Origin of the Romanians
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Several theories, in great extent mutually exclusive, address the issue of the origin of the Romanians. The
Political motivations—the Transylvanian Romanians' efforts to achieve their emancipation, Austro-Hungarian and Romanian expansionism, and Hungarian irredentism—influenced the development of the theories, and "national passions"[1] still color the debates. In 2013, authors of The Cambridge History of the Romance Languages came to the conclusion that the "historical, archaeological and linguistic data available do not seem adequate to give a definitive answer" in the debate.[2] Their view was accepted by scholars contributing to The Oxford Guide to the Romance Languages, published in 2016, which reiterates that "the location and extent of the territory where "Daco-Romance" originated" is uncertain.[3]
Historic background
Three major ethnic groups – the Dacians, Illyrians and Thracians – inhabited the northern regions of Southeastern Europe in Antiquity.[4] Modern knowledge of their languages is based on limited evidence (primarily on proper names), making all scholarly theories proposing a strong relationship between the three languages or between Thracian and Dacian speculative.[5]
The Illyrians were the first to be conquered by the Romans, who organized their territory into the province of Illyricum around 60 BC.[6] In the lands inhabited by Thracians, the Romans set up the province of Moesia in 6 AD, and Thracia forty years later.[7] The territory between the Lower Danube and the Black Sea (now Dobruja in Romania and Bulgaria) was attached to Moesia in 46.[8]
The Romans annihilated the
The
The next arrivals, the Bulgars, established their own state on the Lower Danube in 681.
Bulgaria was invaded by the Magyars (or Hungarians) in 894,[27] but a joint counter-attack by the Bulgars and the Pechenegs – a nomadic Turkic people – forced the Magyars to find a new homeland in the Carpathian Basin.[28] Historians still debate whether they encountered a Romanian population in the territory.[29][30] The Byzantines occupied the greater part of Bulgaria under Emperor John I Tzimiskes (r. 969–976).[31] The Bulgars regained their independence during the reign of Samuel (r. 997–1014),[32] but Emperor Basil II of Byzantium conquered their country around 1018.[33]
The Hungarians' supreme ruler,
The Byzantine authorities introduced new taxes, provoking an
The unification of
Theories on the Romanians' ethnogenesis
Romanians, known by the
Among the first to note the Latin character of the language were Italian humanists Poggio Bracciolini and Flavio Biondo.[61] One of the first scholars who systematically studied the Romance languages, Friedrich Christian Diez (1797-1876), described Romanian as a semi-Romance language in the 1830s.[62] In his Grammar of the Romance Languages (1836) Diez highlights six languages of the Romance area which attract attention, in terms of their grammatical or literary significance: Italian and Romanian, Spanish and Portuguese, Provençal and French. All six languages have their first and common source in Latin, a language which is 'still intertwined with our civilization'.[63][64] Harald Haarmann considers that any discussion about the position of Romanian within the Romance philology was definitely decided with the Grammar of Diez. After the publication of his Grammar of the Romance Languages, Romanian is always listed among the Romance languages.[65] In 2009, Kim Schulte likewise argued that "Romanian is a language with a hybrid vocabulary".[66] The proportion of loanwords in Romanian is indeed higher than in other Romance languages.[67] Its certain structural features—such as the construction of the future tense—also distinguish Romanian from other Romance languages.[67] Some peculiarities connect it to Albanian, Bulgarian and other tongues spoken in the Balkan Peninsula.[68] Nevertheless, as linguist Graham Mallinson emphasizes, Romanian "retains enough of its Latin heritage at all linguistic levels to qualify for membership of the Romance family in its own right", even without taking into account the "re-Romancing tendency" during its recent history.[69]
The territories south of the Danube were subject to the Romanization process for about 800 years, while Dacia province to the north of the river was only for 165 years under Roman rule, which caused "a certain disaccord between the effective process of Roman expansion and Romanization and the present ethnic configuration of Southeastern Europe", according to Lucian Boia.[70] Political and ideological considerations, including the dispute between Hungary and Romania over Transylvania, have also colored these scholarly discussions.[71][1]
Accordingly, theories on the Romanian
Romanian (and other, closely related, ‘Daco-Romanian’ varieties), Aromanian (also called ‘Macedo-Romanian’), Istro-Romanian, and Megleno-Romanian jointly constitute the four subdivisions of the ‘Daco-Romance’ branch of the Romance languages. Although they share a common ancestor, their early history (including the location and extent of the territory where ‘Daco-Romance’ originated; cf. Andreose and Renzi 2013:287), and the historical links between them, remain obscure. Aromanian and Romanian probably became separate before the eleventh century, Istro-Romanian and Romanian not before the thirteenth; the affiliation of Megleno-Romanian is debated.[3]
— Martin Maiden
Historiography: origin of the theories
Byzantine authors were the first to write of the Romanians (or Vlachs).[76] The 11th-century scholar Kekaumenos wrote of a Vlach homeland situated "near the Danube and [...] the Sava, where the Serbians lived more recently".[77][78] He associates the Vlachs with the Dacians and the Bessi.[79] Accordingly, historians have located this homeland in several places, including Pannonia Inferior and Dacia Aureliana.[80][77] When associating the Vlachs with ancient ethnic groups, Kekaumenos followed the practice of Byzantine authors who named contemporary peoples for peoples known from ancient sources.[81] The 12th-century scholar John Kinnamos wrote that the Vlachs "are said to be formerly colonists from the people of Italy".[82][83][84] William of Rubruck wrote that the Vlachs of Bulgaria descended from the Ulac people,[85] who lived beyond Bashkiria.[86] According to Victor Spinei, Rubruck's words imply that he regarded the Vlachs a migrant population, coming from the region of the Volga like their Hungarian and Bulgarian neighbors.[87] The late 13th-century Hungarian chronicler Simon of Kéza states that the Vlachs (Blackis) were "shepherds and husbandmen" who "remained in Pannonia".[88][89] An unknown author's Description of Eastern Europe from 1308 likewise states that the Balkan Vlachs "were once the shepherds of the Romans" who fled Hungary and "had over them ten powerful kings in the entire Messia and Pannonia".[90][91]
A
The development of the theories was closely connected to political debates in the 18th century.[122][123][124] Important historians of this time[note 1] theorized Romanian migration from the Balkans.[125] Sulzer's theory was apparently connected to his plans on the annexation of Wallachia and Moldavia by the Habsburg Monarchy, and the settlement of German colonists in both principalities.[126] The three political "nations" of the Principality of Transylvania, actually meaning: its Estates (Hungarian nobility, and the leading classes of the free Saxons and Székelys, which excluded serfs of all these ethnicities) enjoyed special privileges, while local legislation emphasized that the Romanians had been "admitted into the country for the public good" and they were only "tolerated for the benefit of the country".[123][127] When suggesting that the Romanians of Transylvania were the direct descendants of the Roman colonists in Emperor Trajan's Dacia, the historians of the "Transylvanian School" also demanded that the Romanians were to be regarded as the oldest residents of the country.[123][128] The Supplex Libellus Valachorum – a petition completed by the representatives of the local Romanians in 1791 – explicitly demanded that the Romanians should be granted the same legal status that the three privileged "nations" had enjoyed because the Romanians were of Roman stock.[129][130]
The concept of the common origin of the Romanians of the Habsburg Empire, Moldavia and Wallachia inevitably gave rise to the development of the idea of a united Romanian state.
