Palmyra
Arabic, Greco-Roman | |
Site notes | |
---|---|
Condition | Ruined |
Ownership | Public |
Management | Syrian Ministry of Culture |
Public access | Yes |
Official name | Site of Palmyra |
Type | Cultural |
Criteria | i, ii, iv |
Designated | 1980 (4th Session) |
Reference no. | 23 |
Region | Arab states |
Endangered | 2013 | –present
Palmyra (
The city grew wealthy from trade caravans; the Palmyrenes became renowned as merchants who established colonies along the Silk Road and operated throughout the Roman Empire. Palmyra's wealth enabled the construction of monumental projects, such as the Great Colonnade, the Temple of Bel, and the distinctive tower tombs. Ethnically, the Palmyrenes combined elements of Amorites, Arameans, and Arabs. The city's social structure was structured around kinship and clans, and its inhabitants spoke Palmyrene Aramaic, a variety of Western Middle Aramaic, while using Koine Greek for commercial and diplomatic purposes. The Hellenistic period of West Asia influenced the culture of Palmyra, which produced distinctive art and architecture that combined different Mediterranean traditions. The city's inhabitants worshiped local Semitic, Mesopotamian, and Arab deities.
By the third century, Palmyra had become a prosperous regional center. It reached the apex of its power in the 260s, when the Palmyrene King Odaenathus defeated the Sasanian emperor Shapur I. The king was succeeded by queen regent Zenobia, who rebelled against Rome and established the Palmyrene Empire. In 273, Roman emperor Aurelian destroyed the city, which was later restored by Diocletian at a reduced size. The Palmyrenes converted to Christianity during the fourth century and to Islam in the centuries following the conquest by the 7th-century Rashidun Caliphate, after which the Palmyrene and Greek languages were replaced by Arabic.
Before AD 273, Palmyra enjoyed autonomy and was attached to the Roman
Etymology
Records of the name "Tadmor" date from the early second millennium BC;
The Greek name Παλμύρα (Latinized Palmyra) was first recorded by
An alternative suggestion connects the name to the Syriac tedmurtā (ܬܕܡܘܪܬܐ) "miracle", hence tedmurtā "object of wonder", from the root dmr "to wonder"; this possibility was mentioned favourably by Franz Altheim and Ruth Altheim-Stiehl (1973), but rejected by Jean Starcky (1960) and Michael Gawlikowski (1974).[9] Michael Patrick O'Connor (1988) suggested that the names "Palmyra" and "Tadmor" originated in the Hurrian language.[1] As evidence, he cited the inexplicability of alterations to the theorized roots of both names (represented in the addition of -d- to tamar and -ra- to palame).[8] According to this theory, "Tadmor" derives from the Hurrian word tad ("to love") with the addition of the typical Hurrian mid vowel rising (mVr) formant mar.[11] Similarly, according to this theory, "Palmyra" derives from the Hurrian word pal ("to know") using the same mVr formant (mar).[11]
Region and city layout
The city of Palmyra lies 215 km (134 mi) northeast of the Syrian capital, Damascus;[12] along with an expanded hinterland of several settlements, farms and forts, the city forms part of the region known as the Palmyrene.[13] The city is located in an oasis surrounded by palms (of which twenty varieties have been reported).[8][14] Two mountain ranges overlook the city: the northern Palmyrene mountain belt from the north and the southern Palmyrene mountains from the southwest.[15] In the south and the east Palmyra is exposed to the Syrian Desert.[15] A small wadi, al-Qubur, crosses the area, flowing from the western hills past the city before disappearing in the eastern gardens of the oasis.[16] South of the wadi is a spring, Efqa.[17] Pliny the Elder described the town in the 70s AD as famous for its desert location, for the richness of its soil,[18] and for the springs surrounding it, which made agriculture and herding possible.[note 2][18]
Layout
Palmyra began as a small Neolithic settlement near the Efqa spring on the southern bank of Wadi al-Qubur.[20] The much later Hellenistic settlement of Palmyra was also located near the Efqa spring on the southern bank of Wadi al-Qubur.[20] It had its residences expanding to the wadi's northern bank during the first century.[16] Although the city's walls at the time of Zenobia originally enclosed an extensive area on both banks of the wadi,[16] the walls rebuilt during Aurelian's reign surrounded only the northern-bank section.[21][16] Most of the city's monumental projects were built on the wadi's northern bank,[22] among them is the Temple of Bel, on a tell which was the site of an earlier temple (known as the Hellenistic temple).[23] However, excavation supports the theory that the tell was originally located on the southern bank, and the wadi was diverted south of the tell to incorporate the temple into Palmyra's late first and early second century urban organization on the north bank.[24]
Also north of the wadi was the
The Temple of Nabu and the Roman theater were built on the colonnade's southern side.[36] Behind the theater were a small senate building and the large agora, with the remains of a triclinium (banquet room) and the Tariff Court.[37] A cross street at the western end of the colonnade leads to the Camp of Diocletian,[25][38] built by Sosianus Hierocles (the Roman governor of Syria in the reign of Diocletian).[39] Nearby are the Temple of Al-lāt and the Damascus Gate.[40]
People, language, and society
At its height during the reign of Zenobia, Palmyra had more than 200,000 residents.[note 3][42] The earliest known inhabitants were the Amorites in the early second millennium BC,[43] and by the end of the millennium, Arameans were mentioned as inhabiting the area.[44][45] Arabs arrived in the city in the late first millennium BC.[46] Zabdibel, who aided the Seleucids in the battle of Raphia (217 BC), was mentioned as the commander of "the Arabs and neighbouring tribes to the number of ten thousands";[47] Zabdibel and his men were not actually identified as Palmyrenes in the texts, but the name "Zabdibel" is a Palmyrene name leading to the conclusion that he hailed from Palmyra.[48] The Arab newcomers were assimilated by the earlier inhabitants, used Palmyrene as a mother tongue,[49] and formed a significant segment of the aristocracy.[50]
The classical city also had a Jewish community; inscriptions in Palmyrene from the Beit She'arim necropolis in Lower Galilee confirm the burial of Palmyrene Jews.[51]
