Ottoman Empire in World War I
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The Ottoman Empire came into World War I as one of the Central Powers. The Ottoman Empire entered the war by carrying out a small surprise attack on the Black Sea coast of Russia on 29 October 1914, with Russia responding by declaring war on 2 November 1914. Ottoman forces fought the Entente in the Balkans and the Middle Eastern theatre of World War I. The Ottoman Empire's defeat in the war in 1918 was crucial in the eventual dissolution of the empire in 1922.
Entry into World War I
The
Declaration of jihad
In November 1914, Mehmed V, Sultan of the Ottoman Caliphate, declared Jihad (meritorious struggle or effort) against the powers of the Triple Entente during World War I.[4] The declaration, which called for Muslims to support the Ottomans in Entente-controlled areas and for jihad against "all enemies of the Ottoman Empire, except the Central Powers",[5] was initially drafted on the 11 November and first publicly read out in front of a large crowd on 14 November.[4] That same day, a fatwa (Islamic religious decree) to the same effect was declared by the Fetva Emini ("fatwa consultant", the Ottoman official in charge of dictating tafsir on behalf of the Shaykh al-Islām).[5]
Arab tribes in Mesopotamia were initially enthusiastic about the edict. However, following British victories in the Mesopotamian campaign in 1914 and 1915, enthusiasm declined, and some chieftains like Mudbir al-Far'un adopted a more neutral, if not pro-British, stance.[6]
There were hopes and fears that non-Turkish Muslims would side with Ottoman Turkey, but according to some historians, the appeal did not "[unite] the Muslim world",
The war led to the end of the caliphate as the Ottoman Empire entered on the side of the war's losers and surrendered by agreeing to "viciously punitive" conditions. These were overturned by the popular war hero Mustafa Kemal, who was also a secularist and later abolished the caliphate.[12]
Military
The Ottoman entry into World War I began on 29 October 1914 when it launched the Black Sea Raid against Russian ports. Following the attack, Russia declared war on the Ottoman Empire on November 2,[13] followed by their allies (Britain and France) declaring war on the Ottoman Empire on November 5, 1914.[14] The Ottoman Empire started military action after three months of formal neutrality, but it had signed a secret alliance with the Central Powers in August 1914.
The great landmass of Anatolia was between the Ottoman army's headquarters in Istanbul and many of the theatres of war. During Abdul Hamid II's reign, civilian communications had improved, but the road and rail network was not ready for war.[2] It took more than a month to reach Syria and nearly two months to reach Mesopotamia. To reach the border with Russia, the railway ran only 60 km east of Ankara, and from there, it was 35 days to Erzurum.[2] The Army used Trabzon port as a logistical shortcut to the east. It took less time to arrive at any of those fronts from London than from the Ottoman War Department because of the poor condition of Ottoman supply ships.
The empire fell into disorder with the declaration of war along with Germany. On 11 November, a conspiracy was discovered in Constantinople against Germans and the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) in which some of the CUP leaders were shot. That followed the 12 November revolt in Adrianople against the German military mission. On 13 November, a bomb exploded in Enver Pasha's palace, which killed five German officers but failed to kill Enver Pasha. On 18 November there were more anti-German plots. Committees formed around the country to rid the country of those who sided with Germany. Army and navy officers protested against the assumption of authority by Germans. On 4 December, widespread riots took place throughout the country. On 13 December, an anti-war demonstration was led by women in Konak (Izmir) and Erzurum. Throughout December, the CUP dealt with mutiny among soldiers in barracks and among naval crews. The head of the German Military Mission, Field Marshal von der Goltz, survived a conspiracy against his life.
Military power remained firmly in the hands of War Minister Enver Pasha, domestic issues (civil matters) were under Interior Minister Talat Pasha, and, interestingly, Cemal Pasha had sole control over Ottoman Syria.[15] Provincial governors ran their regions with differing degrees of autonomy.[15] An interesting case is Izmir; Rahmi Bey behaved almost as if his region was a neutral zone between the warring states.[16]
War with Russia
The Ottoman's entrance into the war greatly increased the Triple Entente's military burdens. Russia had to fight alone on the
From 14 March to April 1918 the
In April 1918, the Ottoman 3rd Army finally went on the offensive in Armenia. Opposition from Armenian forces led to the
In July 1918, the Ottomans faced the Centrocaspian Dictatorship at the Battle of Baku, with the goal of taking Armenian/Russian/British occupied Baku on the Caspian Sea.