After some oscillations in the 1950s, the strictest variant of the continuity theory became dominant in Communist Romania.[135] Official historians claimed that the formation of the Romanian people started in the lands within the actual Romanian borders, stating that the south-Danubian territories had only had a role during the preceding "Romanic" phase of the Romanians' ethnogenesis.[136] Nicolae Ceaușescu made history one of the "pillars of national Communism" in the 1970s.[1] To meet his expectations, historians started to diminish the role of Slavs, and even of Romans, emphasizing the authochthonous character of Romanian culture and society.[1] On the other hand, the Hungarian Academy of Sciences published a three-volume monography about the history of Transylvania in 1986, presenting the arguments of the immigrationist theory.[137] The Hungarian government had supported its publication and the Minister of Education, the linguist and historian, Béla Köpeczi, was the general editor of the volumes.[137] The historian Keith Hitchins notes that the controversy "has lasted down to the post-Communist era", but it "has assumed an attenuated form as membership in the European Union has softened territorial rivalries between Romania and Hungary".[1] According to Vlad Georgescu, Bulgarian historians tend to support the continuity theory, but also to diminish the Vlachs' role in the history of the Balkans, while most Russian historians accept the continuous presence of the Romanians' ancestors in Transylvania and Banat, but deny any form of continuity in Moldova.[122] Linguist Gottfried Schramm emphasizes that the Romanians' ethnogenesis is a "fundamental problem of the history and linguistic history of Southeastern Europe" and urges scholars from third countries to start studying it.[138]
Theory of Daco-Roman continuity
Scholars supporting the continuity theory argue that the Romanians descended primarily from the
In these scholars' view, the close contacts between the autochthonous Dacians and the Roman colonists led to the formation of the Romanian people because masses of provincials stayed behind after the
Proponents of the theory argues that the north-Danubian regions remained the main "center of Romanization" after the Slavs started assimilating the Latin-speaking population in the lands south of the Danube, or forcing them to move even further south in the 7th century.
Historians who accept the continuity theory emphasize that the Romanians "form the numerically largest people" in southeastern Europe.[145][153][154][155] Romanian ethnographers point at the "striking similarities" between the traditional Romanian folk dress and the Dacian dress depicted on Trajan's Column as clear evidence for the connection between the ancient Dacians and modern Romanians.[156][157] They also highlight the importance of the massive and organized colonization of Dacia Traiana.[158][159][160] One of them, Coriolan H. Opreanu underlines that "nowhere else has anyone defied reason by stating that a [Romance] people, twice as numerous as any of its neighbours..., is only accidentally inhabiting the territory of a former Roman province, once home to a numerous and strongly Romanized population".[154]
With the colonists coming from many provinces and living side by side with the natives, Latin must have emerged as their common language.[158][159][161] The Dacians willingly adopted the conquerors' "superior" culture and they spoke Latin as their native tongue after two or three generations.[162][163] Estimating the provincials' number at 500,000-1,000,000 in the 270s, supporters of the continuity theory rule out the possibility that masses of Latin-speaking commoners abandoned the province when the Roman troops and officials left it.[142][164][1] After the abandonment of Dacia by the Roman army and administration and the frequent invasions of barbarians, the Daco-Roman population moved from the plains and river valleys to mountainous and hilly areas with better natural defenses.[165] In this regard, on the first plan in the economy was put forward animal husbandry with the existence of agriculture and some crafts, and the settlements became small and relatively short-lived.[165][166] Historian Ioan-Aurel Pop concludes that the relocation of hundreds of thousands of people across the Lower Danube in a short period was impossible, especially because the commoners were unwilling to "move to foreign places, where they had nothing of their own and where the lands were already occupied."[164] Historians who accept the continuity theory also argue that Roman sources do not mention that the Roman population was moved from Dacia Traiana, but that the military and administration were removed.[1]
Most Romanian scholars accepting the continuity theory regard the archaeological evidence for the uninterrupted presence of a Romanized population in the lands now forming Romania undeniable.
Written sources did not mention the Romanians, either those who lived north of the Lower Danube or those living to the south of the river, for centuries.[180] Scholars supporting the continuity theory note that the silence of sources does not contradict it, because early medieval authors named the foreign lands and their inhabitants after the ruling peoples.[180] Hence, they mentioned Gothia, Hunia, Gepidia, Avaria, Patzinakia and Cumania, and wrote of Goths, Huns, Gepids, Avars, Pechenegs and Cumans, without revealing the multi-ethnic character of these realms.[180] References to the Volokhi in the Russian Primary Chronicle, and to the Blakumen in Scandinavian sources are often listed as the first records of north-Danubian Romanians.[181][182][183] The Gesta Hungarorum—the oldest extant Hungarian gesta, or book of deeds, written around 1200, some 300 years after the described events— mentions the Vlachs and the "shepherd of the Romans" (et Blachij, ac pastores romanorum) along with the Bulgarians, Slavs, Greeks, Khazars, Székelys, and other people among the inhabitants of the Carpathian Basin at the time of the arrival of the Hungarians in the late 9th century. Simon of Kéza's later Hungarian chronicle described the Vlachs (Blackis) as "shepherds and husbandmen" who remained in Pannonia.[88][181][184][185] The historian Ioan-Aurel Pop concludes that the two chronicles "assert the Roman origin of Romanians... by presenting them as the Romans' descendants" who stayed in the former Roman provinces.[186]
Immigrationist theory
Scholars who support the immigrationist theory propose that the Romanians descended from the Romanized inhabitants of the provinces to the south of the Danube.