During the Roman period, occasionally and rarely, members of the Palmyrene families took Greek names while ethnic Greeks were few; the majority of people with Greek names, who did not belong to one of the city's families, were freed slaves.[52] The Palmyrenes seem to have disliked the Greeks, considered them foreigners, and restricted their settlement in the city.[52] During the Umayyad Caliphate, Palmyra was mainly inhabited by the Banu Kalb.[53] Benjamin of Tudela recorded the existence of 2000 Jews in the city during the twelfth century.[54] Palmyra declined after its destruction by Timur in 1400,[55] and was a village of 6,000 inhabitants at the beginning of the 20th century.[56]
Ethnicity of classical Palmyra
Palmyra's population was a mixture of the different peoples inhabiting the city,[57][58] which is seen in Aramaic, Arabic and Amorite names of Palmyrene clans,[note 4][59] but the ethnicity of Palmyra is a matter of debate.[60]
Some scholars, such as Andrew M. Smith II, consider ethnicity a concept related to modern nationalism, and prefer not to describe the Palmyrenes with ethnic designations they themselves did not know, concluding that there is a lack of evidence regarding what ethnicity the Palmyrenes perceived themselves.[61] On the other hand, many scholars, such as Eivind Seland, contend that a distinctive Palmyrene ethnicity is apparent in the available contemporary evidence.[62] The second century work De Munitionibus Castrorum mentioned the Palmyrenes as a natio, the Latin equivalent of the Greek ἔθνος (éthnos).[63] Seland noted the epigraphic evidence left by the Palmyrenes outside the city.[62]
The inscriptions reveal the existence of a real diaspora satisfying the three criteria set by the sociologist Rogers Brubaker.[note 5][64] Palmyrene diaspora members always made clear their Palmyrene origin and used the Palmyrene language, and maintained their distinct religion even when the host society's religion was close to that of Palmyra. Seland concluded that in the case of Palmyra, the people perceived themselves different from their neighbours and a real Palmyrene ethnicity existed.[65] Aside from the existence of a Palmyrene ethnicity, Aramean or Arab are the two main ethnic designations debated by historians;[60] Javier Teixidor stated, "Palmyra was an Aramaean city and it is a mistake to consider it as an Arab town", while Yasamin Zahran criticized this statement and argued that the inhabitants considered themselves Arabs.[66] In practice, according to several scholars such as Udo Hartmann and Michael Sommer, the citizenry of Palmyra were mainly the result of Arab and Aramaean tribes merging into a unity with a corresponding consciousness; they thought and acted as Palmyrenes.[67][68]
Language
Until the late third century, Palmyrenes spoke
Social organization
Classical Palmyra was a tribal community, but due to the lack of sources, an understanding of the nature of Palmyrene tribal structure is not possible.
Women seem to have been active in Palmyra's social and public life. They commissioned inscriptions, buildings or tombs, and in certain cases, held administrative offices. Offerings to gods in the names of women are documented.[82]
The last Palmyrene inscription of 279/280 refers to the honouring of a citizen by the Maththabolians,[73] which indicates that the tribal system still carried weight after the fall of Zenobia.[83] A noticeable change is the lack of development of aristocratic residences, and no important public buildings were constructed by locals, indicating that the elite diminished following the campaign of Aurelian. The social change and the reduction of the aristocratic elite is hard to explain. It could be a result of the aristocracy suffering many casualties in the war against Rome, or fleeing to the countryside.
According to historian Emanuele Intagliata, the change can be ascribed to the Roman reorganization following Zenobia's fall, as Palmyra ceased to be a rich caravan city and became a frontier fortress, leading the inhabitants to focus on satisfying the needs of a garrison instead of providing the empire with luxurious oriental items. Such a change in functions would have made the city less attractive for an aristocratic elite.[84] Palmyra benefited from Umayyad rule, since its role as a frontier city ended and the East-West trade route was restored, leading to the re-emergence of a merchant class. Palmyra's loyalty to the Umayyads led to an aggressive military retaliation from their successors, the Abbasid Caliphate, and the city diminished in size, losing its merchant class.[85]
Following its destruction by Timur, Palmyra maintained the life of a small settlement until its relocation in 1932.[86]
Culture
The scarce artifacts found in the city dating to the Bronze Age reveal that, culturally, Palmyra was most affiliated with western Syria.[87] Classical Palmyra had a distinctive culture,[88] based on a local Semitic tradition,[89] and influenced by Greece and Rome.[note 9][91] To appear better integrated into the Roman Empire, some Palmyrenes adopted Greco-Roman names, either alone or in addition to a second native name.[92] The extent of Greek influence on Palmyra's culture is debated.[93] Scholars interpreted the Palmyrenes' Greek practices differently; many see those characters as a superficial layer over a local essence.[94] Palmyra's senate was an example; although Palmyrene texts written in Greek described it as a "boule" (a Greek institution), the senate was a gathering of non-elected tribal elders (a Near-Eastern assembly tradition).[95] Others view Palmyra's culture as a fusion of local and Greco-Roman traditions.[96]
The culture of Persia influenced Palmyrene military tactics, dress and court ceremonies.[97] Palmyra had no large libraries or publishing facilities, and it lacked an intellectual movement characteristic of other Eastern cities such as Edessa or Antioch.[98] Although Zenobia opened her court to academics, the only notable scholar documented was Cassius Longinus.[98]
Palmyra had a large
Art and architecture