War with Britain
The British captured Basra in November 1914, and marched north into Iraq.
The expected, and feared, British invasion came not through Cilicia or northern Syria, but through the straits.[15] The aim of the Dardanelles campaign was to support Russia. Most military observers recognized that the uneducated Ottoman soldier was lost without good leadership, and at Gallipoli Mustafa Kemal realized the capabilities of his men if their officers led from the front.[23] The war was something from a different era, as the agrarian Ottoman Empire faced two industrialized forces; in silent predawn attacks, officers with drawn swords went ahead of troops and the troops shouted their battlecry of "Allahu Akbar!" when they reached the enemy's trenches.[23]
Great Britain was obliged to defend India and the southern Persian oil territory by undertaking the Mesopotamian campaign. Britain also had to protect Egypt in the Sinai-Palestine-Syria Campaign. These campaigns strained Allied resources and relieved Germany.
The repulse of British forces in Palestine in the spring of 1917 was followed by the loss of Jerusalem in December of the same year.
The Ottomans were eventually defeated due to key attacks by the British general
On the Home Front
The war tested to the limit the empire's relations with its Arab population.
Desertion also became an important issue for the war effort. Low moral from a lack of supplies and the nature of the fighting meant many soldiers abandoned their posts and turned to banditry, some bands at some point controlling large swaths of land behind the front lines. In the autumn-winter of 1916, deserting troops from the Mesopotamian front took control of central Iraqi cities and expelled the bureaucrats.[28]
War in Eastern Europe
In order to support the other Central Powers, Enver Pasha sent 3 Army Corps or around 100,000 men to fight in Eastern Europe. [29]
- Romanian Campaignbetween September 1916 and April 1918.
- XV Corps under command of Yakup Şevki Subaşı and later Cevat Pasha fought in Galicia against the Russians between August 1916 and August 1917.
- Salonika Campaignbetween December 1916 and May 1917.
- The Rumeli Field Detachment (reinforced 177th Infantry Regiment) remained in Macedonia until May 1918.
Economy
1915
On 10 September 1915, Interior Minister
Beside the capitulations, there was another issue which evolved under the shadow of capitulations. The debt and financial control (revenue generation) of the empire was intertwined under single institution, which its board was constituted from Great Powers rather than Ottomans. There is no sovereignty in this design. The public debt could and did interfere in state affairs because it controlled (collected) one-quarter of state revenues.[30] The debt was administered by the Ottoman Public Debt Administration and its power extended to the Imperial Ottoman Bank (equates to modern central banks). Debt Administration controlled many of the important revenues of the empire. The council had power over every financial affair. Its control extended to determine the tax on livestock in districts. Ottoman public debt was part of a larger scheme of political control, through which the commercial interests of the world had sought to gain advantages that may not be to Empire's interest. The immediate purpose of the abolition of capitulations and the cancellation of foreign debt repayments was to reduce the foreign stranglehold on the Ottoman economy; a second purpose - and one to which great political weight was attached - was to extirpate non-Muslims from the economy by transferring assets to Muslim Turks and encouraging their participation with government contracts and subsidies.[31]
Foreign relations
The
1915
The Constantinople Agreement on 18 March 1915 was a set of secret assurances, which Great Britain promised to give the Capital and the Dardanelles to the Russians in the event of victory.[33] The city of Constantinople was intended to be a free port.