Immigrationist scholars emphasize that all other Romance languages developed in regions which had been under Roman rule for more than 500 years and nothing suggests that Romanian was an exception.[194][195] Even in Britain, where the Roman rule lasted for 365 years (more than twice as long as in Dacia Traiana), the pre-Roman languages survived.[194] Proponents of the theory have not developed a consensual view about the Dacians' fate after the Roman conquest, but they agree that the presence of a non-Romanized rural population (either the remnants of the local Dacians, or immigrant tribesmen) in Dacia Traiana is well-documented.[196][197] The same scholars find it hard to believe that the Romanized elements preferred to stay behind when the Roman authorities announced the withdrawal of the troops from the province and offered the civilians the opportunity to follow them to the Balkans.[194][198] Furthermore, the Romans had started fleeing from Dacia Traiana decades before it was abandoned.[199]
Almost no place name has been preserved in the former province (while more than twenty settlements still bear a name of Roman origin in England).
Immigrationist scholars underline that the population of the Roman provinces to the south of the Danube was "thoroughly Latinized".[204] Romanian has common features with idioms spoken in the Balkans (especially with Albanian and Bulgarian), suggesting that these languages developed side by side for centuries.[204][205] South Slavic loanwords also abound in Romanian.[204] Literary sources attest the presence of significant Romance-speaking groups in the Balkans (especially in the mountainous regions) in the Middle Ages.[206][207] Dozens of place names of Romanian origin can still be detected in the same territory.[80] The Romanians became Orthodox Christians and adopted Old Church Slavonic as liturgical language, which could hardly have happened in the lands to the north of the Danube after 864 (when Boris I of Bulgaria converted to Christianity).[208][30] Early medieval documents unanimously describe the Vlachs as a mobile pastoralist population.[209] Slavic and Hungarian loanwords also indicate that the Romanians' ancestors adopted a settled way of life only at a later phase of their ethnogenesis.[210]
Reliable sources refer to the Romanians' presence in the lands to the north of the Danube for the first time in the 1160s. No place names of Romanian origin were recorded where early medieval settlements existed in this area.[211] Here, the Romanians adopted Hungarian, Slavic and German toponyms, also indicating that they arrived after the Saxons settled in southern Transylvania in the mid-12th century.[212][213] The Romanians initially formed scattered communities in the Southern Carpathians, but their northward expansion is well-documented from the second half of the 13th century.[214][215] Both the monarchs and individual landowners (including Roman Catholic prelates) promoted their immigration because the Romanian sheep-herders strengthened the defense of the borderlands, and settled areas which could not be brought into agricultural cultivation.[216][217] The Romanians adopted a sedentary way of life after they started settling on the edge of lowland villages in the mid-14th century.[218] Their immigration continued during the following centuries and they gradually took possession of the settlements in the plains which had been depopulated by frequent incursions.[219][220]
Admigration theory
According to the "admigration" theory, proposed by Dimitrie Onciul (1856–1923), the formation of the Romanian people occurred in the former "Dacia Traiana" province, and in the central regions of the Balkan Peninsula.[221][222][223] However, the Balkan Vlachs' northward migration ensured that these centers remained in close contact for centuries.[221][224] It is a compromise between the immigrationist and the continuity theories.[221]
[Centuries] after the fall of the Balkan provinces, a pastoral Latin-Roman tradition served as the point of departure for a Valachian-Roman ethnogenesis. This kind of virtuality – ethnicity as hidden potential that comes to the fore under certain historical circumstances – is indicative of our new understanding of ethnic processes. In this light, the passionate discussion for or against Roman-Romanian continuity has been misled by a conception of ethnicity that is far too inflexible
— Pohl, Walter (1998)[225]
Written sources
On peoples north of the Lower Danube
Antiquity
In the 5th century BC, Herodotus was the first author to write a detailed account of the natives of south-eastern Europe.[226][227] In connection with a Persian campaign in 514 BC, he mentions the Getae, which he called "the most courageous and upright Thracian tribe".[228][229] The Getae were Thracian tribes living on either side of the Lower Danube, in what is today northern Bulgaria and southern Romania. Strabo (64/63 BCE-24 CE) wrote that the language of the Dacians was "the same as that of the Getae".[230][231]
Literary tradition on the conquest of Dacia was preserved by 3-4 Roman scholars.
Barbarian attacks against "Dacia Traiana" were also recorded.
Early Middle Ages
In less than a century, the one-time province was named "Gothia",
The 6th-century author
The
First references to Romanians
The
The late 12th-century chronicle of
A charter of 1247 of King
Historian Ioan-Aurel Pop writes that hundreds of 15th-century Hungarian documents prove that the Romanians were thought to have held lands in Transylvania and the neighboring regions already early in the 11th century or even around 450.[320] For instance, he lists documents mentioning liberties that "divi reges Hungariae" granted to the Romanians, proposing that the Latin text does not refer to the "deceased kings of Hungary" in general (which is its traditional translation), but specifically to the two 11th-century "holy kings of Hungary", Stephen I and Ladislaus I.[321] Pop also refers to the testimony of a Romanian nobleman who stated in 1452 that his family had been in the possession of his estates for a thousand years in order to defend his property rights against another Romanian noble.[322]
On Balkan Vlachs
The words "torna, torna fratre"[323] recorded in connection with a Roman campaign across the Balkan Mountains by Theophylact Simocatta and Theophanes the Confessor evidence the development of a Romance language in the late 6th century.[324] The words were shouted "in native parlance"[325] by a local soldier in 587 or 588.[324][326] When narrating the rebellion of Bulgar noble Kuber and his people against the Avars, the 7th-century Miracles of St. Demetrius mentions that a close supporter of his, Mauros[327] spoke four languages, including "our language" (Greek) and "that of the Romans" (Latin).[328] Kuber led a population of mixed origin – including the descendants of Roman provincials[329] who had been captured in the Balkans in the early 7th century – from the region of Sirmium to Thessaloniki around 681.[330]
Most information on the 1185 uprising of the Bulgars and Vlachs and the subsequent establishment of the