Although Palmyrene art was related to that of Greece, it had a distinctive style unique to the middle-Euphrates region.[108] Palmyrene art is well represented by the bust reliefs which seal the openings of its burial chambers.[108] The reliefs emphasized clothing, jewelry and a frontal representation of the person depicted,[108][109] characteristics which can be seen as a forerunner of Byzantine art.[108] According to Michael Rostovtzeff, Palmyra's art was influenced by Parthian art.[110] However, the origin of frontality that characterized Palmyrene and Parthian arts is a controversial issue; while Parthian origin has been suggested (by Daniel Schlumberger),[111] Michael Avi-Yonah contends that it was a local Syrian tradition that influenced Parthian art.[112] Little painting, and none of the bronze statues of prominent citizens (which stood on brackets on the main columns of the Great Colonnade), have survived.[113] A damaged frieze and other sculptures from the Temple of Bel, many removed to museums in Syria and abroad, suggest the city's public monumental sculpture.[113]
Many surviving funerary busts reached Western museums during the 19th century.[114] Palmyra provided the most convenient Eastern examples bolstering an art-history controversy at the turn of the 20th century: to what extent Eastern influence on Roman art replaced idealized classicism with frontal, hieratic and simplified figures (as believed by Josef Strzygowski and others).[113][115] This transition is seen as a response to cultural changes in the Western Roman Empire, rather than artistic influence from the East.[113] Palmyrene bust reliefs, unlike Roman sculptures, are rudimentary portraits; although many reflect high quality individuality, the majority vary little across figures of similar age and gender.[113]
Like its art, Palmyra's architecture was influenced by the Greco-Roman style, while preserving local elements (best seen in the Temple of Bel).[note 11][116][119] Enclosed by a massive wall flanked with traditional Roman columns,[119][120] Bel's sanctuary plan was primarily Semitic.[119] Similar to the Second Temple, the sanctuary consisted of a large courtyard with the deity's main shrine off-center against its entrance (a plan preserving elements of the temples of Ebla and Ugarit).[119][121]
Site
Cemeteries
West of the ancient walls, the Palmyrenes built a number of large-scale funerary monuments which now form the
Notable structures
Public buildings
- The senate building is largely ruined.[37] It is a small building that consists of a peristyle courtyard and a chamber that has an apse at one end and rows of seats around it.[76]
- Much of the Baths of Diocletian are ruined and do not survive above the level of the foundations.Corinthian columns is still visible in addition to an octagonal room that served as a dressing room containing a drain in its center.[37] Sossianus Hierocles, a governor under Emperor Diocletian, claimed to have built the baths, but the building was probably erected in the late second century and Sossianus Hierocles renovated it.[note 12][129]
- The Agora of Palmyra is part of a complex that also includes the tariff court and the triclinium, built in the second half of the first century AD.[130] The agora is a massive 71-by-84-metre (233 by 276 ft) structure with 11 entrances.[37] Inside the agora, 200 columnar bases that used to hold statues of prominent citizens were found.[37] The inscriptions on the bases allowed an understanding of the order by which the statues were grouped; the eastern side was reserved for senators, the northern side for Palmyrene officials, the western side for soldiers and the southern side for caravan chiefs.[37]
- The Tariff Court is a large rectangular enclosure south of the agora and sharing its northern wall with it.[131] Originally, the entrance of the court was a massive vestibule in its southwestern wall.[131] However, the entrance was blocked by the construction of a defensive wall and the court was entered through three doors from the Agora.[131] The court gained its name by containing a 5-metre (16 ft) stone slab that had the Palmyrene tax law inscribed on it.[132][133]
- The Triclinium of the Agora is at the northwestern corner of the Agora and can host up to 40 people.[134][135] It is a small 12-by-15-metre (39 by 49 ft) hall decorated with Greek key motifs that run in a continuous line halfway up the wall.[136] The building was probably used by the rulers of the city;[134] the French general director of antiquities in Syria, Henri Seyrig, proposed that it was a small temple before being turned into a triclinium or banqueting hall.[135]
Temples
- The
- The Temple of Baalshamin dates to the late 2nd century BC in its earliest phases;[141] its altar was built in AD 115,[121] and it was substantially rebuilt in AD 131.[142] It consisted of a central cella and two colonnaded courtyards north and south of the central structure.[143] A vestibule consisting of six columns preceded the cella which had its side walls decorated with pilasters in Corinthian order.[144]
- The Temple of Nabu is largely ruined.[145] The temple was Eastern in its plan; the outer enclosure's propylaea led to a 20-by-9-metre (66 by 30 ft) podium through a portico of which the bases of the columns survives.[143] The peristyle cella opened onto an outdoor altar.[143]
- The Temple of Al-Lat is largely ruined with only a podium, a few columns and the door frame remaining.[38] Inside the compound, a giant lion relief (Lion of Al-lāt) was excavated and in its original form, was a relief protruding from the temple compound's wall.[144][146]
- The ruined Temple of Baal-hamon was located on the top of Jabal al-Muntar hill which oversees the spring of Efqa.[147] Constructed in AD 89, it consisted of a cella and a vestibule with two columns.[147] The temple had a defensive tower attached to it;[148] a mosaic depicting the sanctuary was excavated and it revealed that both the cella and the vestibule were decorated with merlons.[148]
Other buildings
- The Great Colonnade was Palmyra's 1.1-kilometre-long (0.68 mi) main street; most of the columns date to the second century AD and each is 9.50 metres (31.2 ft) high.[25]
- The Funerary Temple no. 86 (also known as the House Tomb) is located at the western end of the Great Colonnade.[27][149] It was built in the third century AD and has a portico of six columns and vine patterns carvings.[59][150] Inside the chamber, steps leads down to a vault crypt.[150] The shrine might have been connected to the royal family as it is the only tomb inside the city's walls.[59]
- The Tetrapylon was erected during the renovations of Diocletian at the end of the third century.[86] It is a square platform and each corner contains a grouping of four columns.[36] Each column group supports a 150-ton cornice and contains a pedestal in its center that originally carried a statue.[36] Out of sixteen columns, only one is original while the rest are from reconstruction work by the Syrian Directorate-General of Antiquities in 1963, using concrete.[150] The original columns were brought from Egypt and carved out of pink granite.[36]
