Restrictive Immigration Laws, 1882–1965 (2020) excerpt
- Schrag, Peter (2010). Not fit for our society nativism and immigration. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 9780520259782.
- Canada
- McLean, Lorna (Summer 2004). ""To become part of us": ethnicity, race, literacy and the Canadian Immigration Act of 1919". Canadian Ethnic Studies. 36 (2): 1–28. ISSN 0008-3496. Archived from the originalon 24 June 2019. Retrieved 23 February 2016.
- Palmer, Howard (1982). Patterns of prejudice: a history of nativism in Alberta. Toronto, Ontario: McClelland and Stewart. ISBN 9780771069475.
- Robin, Martin (1992). Shades of right: nativist and fascist politics in Canada, 1920–1940. Toronto Buffalo: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 9780802068927.
- Ward, W. Peter (2002) [1978]. White Canada forever popular attitudes and public policy toward orientals in British Columbia (3rd ed.). Montreal, Quebec: McGill-Queen's University Press. ISBN 9780773569935.
- Other countries
- Betz, Hans-Georg (2007), "Against the 'Green Totalitarianism': Anti-Islamic nativism in contemporary radical right-wing populism in Western Europe", in Schori Liang, Christina (ed.), Europe for the Europeans the foreign and security policy of the populist radical right, Aldershot, England Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate, pp. 33–54, ISBN 9780754686255.
- Finzsch, Norbert; Schirmer, Dietmar, eds. (1998). Identity and intolerance : nationalism, racism, and xenophobia in Germany and the United States. Washington, D.C. Cambridge: German Historical Institute Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521591584.
- Lucassen, Leo (2005). The immigrant threat: the integration of old and new migrants in western Europe since 1850. Urbana, Illinois: University of Illinois Press. ISBN 9780252072949. Examines Irish immigrants in Britain, Polish immigrants in Germany, Italian immigrants in France (before 1940), and (since 1950), Caribbeans in Britain, Turks in Germany, and Algerians in France.
- Schori Liang, Christina, ed. (2007). Europe for the Europeans the foreign and security policy of the populist radical right. Aldershot, England Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate. ISBN 9780754686255.