Uncertain references
The 10th-century Muslim scholars,
The
The poem
Archaeological data
North of the Lower Danube
Period | Cluj (1992) |
Alba (1995) |
Mureș (1995) |
---|---|---|---|
Pre-Roman (5th century BC–1st century AD) | 59 (20%) |
111 (33%) |
252 (28%) |
Roman (106–270s) | 144 (50%) |
155 (47%) |
332 (37%) |
270s–390s | 40 (14%) |
67 (20%) |
79 (9%) |
5th century | 49 (6%) | ||
6th century | 48 (6%) | ||
7th century | 40 (5%) | ||
8th century | 39 (5%) | ||
9th century | 19 (2%) | ||
10th century | 16 (2%) | ||
11th century–14th century | 47 (16%) |
||
Total number | 290 | 333 | 874 |
The conquering Romans destroyed all fortresses
Colonization and the presence of military units gave rise to the emergence of most towns in "Dacia Traiana": for instance,
Archaeological finds suggest that attacks against Roman Dacia became more intensive from the middle of the 3rd century: an inscription from Apulum hails Emperor Decius (r. 249–251) as the "restorer of Dacia"; and coin hoards ending with pieces minted in this period have been found.[393] Inscriptions from the 260s attest that the two Roman legions of Dacia were transferred to Pannonia Superior and Italy.[394] Coins bearing the inscription "DACIA FELIX" minted in 271 may reflect that Trajan's Dacia still existed in that year,[394] but they may as well refer to the establishment of the new province of "Dacia Aureliana".[395]
The differentiation of archaeological finds from the periods before and after the Roman withdrawal is not simple, but Archiud, Obreja, and other villages produced finds from both periods.[396] In general, objects dating after the withdrawal are much more primitive, however, some elements of provincial Roman culture survived, particularly in pottery, but also in other areas of production, such as the one regarding the typical provincial Roman brooches.[397] Towns have also yielded evidence on locals staying behind.[145] For instance, in Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegatusa, at least one building was inhabited even in the 4th century, and a local factory continued to produce pottery, although "in a more restricted range".[398] Roman coins from the 3rd and 4th centuries, mainly minted in bronze, were found in Banat where small Roman forts were erected in the 290s.[399] Coins minted under Emperor Valentinian I (r. 364–375) were also found in Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, where the gate of the amphitheater was walled at an uncertain date.[400] A votive plate found near a spring at Biertan bears a Latin inscription dated to the 4th century, and has analogies in objects made in the Roman Empire.[401] Whether this donarium belonged to a Christian missionary, to a local cleric or layman or to a pagan Goth making an offering at the spring is still debated by archaeologists.[402]
A new cultural synthesis, the "
In contrast with the regions east of the Carpathians, Transylvania experienced the spread of the "row grave" horizon of inhumation necropolises in the 5th century,
The earliest examples in Transylvania of inhumation graves with a corpse buried, in accordance with nomadic tradition, with remains of a horse were found at
In the meantime, the "Suceava-Șipot horizon" disappeared in Moldavia and Wallachia, and the new "
Small inhumation cemeteries of the "Cluj group",
Romanian archaeologists propose that a series of archaeological horizons that succeeded each other in the lands north of the Lower Danube in the early Middle Ages support the continuity theory.
Thomas Nägler proposes that a separate "Ciugud culture" represents the Vlach population of southern Transylvania.[439] He also argues that two treasures from Cârțișoara and Făgăraș also point at the presence of Vlachs.[439] Both hoards contain Byzantine coins ending with pieces minted under Emperor John II Komnenos who died in 1143.[440] Tudor Sălăgean proposes that these treasures point at a local elite with "at least" economic contacts with the Byzantine Empire.[440] Paul Stephenson argues that Byzantine coins and jewellery from this period, unearthed at many places in Hungary and Romania, are connected to salt trade.[441]
According to Florin Curta, no indication of a migration in the 10th century from the south to the north of the Danube have been found. Many sites excavated from the 10th century in the region of Romania show signs of being built in the previous 100 or 200 years, while in those that were started in the 10th century the ceramic is no different than what was previously used in the region, and most of the animal bones discovered were from horned cattle and pigs, not sheep or goats which are usually associated with transhumant herding.[442]
-
Ruins of a Dacian sanctuary at Sarmizegetusa Regia
-
Ruins of the Roman amphitheatre at Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa
-
Latin inscription in Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa
-
The 4th-century Biertan Donarium with the Latin writing "EGO ZENOVIUS VOTUM POSVI" (i.e. 'I, Zenovius, brought this offering.')
Central and Northern Balkans
Fortified settlements built on hill-tops characterized the landscape in Illyricum before the Roman conquest.
Hand-made pottery of local tradition remained popular even after potter's wheel was introduced by the Romans.
Emperors born in Illyricum, a common phenomenon of the period,
Under Justinian the walls of
The new horizon of "Komani-Kruja" cemeteries emerged in the same century.[472] They yielded grave goods with analogies in many other regions, including belt buckles widespread in the whole Mediterranean Basin, rings with Greek inscriptions, pectoral crosses, and weapons similar to "Late Avar" items.[473][474] Most of them are situated in the region of Dyrrhachium, but such cemeteries were also unearthed at Viničani and other settlements along the Via Egnatia.[475] "Komani-Kruja" cemeteries ceased to exist in the early 9th century.[476] John Wilkes proposes that they "most likely" represent a Romanized population,[477] while Florin Curta emphasizes their Avar features.[478] Archaeological finds connected to a Romance-speaking population have also been searched in the lowlands to the south of the Lower Danube.[479] For instance, Uwe Fiedler mentions that inhumation graves yielding no grave goods from the period between the 680s and the 860s may represent them, although he himself rejects this theory.[479]
Historian Florin Curta, supporting his view on studies made by Bulgarian archaeologist Rasho Rashev, points that the region of Bregalnica river, where Schramm theorised the ethnogenesis of Romanians to start, did not show any signs of post-Roman habitations until around 800 CE when early Bulgarian culture took hold. Moreover, from an archaeological point of view, there is a clear increase in population in the wider region of nowadays Republic of North Macedonia after 900 CE with no signs of emigration.[480]
Linguistic approach
Development of Romanian
The formation of Proto-Romanian (or Common Romanian) from Vulgar Latin started in the 5th-7th centuries and was completed in the 8th century.