- The Walls of Palmyra started in the first century as a protective wall containing gaps where the surrounding mountains formed natural barriers; it encompassed the residential areas, the gardens and the oasis.[21] After 273, Aurelian erected the rampart known as the wall of Diocletian;[21] it enclosed about 80 hectares, a much smaller area than the original pre-273 city.[151][152]
Destruction by IS
According to eyewitnesses, on 23 May 2015 Islamic State militants destroyed the Lion of Al-lāt and other statues; this came days after the militants had gathered the citizens and promised not to destroy the city's monuments.[153] IS destroyed the Temple of Baalshamin on 23 August 2015.[154] On 30 August 2015, IS destroyed the cella of the Temple of Bel.[155] On 31 August 2015, the United Nations confirmed the temple was destroyed;[156] the temple's exterior walls and entrance arch remain.[155][157]
It became known on 4 September 2015 that IS had destroyed three of the best preserved tower tombs including the Tower of Elahbel.[158] On 5 October 2015, news media reported that IS was destroying buildings with no religious meaning, including the monumental arch.[159] On 20 January 2017, news emerged that the militants had destroyed the tetrapylon and part of the theater.[160] Following the March 2017 capture of Palmyra by the Syrian Army, Maamoun Abdulkarim, director of antiquities and museums at the Syrian Ministry of Culture, stated that the damage to ancient monuments may be lesser than earlier believed and preliminary pictures showed almost no further damage than what was already known.[161] Antiquities official Wael Hafyan stated that the Tetrapylon was badly damaged while the damage to the facade of the Roman theatre was less serious.[162]
Restoration
In response to the destruction, on 21 October 2015, Creative Commons started the New Palmyra project, an online repository of three-dimensional models representing the city's monuments; the models were generated from images gathered, and released into the public domain, by the Syrian internet advocate Bassel Khartabil between 2005 and 2012.[163][164] Minor restorations took place; two Palmyrene funerary busts, damaged and defaced by IS, were sent off to Rome where they were restored and sent back to Syria.[165] The restoration of the Lion of Al-lāt took two months and the statue was displayed on 1 October 2017; it will remain in the National Museum of Damascus.[166]
Regarding the restoration, the discoverer of Ebla, Paolo Matthiae, stated that: "The archaeological site of Palmyra is a vast field of ruins and only 20–30% of it is seriously damaged. Unfortunately these included important parts, such as the Temple of Bel, while the Arch of Triumph can be rebuilt." He added: "In any case, by using both traditional methods and advanced technologies, it might be possible to restore 98% of the site".[167]
In February 2022, following acts of restoration and rehabilitation the Afqa spring site was reopened.[168] In October 2022, the Syrian Directorate-General of Antiquities and Museums and the Institute for the History of Material Culture of Russian Academy of Sciences signed an agreement to start the second and third phase of the project for restoring Arch of Triumph.[169]
History
The area had paleolithic settlements.[171] In the Efqa Spring site, a Neolithic settlement existed,[172] with stone tools dated to 7500 BC.[173] Archaeological sounding in the tell beneath the Temple of Bel uncovered a mud-brick structure built around 2500 BC, followed by structures built during the Middle Bronze Age and Iron Age.[174]
Early period
The city entered the historical record during the
The
Hellenistic and Roman periods
During the
In 64 BC, the
Autonomous Palmyrene region
Palmyra became part of the Roman Empire when it was conquered and paid tribute early in the reign of Tiberius, around 14 AD.[note 15][46][197] The Romans included Palmyra in the province of Syria,[196] and defined the region's boundaries.[198] Pliny the Elder asserted that both the Palmyrene and Emesene regions were contiguous;[199] a marker at the Palmyrene's southwestern border was found in 1936 by Daniel Schlumberger at Qasr al-Hayr al-Gharbi, dating from the reign of Hadrian or one of his successors, which marked the boundary between the two regions.[note 16][201][202] This boundary probably ran northwards to Khirbet al-Bilaas on Jabal al-Bilas where another marker, laid by the Roman governor Silanus, has been found, 75 kilometres (47 mi) northwest of Palmyra, probably marking a boundary with the territory of Epiphania.[203][198] Meanwhile, Palmyra's eastern border extended to the Euphrates valley.[202] This region included numerous villages subordinate to the center,[204] including large settlements such as al-Qaryatayn.[205] The Roman imperial period brought great prosperity to the city, which enjoyed a privileged status under the empire—retaining much of its internal autonomy,[46] being ruled by a council,[206] and incorporating many Greek city-state (polis) institutions into its government.[note 17][207]
The earliest Palmyrene text attesting a Roman presence in the city dates to 18 AD, when the Roman general Germanicus tried to develop a friendly relationship with Parthia; he sent the Palmyrene Alexandros to Mesene, a Parthian vassal kingdom.[note 18][210] This was followed by the arrival of the Roman legion Legio X Fretensis the following year.[note 19][211] Roman authority was minimal during the first century AD, although tax collectors were resident,[212] and a road connecting Palmyra and Sura was built in AD 75.[note 20][213] The Romans used Palmyrene soldiers,[214] but (unlike typical Roman cities) no local magistrates or prefects are recorded in the city.[213] Palmyra saw intensive construction during the first century, including the city's first walled fortifications,[215] and the Temple of Bel (completed and dedicated in 32 AD).[137] During the first century Palmyra developed from a minor desert caravan station into a leading trading center,[note 21][195] with Palmyrene merchants establishing colonies in surrounding trade centers.[210]
Palmyrene trade reached its acme during the second century,