During 1915, British forces invalidated the Anglo-Ottoman Convention, declaring Kuwait to be an "independent sheikdom under British protectorate."[This quote needs a citation]
1916
The French-Armenian Agreement of 27 October 1916, was reported to the interior minister, Talat Pasha, which agreement negotiations were performed with the leadership of
1917
In 1917 the Ottoman Cabinet considered maintaining relations with Washington after the United States had declared war on Germany on 6 April. But the views of the war party prevailed and they insisted on maintaining a common front with their allies. Thus, relations with America were broken on 20 April 1917.[citation needed]
Russian SFSR
The
Enver immediately instructed the Vehib Pasha, Third Army, to propose a ceasefire to Russia's Caucasus Army.[35] Vehib cautioned withdrawing forces, as due to the politics in Russia—neither Russia's Caucasus Army nor Caucasian civil authorities could give assurances that an armistice would hold.[36] On 7 November 1917 the Bolshevik Party led by Vladimir Lenin overthrew the Provisional Government in a violent coup plunged Russia into multitude of civil wars between different ethnic groups. The slow dissolution of Russia's Caucasus Army relieved one form of military threat from the east but brought another one. Russia was a long time threat, but at the same time kept the civil unrest in his land at bay without spreading to Ottomans in a violent. On 3 December the Ottoman foreign minister Ahmed Nesimi Bey informed the "Chamber of Deputies" about the prospects. The Chamber discussed the possible outcomes and priorities. On 15 December Armistice between Russia and the Central Powers signed. On 18 December Armistice of Erzincan signed. The Bolsheviks' anti-imperialist formula of peace with no annexations and no indemnities was close to Ottoman position. The Bolsheviks' position brought a conflict with the Germany's aim to preserve control over the East European lands it occupied and with Bulgaria's claims on Dobruja and parts of Serbia. In December Enver informed the Quadruple Alliance that they would like to see a restoration to pre-Russo-Turkish War (1877–1878) borders, pointing out that only the Ottomans lost territory and that the territories at issue was inhabited primarily by Muslims.[37] However the Ottomans did not push this position too hard, scared to fall back to bilateral agreements. On the other hand, Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Bulgaria clearly stood behind the pulling back of the Ottoman and Russian forces from Persia,[38] which the Ottomans coveted control over. The ambassador to Berlin, Ibrahim Hakki Pasha, wrote: "Although Russia may be in a weakened state today, it is always an awesome enemy and it is probable that in a short time it will recover its former might and power.[37]
On 22 December 1917, the first meeting between Ottomans and the Bolsheviks, the temporary head Zeki Pasha, until
The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk represented an enormous success for the empire.[according to whom?] Minister of Foreign Affairs Halil Bey announced the achievement of peace to the Chamber of Deputies. He cheered the deputies further with his prediction of the imminent signing of a third peace treaty (the first Ukraine, second Russia, and with Romania). Halil Bey thought the Entente to cease hostilities and bring a rapid end to the war. The creation of an independent Ukraine promised to cripple Russia, and the recovery of Kars, Ardahan and Batum gave the CUP a tangible prize. Nationalism emerged at the center of the diplomatic struggle between the Central Powers and the Bolsheviks. The Empire recognized that Russia's Muslims, their co-religionists, were disorganized and dispersed could not become an organized entity in the future battles of ideals, rhetoric, and material. Thus, the Ottomans mobilized the Caucasus Committee to make claims on behalf of the Muslims.[39] The Caucasus Committee had declined Ottoman earnest requests to break from Russia and embrace independence. The Caucasian Christians was far ahead in this new world concept. Helping the Caucasian Muslims to be free, like their neighbors, would be the Ottomans' challenge.[39]
1918
In the overall war effort, the CUP was convinced that the empire's contribution was essential. Ottoman armies had tied down large numbers of Allied troops on multiple fronts, keeping them away from theatres in Europe where they would have been used against German and Austrian forces. Moreover, they claimed that their success at Gallipoli had been an important factor in bringing about the collapse of Russia, resulting in the revolution of April 1917. They had turned the war in favor of Germany and her allies.[40] Hopes were initially high for the Ottomans that their losses in the Middle East might be compensated for by successes in the Caucasus Campaign. Enver Pasha maintained an optimistic stance, hid information that made the Ottoman position appear weak, and let most of the Ottoman elite believe that the war was still winnable.[41]
Caucasus (Armenia–Azerbaijan–Georgia)
Ottoman policy toward the Caucasus evolved according to the changing demands of the diplomatic and geopolitical environment.