There are about 90 words of substrate origin.[492] The largest semantic field (46 out the 89 considered certain to be of substratum) is formed by words describing nature: terrain, flora and fauna, and about 30% of these words with Albanian cognate describing pastoral life[493] The substrate language has been identified as 'Thraco-Dacian',[494][495][496] 'Thracian',[76] or 'Daco-Moesian',[497] but the origin of these words—Albanian, Thraco-Dacian or an unidentified third language—is actually uncertain.[498] When analyzing the historical circumstances of the adoption of these words, linguist Kim Schulte asserts that initially the "political and cultural dominance of the Romans" defined the relationship between the Latin-speaking groups and speakers of the substrate language, but the two communities continued to live side by side, communicating "on regular basis about everyday matters regarding their pastoral activity and the natural environment" even after the end of Roman rule.[74]
About 70-90 possible substrate words have Albanian cognates,[499][496] and 29 terms are probably loanwords from Albanian.[498] Similarities between Romanian and Albanian are not limited to their common Balkan features and the assumed substrate words: the two languages share calques and proverbs, and display analogous phonetic changes.[500] Some linguists suppose that the substratum of Eastern Romance was an Indo-European language closely related to Albanian, or perhaps even the direct ancestor of Albanian.[501] Romanian linguist Marius Sala, who supports the continuity theory, argues that 'Thraco-Dacian' was "a variant of Thracian from which Albanian originated".[502] However, in current historical linguistics the documented Thracian material clearly points to a different language than Albanian or its reconstructed precursor.[503][504][505][506][507] Bulgarian linguist Vladimir I. Georgiev, who introduced the 'Daco-Mysian' linguistic hypothesis, different from Thracian, proposed that both Albanian and Romanian developed in the "Daco-Mysian region" (encompassing Dacia to the north of the Lower Danube, and Moesia to the south of the river).[508] He describes Romanian as a "completely Romanized Daco-Mysian", and Albanian as a "semi-Romanized Daco-Mysian" that was spoken in Dardania probably since the 2nd millennium BCE or not later than circa 500 BCE.[508] Georgiev's claim that Albanian is a direct descendant of 'Daco-Mysian' is highly based on speculations that have been thoroughly dismantled by other scholars.[509] On the other hand, proponents of the immigrationist theory of Romanian regard these similarities as an important evidence for the Romanians' south-Danubian homeland.[188][500] In particular, Schramm proposes that the Romanians' ancestors were Roman refugees who settled near the native pastoralist population of the mountains in the central Balkans in the 5th-6th centuries; they could only take possession of the highest mountain pastures where they lived surrounded by the semi-sedentary Proto-Albanians for centuries.[500]
Every Romance language inherited only about 2,000 words directly from Latin.[510] Around one-fifth of the entries of the 1958 edition of the Dictionary of the Modern Romanian have directly been inherited from Latin.[511] The core vocabulary is to a large degree Latin, including the most frequently used 2500 words.[512][494] More than 75% of the words in the semantic fields of sense perception, quantity, kinship and spatial relations are of Latin origin, but the basic lexicons of religion and of agriculture have also been preserved.[513][514] More than 200 Latin words that other Romance languages preserved are missing in Romanian,[515] but about 100 Latin terms were inherited only by Romanian.[516] The preservation of the latter terms—including creștin ("Christian") and împărat ("emperor")—was due to their frequent use, according to Sala.[517] Proponents of the continuity theory are convinced that the preservation or lack of certain Latin terms reveal that Romanian developed north of Lower Danube.[518][519] One of these terms is the Latin word for gold (aurum), preserved in Daco-Romanian, but lost in Aromanian and Istro-Romanian.[179] For Nandriș, the word is important evidence for the Romanians' continuous presence in Transylvania, because Romanian mountaineers owned many Transylvanian gold mines in Modern Times, and Nandriș thinks that newcomers would not have been allowed to open mines in the province.[519]
The Latin terms for fig tree (ficus) and chestnut (castaneus) were kept in Aromanian and Megleno-Romanian, but they disappeared from Daco-Romanian.[519] Nandriș and Sala say that this fact is also a clear testimony for the Daco-Romanians' north-Danubian homeland, because these plants did not grow there.[518][519] Nandriș asserts that the semantic evolution of certain inherited Latin words also supports the continuity theory.[519] For instance, he refers to the development of Latin terminus ("border, boundary, frontier") into Daco-Romanian țărm ("embankment, sea-shore, river bank"), proposing that this must have occurred north of the Lower Danube after the Roman withdrawal which made the river the empire's northern frontier.[519] He also mentions a Latin inscription in Dacia Traiana which contains the Latin word for moon (luna) with the meaning for month, because Daco-Romanian displays a similar semantic development.[520] Other scholars attribute the same change to Slavic influence.[520]
Romanian reflects most changes of Latin which occurred in the 2nd-6th centuries.[521] In Gábor Vékony's view, only uninterrupted contacts between the ancestors of Romanians, Dalmatians, Italians and other Romance peoples within the Roman Empire could secure the adoption of these changes, which excludes the north-Danubian territories, abandoned by the Romans in the late 3rd century.[522] Vékony and Schramm also emphasize that the meaning of almost a dozen of inherited Latin terms changed in parallel in Romanian and Albanian, suggesting that contacts between the speakers of Proto-Romanian and Proto-Albanian were frequent.[499][523] For instance, the Latin word for dragon (draco) developed into Daco-Romanian drac and Albanian dreq, both meaning devil; Daco-Romanian bătrîn and Albanian vjetër (both meaning old) descend from the Latin term for veteran (veteranus). [524][499] Furthermore, Romanian sat ("village") was not directly inherited from Latin, but borrowed from Albanian fshat ("village"), the direct continuation of Latin fossatum ("military camp").[523][499] However, Nicolae Saramandu states that the similarities between Romanian and Albanian do not presuppose a limited space for coexistence, in the past, of the speakers of the two languages; the similarities in question are satisfactorily explained by a common heritage, in a large Romanized space in the north and south of the Danube, "from the Carpathians to the Pindus".[525]
In addition to words of Latin or of possible substratum origin, loanwords make up more than 40% (according to certain estimations 60-80%)[494][511] of the Romanian vocabulary.[526] Schulte notes that even "relatively basic words denoting continually present meanings, such as features of the natural environment, are frequently borrowed".[66] The names for most species of fish of the Danube and of dozens of other animals living in Romania are of Slavic origin.[527] Dindelegan says that contacts with other peoples has not modified the "Latin structure of Romanian" and the "non-Latin grammatical elements" borrowed from other languages were "adapted to and assimilated by the Romance pattern".[494] Nandriș also says that linguistic influences "are due to cultural intercourse" and do not reveal closer contacts.[528]