In the 190s, Palmyra was assigned to the province of Phoenice, newly created by the Severan dynasty.[227] Toward the end of the second century, Palmyra began a steady transition from a traditional Greek city-state to a monarchy due to the increasing militarization of the city and the deteriorating economic situation;[228] the Severan ascension to the imperial throne in Rome played a major role in Palmyra's transition:[226]
- The Severan-led Roman–Parthian War, from 194 to 217, influenced regional security and affected the city's trade.[229] Bandits began attacking caravans by 199, leading Palmyra to strengthen its military presence.[229]
- The new dynasty favored the city,[229] stationing the Cohors I Flavia Chalcidenorum garrison there by 206.[230] Caracalla made Palmyra a colonia between 213 and 216, replacing many Greek institutions with Roman constitutional ones.[228] Severus Alexander, emperor from 222 to 235, visited Palmyra in 229.[229][231]
Palmyrene kingdom
The rise of the Sasanian Empire in Persia considerably damaged Palmyrene trade.[232] The Sasanians disbanded Palmyrene colonies in their lands,[232] and began a war against the Roman Empire.[233] In an inscription dated to 252 Odaenathus appears bearing the title of exarchos (lord) of Palmyra.[234] The weakness of the Roman Empire and the constant Persian danger were probably the reasons behind the Palmyrene council's decision to elect a lord for the city in order for him to lead a strengthened army.[235] Odaenathus approached Shapur I of Persia to request him to guarantee Palmyrene interests in Persia, but was rebuffed.[236] In 260 the Emperor Valerian fought Shapur at the Battle of Edessa, but was defeated and captured.[236] One of Valerian's officers, Macrianus Major, his sons Quietus and Macrianus, and the prefect Balista rebelled against Valerian's son Gallienus, usurping imperial power in Syria.[237]
Persian wars
Odaenathus formed an army of Palmyrenes and Syrian peasants against Shapur.
In 262 Odaenathus launched a new campaign against Shapur,
Odaenathus was succeeded by his son; the ten-year-old Vaballathus.[263] Zenobia, the mother of the new king, was the de facto ruler and Vaballathus remained in her shadow while she consolidated her power.[263] Gallienus dispatched his prefect Heraclian to command military operations against the Persians, but he was marginalized by Zenobia and returned to the West.[256] The queen was careful not to provoke Rome, claiming for herself and her son the titles held by her husband while guaranteeing the safety of the borders with Persia and pacifying the Tanukhids in Hauran.[263] To protect the borders with Persia, Zenobia fortified different settlements on the Euphrates including the citadels of Halabiye and Zalabiye.[264] Circumstantial evidence exist for confrontations with the Sasanians; probably in 269 Vaballathus took the title Persicus Maximus ("The great victor in Persia") and the title might be linked with an unrecorded battle against a Persian army trying to regain control of Northern Mesopotamia.[265][266]
Palmyrene empire
Zenobia began her military career in the spring of 270, during the reign of
The following year, Aurelian crossed the
Later Roman and Byzantine periods
Aurelian spared the city and stationed a garrison of 600 archers, led by Sandarion, as a peacekeeping force.[284] In 273 Palmyra rebelled under the leadership of Septimius Apsaios,[277] declaring Antiochus (a relative of Zenobia) as Augustus.[285] Aurelian marched against Palmyra, razing it to the ground and seizing the most valuable monuments to decorate his Temple of Sol.[282][286] Palmyrene buildings were smashed, residents massacred and the Temple of Bel pillaged.[282]
Palmyra was significantly reduced and it largely disappeared from historical records of that period.
Arab caliphates
Palmyra was conquered by the
Umayyad and early Abbasid periods
Palmyra prospered as part of the Umayyad Caliphate, and its population grew.
In 750 a revolt, led by Majza'a ibn al-Kawthar and Umayyad pretender Abu Muhammad al-Sufyani, against the new Abbasid Caliphate swept across Syria;[297] the tribes in Palmyra supported the rebels.[298] After his defeat Abu Muhammad took refuge in the city, which withstood an Abbasid assault long enough to allow him to escape.[298]
Decentralization
Abbasid power dwindled during the 10th century, when the empire disintegrated and was divided among a number of vassals.
The population of the city started to decrease in the ninth century and the process continued in the tenth century.[301] In 955 Sayf al-Dawla, the Hamdanid prince of Aleppo, defeated the nomads near the city,[302] and built a kasbah (fortress) in response to campaigns by the Byzantine emperors Nikephoros II Phokas and John I Tzimiskes.[303] With the advent of Fatimid rule in the late 10th century, Palmyra remained a stronghold of the Kalb and taxes on the oasis' crops was a major source of the tribe's income. Toward the end of the century, the Kalb around Palmyra migrated from the area.[304] Earthquakes devastated Palmyra in 1068 and 1089.[86][305] In the 1070s Syria was conquered by the Seljuk Empire,[306] and in 1082, the district of Homs came under the control of the Arab lord Khalaf ibn Mula'ib.[307] The latter was a brigand and was removed and imprisoned in 1090 by the Seljuq sultan Malik-Shah I.[307][308] Khalaf's lands were given to Malik-Shah's brother, Tutush I,[308] who gained his independence after his brother's 1092 death and established a cadet branch of the Seljuk dynasty in Syria.[309]
By the twelfth century, the population moved into the courtyard of the Temple of Bel which was fortified;[301] Palmyra was then ruled by Toghtekin, the Burid atabeg of Damascus, who appointed his nephew governor.[310] Toghtekin's nephew was killed by rebels, and the atabeg retook the city in 1126.[310] Palmyra was given to Toghtekin's grandson, Shihab-ud-din Mahmud,[310] who was replaced by governor Yusuf ibn Firuz when Shihab-ud-din Mahmud returned to Damascus after his father Taj al-Muluk Buri succeeded Toghtekin.[311] The Burids transformed the Temple of Bel into a citadel in 1132, fortifying the city,[312][313] and transferring it to the Bin Qaraja family three years later in exchange for Homs.[313]
During the mid-twelfth century, Palmyra was ruled by the
Mamluk period
Palmyra was used as a refuge by Shirkuh II's grandson,
Al Fadl principality
The
Muhanna was forgiven and restored by an-Nasir in 1330; he remained loyal to the sultan until his death in 1335, when he was succeeded by his son.