Ottomans did not see a chance of these new states to stand against new Russia. These new Muslim states needed support to emerge as viable independent states. In order to consolidate a buffer zone with Russia (both for the Empire and these new states), however, Ottomans needed to expel the Bolsheviks from Azerbaijan and the North Caucasus before the end of war.[45] Based on 1917 negotiations, Enver concluded that Empire should not to expect much military assistance from the Muslims of the Caucasus as they were the one in need. Enver also knew the importance of Kars—Julfa railroad and the adjacent areas for this support. Goal was set forward beginning from 1918 to end of the war.
The Empire duly recognized the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic in February 1918. This preference to remain part of Russia led Caucasian politics to the Trebizond Peace Conference to base their diplomacy on the incoherent assertion that they were an integral part of Russia but yet not bound[42] The representatives were Rauf Bey for the Empire, and Akaki Chkhenkeli from the Transcaucasian delegation.
On 11 May, a new peace conference opened at Batum. The Treaty of Batum was signed on 4 June 1918, in Batum between the Ottoman Empire and three Trans-Caucasus states: First Republic of Armenia, Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and Democratic Republic of Georgia.
The goal was to assist the
Armistice
Developments in Southeast Europe squashed the Ottoman government's hopes. In September 1918, the Allied forces under the command of Louis Franchet d'Espèrey mounted a sudden offensive at the Macedonian front, which proved quite successful. Bulgaria was forced to sue for peace in the Armistice of Salonica. This development undermined both the German and Ottoman cause simultaneously—the Germans had no troops to spare to defend Austria-Hungary from the newly formed vulnerability in Southeast Europe after the losses it had suffered in France, and the Ottomans suddenly faced having to defend Istanbul against an overland European siege without help from the Bulgarians.[41]
Grand Vizier Talaat Pasha visited both Berlin, and Sofia, in September 1918, and came away with the understanding that the war was no longer winnable. With Germany likely seeking a separate peace, the Ottomans would be forced to as well. Grand Vizier Talaat convinced the other members of the ruling party that they must resign, as the Allies would impose far harsher terms if they thought the people who started the war were still in power. Despite the Ottoman Empire and the United States not being at war, Talaat petitioned America to see if he could surrender to them on the terms of the Fourteen Points. The U.S. never responded, deferring to the British for advice. On 13 October, Talaat and the rest of his ministry resigned. Ahmed Izzet Pasha replaced Talaat as Grand Vizier.
Two days after taking office, Ahmed Izzet Pasha sent the captured British General
Unknown to each other, both sides were actually quite eager to sign a deal and willing to give up their objectives to do so.[ [Lloyd George] was also very contemptuous of President Wilson and anxious to arrange the division of Empire between France, Italy, and G.B. before speaking to America. He also thought it would attract less attention to our enormous gains during the war if we swallowed our share of Empire now, and the German colonies later.[41] The Ottomans, for their part, believed the war to be lost and would have accepted almost any demands placed on them.[citation needed] As a result, the initial draft prepared by the British was accepted largely unchanged; the Ottomans did not know they could have pushed back on most of the clauses, and the British did not know they could have demanded even more. [citation needed] The Ottomans ceded the rights to the Allies to occupy "in case of disorder" any Ottoman territory, a vague and broad clause.[41] The French were displeased with the precedent; Premier Clemenceau disliked the British making unilateral decisions in such an important matter.[citation needed
Politics
On 30 October 1918, the Armistice of Mudros was signed, ending Ottoman involvement in World War 1. The Ottoman public, however, was given misleadingly positive impressions of the severity of the terms of the Armistice. They thought its terms were considerably more lenient than they actually were, a source of discontent later that the Allies had betrayed the offered terms.[41]
Aftermath
Casualties
Ottoman casualties of World War I, the Ottoman Empire mobilized a total of 3 million men. It lost 325,000 killed in action, and hundreds of thousands more due to disease or other causes, other 400,000 were injured. 202,000 men were taken prisoner, mostly by the British and the Russians, and one million deserted, leaving only 323,000 men under arms at the time of the armistice[citation needed]. The British Empire engaged in the conflict 2,550,000 men on the various Ottoman fronts, or 32% of its total strength[citation needed]; the Russian Empire, up to 7,020,000 men in September 1916, or 19% of its forces[how?]; France, 50,000 men, mainly to the Dardanelles, and Italy, 70,000 men in Libya against a pro-Ottoman rebellion[citation needed]. In total, both sides, Ottomans and Allies, lost 1,400,000 men[citation needed].