No loanwords of East Germanic origin have so far been proven.[57] Scholars who accept the immigrationist theory emphasize that the lack of East Germanic loanwords excludes that the Romanians' homeland was located north of the Lower Danube, because Germanic tribes dominated these lands from the 270s to the 560s.[529] Accepting this as a decisive argument, Bogdan P. Hasdeu placed it in Oltenia, as he falsely believed the Germanic tribes didn't occupy that region.[530] Stelian Brezeanu argues that the absence of East Germanic loanwords is "basically the consequence of the gap" between the Orthodox Romanians and the Arian Germans.[531] He adds that the Daco-Romans assimilated the last Eastern Germanic groups in Transylvania before the middle of the 7th century.[151] Linguist Sala mentions that the Germanic peoples stayed in the former Dacia Traiana province "for a relatively brief span of time, only a couple of centuries", without maintaining close contacts with the Daco-Romans.[532] Nandriș says that those who propose a south-Danubian homeland "on the ground of the lack of Germanic elements" in Romanian "have the same argument against them", because Germanic tribes also settled in the Balkans in the early Middle Ages.[533] In contrast, Schramm proposes that both Proto-Romanian and Proto-Albanian must have developed in the central Balkan regions where no Germanic tribes settled, because direct borrowings from East Germanic are also missing in Albanian.[499]
Slavic loanwords make up about one-fifth of Romanian vocabulary.[534] According to certain estimations, terms of Slavic origin are more numerous than the directly inherited Latin roots,[515] although the Slavic loanwords often replaced or doubled the Latin terms.[535] All Eastern Romance variants contain the same 80 Slavic loanwords, indicating that they were borrowed during the Common Romanian period.[74][536] The vast majority of Slavic loanwords display phonetic changes occurring after around 800.[537][536] To explain the lack of early borrowings, Brezeanu supposes that the Christian Proto-Romanians and the pagan Proto-Slavs did not mix.[151] Schulte proposes that the Proto-Romanians and Proto-Slavs lived in close proximity under Avar rule, but neither group could achieve cultural dominance, because the Avars formed the elite.[74] In contrast, Schramm argues that the only explanation for the lack of early Slavic borrowings is that the Proto-Albanians separated the Proto-Romanians (who lived in the mountains in the central Balkans) from the agriculturalist Proto-Slavs (who inhabited the lowlands) for centuries.[538]
The most intensive phase of borrowings form Slavic (specifically from South Slavic) tongues started around 900.
Linguist Kim Schulte says, the significant common lexical items and the same morpho-syntactic structures of the Romanian and Bulgarian (and Macedonian) languages "indicates that there was a high decree of bilingualism" in this phase of the development of Romanian.[74] Brezeanu argues that contacts between the Romanians' ancestors and the Slavs became intense due to the arrival of Bulgarian clerics to the lands north of the Lower Danube after the conversion of Bulgaria to Christianity.[544] Thereafter, Brezeanu continues, Slavs formed the social and political elite for a lengthy period, as demonstrated both by loanwords (such as voivode and cneaz, both referring to the leaders of the Vlach communities) and by the semantic development of the term rumân (which referred to Wallachian serfs in the Middle Ages).[544] Schramm argues that the Proto-Romanians' spread in the mountains in search for new pastures and the Slavicization of the Balkans suggest that close contacts developed between the Proto-Romanians and the Bulgarians in the 10th century.[187]
Borrowings from Slavic languages show that there were "localized contacts" between Romanian and Slavic groups even after the disintegration of Common Romanian.[545][546] The Daco-Romanian subdialects of Maramureș and Moldavia contains loanwords from Ukrainian, Polish and Russian.[545] The Romanian form of loanwords from Ukrainian evidences that they were borrowed after the characteristic Ukrainian sound change from h to g was completed in the 12th century.[546] Serbian influenced the subdialects spoken in Banat and Crișana from the 15th century.[545][546] Bulgarian influenced the Wallachian subdialects even after Bulgarian ceased to influence other variants.[545]
About 1.7% of Romanian words are of Greek origin.[546] The earliest layer of Greek loanwords was inherited from the variant of Vulgar Latin from which Romanian descends.[547] Schulte proposes that Byzantine Greek terms were adopted through close contacts between Romanian, South Slavic and Greek communities until the 10th century.[546] However, H. Mihailescu proposed that all Byzantine Greek terms in Romanian are indirect loanwords from old Slavonic or Medieval Bulgarian not from a direct contact.[548] Hungarian loanwords represent about 1.6% of Romanian vocabulary.[546] According to Schulte, the Hungarian loanwords show that contacts between Romanians and Hungarians were limited to occasional encounters.[546] On the other hand, Sala says that bilingualism must have existed.[549] Loanwords from Pecheneg or Cuman are rare, but many Romanian leaders bore Cuman names, implying that they were of Cuman origin.[549]
All neighboring peoples adopted a number of Romanian words connected to goat- and sheep-breeding.
Linguistic research plays a preeminent role in the construction of the way of life of the Romanians' ancestors, because "historical sources are almost silent".[519] The Romanians preserved the basic Latin agricultural vocabulary, but adopted a significant number of Slavic technical terms for agricultural tools and techniques.[552] Inherited terminology for motion is strikingly numerous, showing the preeminent role of transhumant pastoralism in medieval Romanians' economy.[519][553] In his study dedicated to the formation of the Romanian language, Nandriș concludes that the Latin population was "reduced to a pastoral life in the mountains and to agricultural pursuits in the foothills of their pastural lands" in the whole "Carpatho-Balkan area" (both to the north and to the south of the Lower Danube) after the collapse of the Roman rule.[554] For historian Victor Spinei, the Slavic loanwords evince that the Romanians had already "practiced an advanced level of agriculture" before they entered into close contacts with the Slavs: otherwise they would not have needed the specialized terminology.[552] Sala says that the Slavic terms "penetrated Romanian" because they designed the Slavs' more advanced tools which replaced the Romanians' ancestors obsolete tools.[555]
Schramm concludes that the Proto-Romanians were pastoralists with superficial knowledge of agriculture, limited to the basic vocabulary and retained only because they regularly wintered their flocks on their sedentary neighbors' lands in the foothills.[556] According to him, the adoption of Slavic (and later Hungarian) agricultural terminology clearly shows that the Romanians started to practice agriculture only at a later stage of their ethnogenesis.[210] Other scholars, including historian Victor Spinei, state that the great number of names of crops[note 5] and agricultural techniques[note 6] directly inherited from Latin indicates "a very long continuity of agricultural practices".[552] Grigore Brâncuș adds to this list that the majority of pomiculture, numerous apicultural, and all the swineherding terms complete a view of a mixed farming society involved in both the growing of crops and the raising of livestock.[557]
Place names
The names of the main rivers—Someș, Mureș and Olt—are inherited from Antiquity. | |||
River | Tributaries | ||
---|---|---|---|
Someș | Beregszó (H) > | ||
Lăpuș | Kékes (H) > Cavnic
| ||
Crasna | ? > Zilah (H) > Homorod
| ||
Someșul Mic | Fenes (H) > Lujerdiu
| ||
Someșul Mare | *Rebra (S) > Șieu ; *Tiha (S) > Tiha
| ||
Șieu | ? > Budak (H) > Budac; *Bystritsa (S) > Bistrița ; *Lъknitsa (S) > Lekence (H) > Lechința
| ||
Mureș | Liuts (S/?) > Cerna
| ||
Arieș | ? > Abrud (H) > Hășdate ; *Turjъ (S) > Tur;