Ottoman era
While most of Syria came under
20th century
In 1918, as
With Palmyra gaining importance in the French efforts to pacify the
Syrian civil war
As a result of the Syrian civil war, Palmyra experienced widespread looting and damage by combatants.[353] In 2013, the façade of the Temple of Bel sustained a large hole from mortar fire, and colonnade columns have been damaged by shrapnel.[353] According to Maamoun Abdulkarim, the Syrian Army positioned its troops in some archaeological-site areas,[353] while Syrian opposition fighters positioned themselves in gardens around the city.[353]
On 13 May 2015, ISIL launched an attack on the modern town of Tadmur, sparking fears that the iconoclastic group would destroy the adjacent ancient site of Palmyra.[354] On 21 May, some artifacts were transported from the Palmyra museum to Damascus for safekeeping; a number of Greco-Roman busts, jewelry, and other objects looted from the museum have been found on the international market.[355] ISIL forces entered Palmyra the same day.[356] Local residents reported that the Syrian Air Force bombed the site on 13 June, damaging the northern wall close to the Temple of Baalshamin.[357] During ISIL's occupation of the site, Palmyra's theatre was used as a place of public executions of their opponents and captives; videos were released by ISIL showing the killing of Syrian prisoners in front of crowds at the theatre.[358][359] On 18 August, Palmyra's retired antiquities chief Khaled al-Asaad was beheaded by ISIL after being tortured for a month to extract information about the city and its treasures; al-Asaad refused to give any information to his captors.[360]
Syrian government forces supported by
Government
From the beginning of its history to the first century AD Palmyra was a petty sheikhdom,[367] and by the first century BC a Palmyrene identity began to develop.[368] During the first half of the first century AD, Palmyra incorporated some of the institutions of a Greek city (polis);[207] the notion of an existing citizenship first appears in an inscription, dated to AD 10, mentioning the "people of Palmyra".[369] In AD 74, an inscription mentions the city's boule (senate).[207] The tribal role in Palmyra is debated; during the first century, four treasurers representing the four tribes seems to have partially controlled the administration but their role became ceremonial by the second century and power rested in the hands of the council.[370]
The Palmyrene council consisted of about six hundred members of the local elite (such as the elders or heads of wealthy families or clans),[note 33][206] representing the city's four-quarters.[79] The council, headed by a president,[371] managed civic responsibilities;[206] it supervised public works (including the construction of public buildings), approved expenditures, collected taxes,[206] and appointed two archons (lords) each year.[371][372] Palmyra's military was led by strategoi (generals) appointed by the council.[373][374] Roman provincial authority set and approved Palmyra's tariff structure,[375] but the provincial interference in local government was kept minimal as the empire sought to ensure the continuous success of Palmyrene trade most beneficial to Rome.[376] An imposition of direct provincial administration would have jeopardized Palmyra's ability to conduct its trading activities in the East, especially in Parthia.[376]
With the elevation of Palmyra to a colonia around 213–216, the city ceased being subject to Roman provincial governors and taxes.[377] Palmyra incorporated Roman institutions into its system while keeping many of its former ones.[378] The council remained, and the strategos designated one of two annually-elected magistrates.[378] This duumviri implemented the new colonial constitution,[378] replacing the archons.[372] Palmyra's political scene changed with the rise of Odaenathus and his family; an inscription dated to 251 describes Odaenathus' son Hairan I as "Ras" (lord) of Palmyra (exarch in the Greek section of the inscription) and another inscription dated to 252 describes Odaenathus with the same title.[note 34][234] Odaenathus was probably elected by the council as exarch,[235] which was an unusual title in the Roman empire and was not part of the traditional Palmyrene governance institutions.[234][379] Whether Odaenathus' title indicated a military or a priestly position is unknown,[380] but the military role is more likely.[381] By 257 Odaenathus was known as a consularis, possibly the legatus of the province of Phoenice.[380] In 258 Odaenathus began extending his political influence, taking advantage of regional instability caused by Sasanian aggression;[380] this culminated in the Battle of Edessa,[236] Odaenathus' royal elevation and mobilization of troops, which made Palmyra a kingdom.[236]
The monarchy continued most civic institutions,[380][382] but the duumviri and the council were no longer attested after 264; Odaenathus appointed a governor for the city.[383] In the absence of the monarch, the city was administered by a viceroy.[384] Although governors of the eastern Roman provinces under Odaenathus' control were still appointed by Rome, the king had overall authority.[385] During Zenobia's rebellion, governors were appointed by the queen.[386] Not all Palmyrenes accepted the dominion of the royal family; a senator, Septimius Haddudan, appears in a later Palmyrene inscription as aiding Aurelian's armies during the 273 rebellion.[387][388] After the Roman destruction of the city, Palmyra was ruled directly by Rome,[389] and then by a succession of other rulers, including the Burids and Ayyubids,[310][318] and subordinate Bedouin chiefs—primarily the Fadl family, who governed for the Mamluks.[390]
Military
Due to its military character and efficiency in battle, Palmyra was described by Irfan Shahîd as the "Sparta among the cities of the Orient, Arab and other, and even its gods were represented dressed in military uniforms."[391] Palmyra's army protected the city and its economy, helping extend Palmyrene authority beyond the city walls and protecting the countryside's desert trade routes.[392] The city had a substantial military;[202] Zabdibel commanded a force of 10,000 in the third century BC,[46] and Zenobia led an army of 70,000 in the Battle of Emesa.[393] Soldiers were recruited from the city and its territories, spanning several thousand square kilometers from the outskirts of Homs to the Euphrates valley.[202] Non-Palmyrene soldiers were also recruited; a Nabatean cavalryman is recorded in 132 as serving in a Palmyrene unit stationed at Anah.[18] Palmyra's recruiting system is unknown; the city might have selected and equipped the troops and the strategoi led, trained and disciplined them.[394]