Without the Ottoman entry into the war, it is likely that the Allied victory would have been faster.[46]
Financial
The financial losses are also huge with an expense of 398.5 million Ottoman Lira, the equivalent of 9.09 billion gold francs of the time: the Empire was practically bankrupt in 1918.[47]
Genocide
During WWI the Ottoman Empire engaged in a genocide against local ethnicities in its territory. The Armenian genocide,
The genocide was carried out during and after World War I and implemented in two phases: the wholesale killing of the able-bodied male population through massacre and subjection of army conscripts to forced labour, followed by the deportation of women, children, the elderly, and the infirm on
Raphael Lemkin was explicitly moved by the Armenian annihilation to define systematic and premeditated exterminations within legal parameters and to coin the word genocide in 1943.[58] The Armenian genocide is acknowledged to have been one of the first modern genocides,[59][60][61] because scholars point to the organized manner in which the killings were carried out in order to eliminate the Armenians, and it is the second most-studied case of genocide after the Holocaust.[62]
Notes
- ^ Sazonov's commitment to a two-front war and disregard for Yudenich's warnings to seek peace with the Ottomans had overstretched Russia.[34]
- ^ The reference "voluntary and honest union" realized with the Soviet Union, as the 11th Red Army had its virtually unopposed advance to the region on 29 November 1920.
- ^ Hovhannes Katchaznouni was in city of Van until 1914. He was on the Armenian delegation that conducted peace talks at Trabzon and Batoum negotiations with the Empire.
External links
- Yanıkdağ, Yücel: Ottoman Empire/Middle East, in: 1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War.
- Yasamee, Feroze: War Aims and War Aims Discussions (Ottoman Empire), in: 1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War.
- Maksudyan, Nazan: Civilian and Military Power (Ottoman Empire), in: 1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War.
- Moreau, Odile: Pre-war Military Planning (Ottoman Empire), in: 1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War.
- Baş, Mehmet Fatih: War Losses (Ottoman Empire/Middle East), in: 1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War.
References
- ^ Nicolle 2008, p. 167
- ^ a b c d Finkel 2007, p. 529
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- ^ International Encyclopedia of the First World War. Retrieved 19 June 2021.
- ^ Sakai, Keiko (1994). "Political parties and social networks in Iraq, 1908-1920" (PDF). etheses.dur.ac.uk. p. 57.
- ^ Lewis, Bernard (19 November 2001). "The Revolt of Islam". The New Yorker. Archived from the original on 4 September 2014. Retrieved 28 August 2014.
- ^ Gold, Dore (2003). Hatred's Kingdom: How Saudi Arabia Supports the New Global Terrorism (First ed.). Regnery Publishing. p. 24.
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- ^ Dangoor, Jonathan (2017). "" No need to exaggerate " – the 1914 Ottoman Jihad declaration in genocide historiography, M.A Thesis in Holocaust and Genocide Studies".
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- ^ McMeekin 2011, p. 112.
- ^ Vasquez 2018, p. 175.
- ^ a b c Nicolle 2008, p. 174
- ^ Nicolle 2008, p. 178
- ^ a b c d Finkel 2007, p. 530
- ^ Tadeusz Swietochowski, Russian Azerbaijan 1905–1920, page 119.
- ISBN 1-4039-6422-X.
- ^ (Shaw 1977, p. 326)
- ^ a b Richard Hovannisian "The Armenian people from ancient to modern times" Pages 292–293
- ^ Aram, "Why Armenia Should be Free", page 22
- ^ a b Nicolle 2008, p. 176
- ^ Friedman, Isaiah (1971). German Intervention on Behalf of the "Yishuv", 1917 , Jewish Social Studies, Vol. 33, pp. 23–43.