| ||
Sebeș | Székás (H) > Bistra
| ||
Olt | Kormos (H) > Porumbacu
| ||
Cormoș | Vargyas (H) > Vârghiș
| ||
Cibin | *Hartobach (G) > Hârtibaciu | ||
? unknown, uncertain; * the form is not documented; ** the Crasna now flows into the Tisa, but it was the Someș's tributary; *** Linguist Marius Sala says that the Ampoi form was directly inherited from Antiquity.[176] |
In an article dedicated to the development of the Romanian language, Nandriș states that the study of place names "does not solve the problem of the cradle of primitive" Romanian.[559] In contrast to this view, Schramm says that the toponyms are crucial for the determination of the Romanians' homeland, because "the whole of Romania is threaded with toponyms which conclusively exclude any form of continuity there".[200] Place names provide a significant proportion of modern knowledge of the extinct languages of Southeastern Europe.[560] The names of the longest rivers in Romania— those longer than 500 kilometers[note 7]—are thought to be of Dacian origin.[561] About twenty of their tributaries had names with probable Indo-European roots, also suggesting a Dacian etymology.[note 8][562] The Romans adopted the native names of the longest rivers after they conquered Dacia.[note 9][383]
Linguists Oliviu and Nicolae Felecan say that the "preservation of river names from Antiquity until today is one of the most solid arguments" in favor of the continuity theory, because these names must have been "uninterruptedly transmitted" from the Dacians to the Romans, and then to the Daco-Romans.
Scholars who reject the continuity theory emphasize that the Romanian names of the large rivers show that the Romanians did not directly inherit them from their Latin-speaking ancestors.[565] According to Vékony (who promotes the immigrationist theory), the Romanian name of the Danube demonstrates that the Romanians' ancestors lived far from it, because otherwise they should have preserved its Latin name, Danuvius.[566] He also emphasizes that the hypothetical *Donaris form is not attested in written sources and Istros was the river's native name.[567] According to Schramm, the early Slavs adopted the East Germanic name of the Danube, showing that a predominantly Gothic-speaking population inhabited the territory between the Slavs' homeland and the Lower Danube before the Slavs approached the river in the 5th century.[568] Vékony proposes that the Romanians adopted the river's Cuman name, Dunay, when they reached the Danube during their northward expansion around 1100.[566] In Schramm's view, the phonetic changes from "s" to "ʃ" in the names of five large rivers also contradict the continuity theory, because Latin did not contain the latter consonant, thus only non-Romanized natives could transmit it to the peoples who settled in the north-Danubian regions after the Romans abandoned them.[569]
Similarly, historian László Makkai says that the change from "a" to "o" shows that a Slavic-speaking population mediated the ancient names of three large rivers to modern populations (including Romanians), because this vowel shift is attested in the development of the Slavic languages, but is alien to Romanian and other tongues spoken along the rivers.[565] Linguists (including some proponents of the continuity theory) also accept a Slavic mediation which is undeniable in specific cases.[note 11][568][177]
Around half of the longest tributaries of the large rivers—those which are longer than 200 kilometers—has a name of Slavic origin.
Many small rivers—all shorter than 100 kilometers—and creeks
Drobeta, Napoca, Porolissum, Sarmizegetusa and other settlements in Dacia Traiana bore names of local origin in Roman times.[383] According to historian Coriolan H. Opreanu (who supports the continuity theory), the survival of the local names proves the native Dacians' presence in the province at the beginning of the Roman rule.[383] Historian Endre Tóth (who accepts the immigrationist theory) remarks that the native names do not prove the continuity of Dacian settlements, especially because the Roman towns bearing local names developed from military camps and their establishment "generally entailed the annihilation of whatever Dacian settlement there might have been".[578] Immigrationist scholars emphasize that the names of all Roman settlements attested in Dacia Traiana disappeared after the Romans abandoned the province, in contrast to the names of dozens of Roman towns in the south-Danubian provinces which survived until now.[note 15][579][580] In defense of the continuity theory, Sala proposes that the names of the towns vanished because the Huns destroyed them, but the Daco-Romans endured the Huns' rule in the villages.[581]
Place names of certainly Slavic,
The earliest toponym of certain Romanian origin (Nucșoara from the Romanian word for "walnut") was recorded in the Kingdom of Hungary in 1359.[586] According to Kristó, the late appearance of Romanian place names indicates that the Romanians insisted on their mobile way of life for a lengthy period after they penetrated into the kingdom and their first permanent settlements appeared only in the second half of the 14th century.[587] The region near the confluence of the Argeș and Lower Danube is called Vlașca.[588] The name clearly shows that a small Romance-speaking community existed in Slavic environment in Wallachia.[588]
No place names mentioned in Gesta Hungarorum in Transylvania and Banat are of Romanian origin, but mainly of Hungarian.[589]
Numerous place names of Latin or Romanian origin can be detected in the lands south of the Lower Danube (in present-day Albania, Bulgaria, Bosnia-Hercegovina, Greece, Kosovo, Montenegro and Serbia).
DNA / Paleogenetics
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The use of genetic data to supplement traditional disciplines has now become mainstream.[595] Given the palimpsest nature of modern genetic diversity, more direct evidence has been sought from ancient DNA (aDNA).[596] Although data from southeastern Europe is still at an incipient stage, general trends are already evident. For example, it has shown that the Neolithic revolution imparted a major demographic impact throughout Europe, disproving the Mesolithic adaptation scenario in its pure form. In fact, the arrival of Neolithic farmers might have been in at least two "waves", as suggested by a study which analysed mtDNA sequences from Romanian Neolithic samples.[597] This study also shows that 'M_NEO' (Middle Neolithic populations that lived in what is present-day Romania/Transylvania) and modern populations from Romania are very close (but comparison with other populations of Neolithic Anatolian origin was not performed), in contrast with Middle Neolithic and modern populations from Central Europe.[597] However, the samples extracted from Late Bronze Age DNA from Romania are farther from both of the previously mentioned.[598] The authors have stated "Nevertheless, studies on more individuals are necessary to draw definitive conclusions."[599] However, the study performed a "genetic analysis of a relatively large number of samples of Boian, Zau and Gumelnița cultures in Romania (n = 41) (M_NEO)"[597]
Ancient DNA study on human fossils found in Costișa, Romania, dating from de Bronze Age shows "close genetic kinship along the maternal lineage between the three old individuals from Costișa and some individuals found in other archeological sites dated from the Bronze and Iron Age. We also should note that the point mutations analyzed above are also found in Romanian modern population, suggesting that some old individuals from the human populations living on the Romanian land in the Bronze and Iron Age, could participate to a certain extent in the foundation of the Romanian genetic pool."[600]
A major demographic wave occurred after 3000 BC from the steppe, postulated to be linked with the expansion of Indo-European languages.