The strategoi were appointed by the council with the approval of Rome.[374] The royal army in the mid 3rd century AD was under the leadership of the monarch aided by generals,[395][396] and was modeled on the Sasanians in arms and tactics.[97] The Palmyrenes were noted archers.[397] They used infantry while a heavily armored cavalry (clibanarii) constituted the main attacking force.[note 35][399][400] Palmyra's infantry was armed with swords, lances and small round shields;[214] the clibanarii were fully armored (including their horses), and used heavy spears (kontos) 3.65 metres (12.0 ft) long without shields.[400][401]
Relations with Rome
Citing the Palmyrenes' combat skills in large, sparsely populated areas, the Romans formed a Palmyrene auxilia to serve in the Imperial Roman army.[214] Vespasian reportedly had 8,000 Palmyrene archers in Judea,[214] and Trajan established the first Palmyrene Auxilia in 116 (a camel cavalry unit, Ala I Ulpia dromedariorum Palmyrenorum).[214][402][403] Palmyrene units were deployed throughout the Roman Empire,[note 36] serving in Dacia late in Hadrian's reign,[405] and at El Kantara in Numidia and Moesia under Antoninus Pius.[405][406] During the late second century Rome formed the Cohors XX Palmyrenorum, which was stationed in Dura-Europos.[407]
Religion
Palmyra's gods were primarily part of the
Second in importance, after the supreme deity,
The deities worshiped in the countryside were depicted as camel or horse riders and bore Arab names.
Although the Palmyrenes worshiped their deities as individuals, some were associated with other gods.[421] Bel had Astarte-Belti as his consort, and formed a triple deity with Aglibol and Yarhibol (who became a sun god in his association with Bel).[414][422] Malakbel was part of many associations,[421] pairing with Gad Taimi and Aglibol,[423][423] and forming a triple deity with Baalshamin and Aglibol.[424] Palmyra hosted an Akitu (spring festival) each Nisan.[425] Each of the city's four-quarters had a sanctuary for a deity considered ancestral to the resident tribe; Malakbel and Aglibol's sanctuary was in the Komare quarter.[426] The Baalshamin sanctuary was in the Ma'zin quarter, the Arsu sanctuary in the Mattabol quarter,[426] and the Atargatis sanctuary in the fourth tribe's quarter.[note 37][424]
The priests of Palmyra were selected from the city's leading families,[427] and are recognized in busts through their headdresses which have the shape of a polos adorned with laurel wreath or other tree made of bronze among other elements.[428] The high priest of Bel's temple was the highest religious authority and headed the clergy of priests who were organized into collegia each headed by a higher priest.[429] The personnel of Efqa spring's sanctuary dedicated to Yarhibol belonged to a special class of priests as they were oracles.[429] Palmyra's paganism was replaced with Christianity as the religion spread across the Roman Empire, and a bishop was reported in the city by 325.[288] Although most temples became churches, the Temple of Al-lāt was destroyed in 385 at the order of Maternus Cynegius (the eastern praetorian prefect).[288] After the Muslim conquest in 634 Islam gradually replaced Christianity, and the last known bishop of Palmyra was consecrated after 818.[430]
Malakbel and the Roman Sol Invictus
In 274, following his victory over Palmyra, Aurelian dedicated a large temple of Sol Invictus in Rome;[431] most scholars consider Aurelian's Sol Invictus to be of Syrian origin,[432] either a continuation of emperor Elagabalus cult of Sol Invictus Elagabalus, or Malakbel of Palmyra.[433] The Palmyrene deity was commonly identified with the Roman god Sol and he had a temple dedicated for him on the right bank of the Tiber since the second century.[434] Also, he bore the epithet Invictus and was known with the name Sol "Sanctissimus", the latter was an epithet Aurelian bore on an inscription from Capena.[434]
The position of the Palmyrene deity as Aurelian's Sol Invictus is inferred from a passage by Zosimus reading: "and the magnificent temple of the sun he (i.e. Aurelian) embellished with votive gifts from Palmyra, setting up statues of Helios and Bel".[435] Three deities from Palmyra exemplified solar features: Malakbel, Yarhibol and Šams, hence the identification of the Palmyrene Helios appearing in Zosimus' work with Malakbel.[435] Some scholars criticize the notion of Malakbel's identification with Sol Invictus; according to Gaston Halsberghe, the cult of Malakbel was too local for it to become an imperial Roman god and Aurelian's restoration of Bel's temple and sacrifices dedicated to Malakbel were a sign of his attachment to the sun god in general and his respect to the many ways in which the deity was worshiped.[436] Richard Stoneman suggested another approach in which Aurelian simply borrowed the imagery of Malakbel to enhance his own solar deity.[437] The relation between Malakbel and Sol Invictus can not be confirmed and will probably remain unresolved.[434]
Economy
Palmyra's economy before and at the beginning of the Roman period was based on agriculture, pastoralism, and trade;[18] the city served as a rest station for the caravans which sporadically crossed the desert.[195] By the end of the first century BC, the city had a mixed economy based on agriculture, pastoralism, taxation,[438][439] and, most importantly, the caravan trade.[440] Taxation was an important source of revenue for the Palmyrene government.[439] Caravaneers paid taxes in the building known as the Tariff Court,[76] where a tax law dating to AD 137 was exhibited.[133][441] The law regulated the tariffs paid by the merchants for goods sold at the internal market or exported from the city.[note 38][76][443]
The classicist
After Palmyra's destruction in 273, it became a market for villagers and nomads from the surrounding area.