- ^ a b c d e f Finkel 2007, p. 537
- ^ Finkel 2007, p. 531
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- ^ Gingeras 2022, p. 70.
- ^ [1] turkeyswar, Campaigns, Eastern Europe.
- ^ a b Kent 1996, p. 19
- ^ Finkel 2007, pp. 536
- ^ Frank G. Weber, Eagles on the Crescent: Germany, Austria, and the diplomacy of the Turkish alliance, 1914–1918 (Cornell University Press, 1970).
- ^ The Greenwood Encyclopedia of International Relations: A-E, Ed. Cathal J. Nolan, (Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002), 350.
- ^ a b c d Reynolds 2011, p. 253
- ^ Reynolds 2011, p. 170
- ^ Reynolds 2011, p. 171
- ^ a b c Reynolds 2011, p. 172
- ^ Reynolds 2011, p. 173
- ^ a b Reynolds 2011, p. 190
- ^ Kent 1996, p. 16
- ^ a b c d e f g h (Fromkin 2009, pp. 360–373)
- ^ a b Reynolds 2011, p. 217
- ^ a b c Reynolds 2011, p. 221
- ^ Reynolds 2011, p. 192
- ^ Reynolds 2011, p. 218
- ^ Suraiya Faroqhi, The Cambridge History of Turkey, vol.4, Resat Kasaba, 2008, p. 94.
- ^ Suraiya Faroqhi, The Cambridge History of Turkey, vol.4, Resat Kasaba, 2008, p. 93
- ^ Armenian Genocide (affirmation), The International Association of Genocide Scholars,
That this assembly of the Association of Genocide Scholars in its conference held in Montreal, June 11–3, 1997, reaffirms that the mass murder of Armenians in Turkey in 1915 is a case of genocide which conforms to the statutes of the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide. It further condemns the denial of the Armenian genocide by the Turkish government and its official and unofficial agents and supporters.
- ^ Fisk, Robert (14 October 2006). "Let me denounce genocide from the dock". The Independent. Archived from the original on 24 January 2014. Retrieved 31 August 2016.
- ^ "8 facts about the Armenian genocide 100 years ago - CNN.com". CNN. Retrieved 13 December 2015.
- ^ "100 Years Ago, 1.5 Million Armenians Were Systematically Killed. Today, It's Still Not A 'Genocide.'". The Huffington Post. 23 April 2015. Retrieved 13 December 2015.
- ISBN 3-0340-0561-X
- ^ Walker, Christopher J. (1980), Armenia: The Survival of A Nation, London: Croom Helm, pp. 200–3
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- ISBN 978-0-203-84696-4.
A resolution was placed before the IAGS membership to recognize the Greek and Assyrian/Chaldean components of the Ottoman genocide against Christians, alongside the Armenian strand of the genocide (which the IAGS has already formally acknowledged). The result, passed emphatically in December 2007 despite not inconsiderable opposition, was a resolution which I co-drafted, reading as follows:...
- ^ "The Many Armenian Diasporas, Then and Now". GeoCurrents. 7 February 2012. Retrieved 13 December 2015.
- ^ Totally Unofficial: The Autobiography of Raphael Lemkin. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. 2013. pp. 19–20.
- ^ "Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly Resolution". Armenian genocide. Retrieved 17 June 2016.
- ISBN 1-59420-100-5.
- ^ "A Letter from The International Association of Genocide Scholars" (PDF). Genocide Watch. 13 June 2005.
{{cite journal}}
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(help) - ^ Rummel, RJ (1 April 1998), "The Holocaust in Comparative and Historical Perspective", The Journal of Social Issues, 3 (2)
- ^ "For Turkey, denying an Armenian genocide is a question of identity". america.aljazeera.com. Retrieved 13 December 2015.
- ^ "National Assembly of the Republic of Armenia - Official Web Site - parliament.am". parliament.am. Archived from the original on 27 June 2015.
- ISBN 978-0-691-15143-4. Retrieved 17 June 2016.
- ISBN 978-1-136-00736-1.
To date, more than 20 countries in the world have officially recognized the events as genocide and most historians and genocide scholars accept this view.
- ISBN 978-0-8160-7310-8. Retrieved 15 April 2016.
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