No detailed analyses exist from the Roman and early medieval periods. Genome-wide analyses of extant populations show that intra-European diversity is a continuum (with the exception of groups like
See also
- Ethnogenesis
- Etymology of Romania
- History of Christianity in Romania
- Balkan–Danubian culture
- Bulgarian lands across the Danube
Notes
- ^ Like Joseph Sulzer, Joseph Karl Eder, Johann Christian Engel, Michael Balmann, Carol Shuller or Martin Bolla.
- ^ Ansbert referred to one of the Asen brothers, Peter II of Bulgaria as "Kalopetrus Flachus".
- Mănoaia(Heather, Matthews 1991, p. 91.).
- Slava Rusăin Romania (Barford 2001, p. 60.).
- ^ For instance, Romanian grâu, Aromanian grănu, and Megleno-Romanian gron 'wheat' < Latin granum 'grain, seed'; Romanian secară, Aromanian and Megleno-Romanian sicară, Istro-Romanian secåre < Vulgar Latin secale 'rye'; Romanian and Istro-Romanian orz, Aromanian ordzu, Megleno-Romanian uarz < Latin hordeum 'barley'; and Romanian mei, Aromanian mel'u, Megleno-Romanian and Istro-Romanian mel' < Latin milium 'millet' (Mihăescu 1993, pp. 256-257.; Spinei 2009, p. 224).
- ^ For instance, Romanian ara, Aromanian and Megleno-Romanian arare and Istro-Romanian arå < Latin arare 'to plow' (Mihăescu 1993, p. 261.; Spinei 2009, p. 224).
- ^ Danube, Mureș, Olt, Prut, Siret and Tisa.
- Săsar Riverhas been linked to the Indo-European root *sar or *ser ("water", "to flow").
- Timiș
- ^ Argeș (from Ardesos), Criș (from Crisus or Crisia), Mureș (from Maris), Olt (from Alutus), Someș (from Samus) and (Timiș from Tibisis).
- ^ For example, the modern name of the Cerna (which is similar to the Slavic word for black) obviously developed from ancient Dierna through the mediation of a Slavic-speaking population.
- Moldova.
- Lujerdiu) origin.
- Baicu, Ghișa, Manciu.
- ^ For instance, Naissus (Niš, Serbia), Poetovio (Ptuj, Slovenia), Scupi (Skopje, North Macedonia), Siscia (Sisak, Croatia).
- Ulciug("highlanders") bear names of Slavic origin.
- Verveghiu("dried stream's valley"), which have Hungarian names.
- Viscri("white church") bear names of German origin.
- ^ Including, the adoption of Bălgrad instead of Hungarian Gyulafehérvár, and of Straja instead of Őregyház.
- ^ Including Elassona, Florina, and Veria.
- Visitor.
References
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- ^ a b Maiden 2016, p. 91.
- ^ Fine 1991, p. 9.
- ^ Fortson 2004, p. 405.
- ^ Wilkes 1992, p. 208.
- ^ Opreanu 2005, p. 110.
- ^ Georgescu 1991, p. 4.
- ^ Georgescu 1991, p. 5.
- ^ Opreanu 2005, p. 98.
- ^ a b Opreanu 2005, pp. 103–104.
- ^ Opreanu 2005, p. 116.
- ^ Heather 1998, p. 85.
- ^ a b c Pop 1999, p. 29.
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- ^ Heather 1998, pp. 97, 124.
- ^ Todd 2003, pp. 220, 223.
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- ^ a b Kristó 2003, p. 139.
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- ^ Illyés 1992, p. 36.
- ^ Holban 2000, pp. 20, 23, 456, 460, 474.
- ^ Prodan 1971, p. 12.
- ^ Deletant 1992, pp. 134–135.
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- ^ Kwan 2005, pp. 279–280.
- ^ Georgescu 1991, p. 172.
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- ^ Schramm 1997, pp. 275, 283.
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- ^ Georgescu 1991, pp. 7–8.
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- ^ Brezeanu 1998, p. 51.
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- ^ Georgescu 1991, pp. 12–13.
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- ^ Opreanu 2005, pp. 131–132.
- ^ Georgescu 1991, p. 11.
- ^ Pop 1999, pp. 30–31.
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- ^ a b Brezeanu 1998, pp. 58–59, 61.
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Further reading
- Bereznay, András (2011). Erdély történetének atlasza [Atlas of the History of Transylvania]. Méry Ratio. ISBN 978-80-89286-45-4.
- Cardoş, Georgeta; Rodewald, Alexander (2013). Genomul uman (in Romanian). Teocora. ISBN 978-606-632-159-4.
- Fine, John V. A (1994). The Late Medieval Balkans: A Critical Survey from the Late Twelfth Century to the Ottoman Conquest. The University of Michigan Press. ISBN 978-0-472-08260-5.
- Fratila, Vasile (2002). Studii de toponimie și dialectologie [Studies on Toponymy and Dialectology] (in Romanian). Excelsior Art. ISBN 978-9735920609.
- Madgearu, Alexandru; Gordon, Martin (2007). The Wars of the Balkan Peninsula: Their Medieval Origins. Scarecrow Press, Inc. ISBN 978-0-8108-5846-6.
- Pop, Ioan Aurel (1996). Romanians and Hungarians from the 9th to the 14th Century: The Genesis of the Transylvanian Medieval State. Centrul de Studii Transilvane, Fundaţia Culturală Română. ISBN 978-973-577-037-2.
- Pop, Ioan Aurel (2013). "De Manibus Valachorum Scismaticorum...": Romanians and Power in the Mediaeval Kingdom of Hungary. Peter Land Edition. ISBN 978-3-631-64866-7.