Commerce
If the Laghman II inscription in Afghanistan is referring to Palmyra, then the city's role in Central Asian overland trade was prominent as early as the third century BC.
Since Palmyra was not on the main trading route (which followed the Euphrates),[18] the Palmyrenes secured the desert route passing their city.[18] They connected it to the Euphrates valley, providing water and shelter.[18] The Palmyrene route connected the Silk Road with the Mediterranean,[461] and was used almost exclusively by the city's merchants,[18] who maintained a presence in many cities, including Dura-Europos in 33 BC,[216] Babylon by AD 19, Seleucia by AD 24,[210] Dendera, Coptos,[462] Bahrain, the Indus River Delta, Merv and Rome.[463]
The caravan trade depended on patrons and merchants.[464] Patrons owned the land on which the caravan animals were raised, providing animals and guards for the merchants.[464] The lands were located in the numerous villages of the Palmyrene countryside.[349] Although merchants used the patrons to conduct business, their roles often overlapped and a patron would sometimes lead a caravan.[464] Commerce made Palmyra and its merchants among the wealthiest in the region.[440] Some caravans were financed by a single merchant,[76] such as Male' Agrippa (who financed Hadrian's visit in 129 and the 139 rebuilding of the Temple of Bel).[220] The primary income-generating trade good was silk, which was exported from the East to the West.[465] Other exported goods included jade, muslin, spices, ebony, ivory and precious stones.[463] For its domestic market Palmyra imported a variety of goods including slaves, prostitutes, olive oil, dyed goods, myrrh and perfume.[442][463]
Research and excavations
Palmyra's first scholarly description appeared in a 1696 book by
Palmyra's first excavations were conducted in 1902 by
The Polish expedition concentrated its work on the Camp of Diocletian while the Syrian Directorate-General of Antiquities excavated the Temple of Nabu.[349] Most of the hypogea were excavated jointly by the Polish expedition and the Syrian Directorate,[474] while the area of Efqa was excavated by Jean Starcky and Jafar al-Hassani.[32] The Palmyrene irrigation system was discovered in 2008 by Jørgen Christian Meyer who researched the Palmyrene countryside through ground inspections and satellite images.[475] Most of Palmyra still remains unexplored especially the residential quarters in the north and south while the necropolis has been thoroughly excavated by the Directorate and the Polish expedition.[32] Excavation expeditions left Palmyra in 2011 due to the Syrian Civil War.[476]
See also
- Aureliano in Palmira
- Crisis of the Third Century
- Palmyrene (Unicode block)
- Thirty Tyrants (Roman)
- Septimius Worod
- Zabdas
Notes
- Ge'ez and other Semitic languages.[5]
Schultens argued that in the Bible (1 Kings 9:18), the name is written "Tamor" in the text and "Tadmor" in the margin.[6] Schultens considered "Tamor" to be the original name and derived from "Tamar".[7] However, the inclusion of a -d- in "Tamar" cannot be explained.[8] - Octavian, when Palmyra was independent.[19]
- ^ Estimates vary from as low as 30,000 to 200,000; the latter number is doubted considering the environment of Palmyra and its hinterland which makes it difficult to provide the population with the necessary foodstuff.[41]
- ^ E.g for Aramaic: Gaddibol and Yedi'bel.[59]
E.g for Arab: Bene Ma'zin.[59]
E.g for Amorite: Zmr' and Kohen-Nadu.[59] - ^ These criteria are: dispersion in a wide geographical range; orientation towards a homeland through the usage of own language and reference to a distinct origin and pantheon; the usage of own language and origin to preserve a distinct identity amongst host societies.[64]
- ^ The Phylai are the Bene Mita, Komare, Mattabol, Ma'zin and Claudia.[77]
- ^ In general, a civic tribe (Phyle) is a collection of people chosen from the collective population and ascribed a deity as a tribal ancestor, then assigned a territory for them to reside in. The Phylai were united by their citizenship instead of origin.[80]
- ^ The clans might have gathered under the name of the four tribes causing them to disappear.[78]
- ^ In the Hellenistic tradition, the agora was the center of athletic, artistic, spiritual and political life of the city.[99]
- ^ There are hints of Greek training; the names of three Greeks who worked on the construction of the Temple of Bel are known through inscriptions, including a probably Greek architect named Alexandras (Αλεξάνδρας).[116][117] However, some Palmyrenes adopted Greco-Roman names and native citizens with the name Alexander are attested in the city.[118]
- ^ The historian Rudolf Fellmann suggested that this building was the royal palace.[128]
- ^ According to the reading of Dupont-Sommer, Palmyra is separated by two hundreds "bows" from Laghman; In the inscription, the word used to indicate bow is "QŠTN", and Dupont-Sommer asserted that it is an Aramaic word denoting a unit to measure a distance of 15 to 20 kilometres.[186] Franz Altheim and Ruth Altheim-Stiehl read three hundred instead of two hundred bows; they equated it with the Vedic unit of measurement yojona, c. 12 kilometres, which would result in a number close to the actual 3800 kilometres distance between Laghman and Palmyra.[187] The linguist Helmut Humbach criticized the reading of Dupont-Sommer and considered his claims regarding the distance to have no validation.[188] In the Aramaic alphabet, the letters "r" and "d" share an identical character;[189] Jean de Menasce read the city's name "Trmd" and identified it with Termez on the Oxus river.[190] The linguist Franz Rosenthal also contested the reading of Dupont-Sommer and considered that the inscription refers to an estate called "Trmn".[191] Historian Bratindra Nath Mukherjee rejected the readings of both Dupont-Sommer and de Menasce; he contested the large value attributed to "bow", considering it a small unit. The historian also rejected the reading of Tdmr and Trmd as referring to a city; in the view of Mukherjee, the name, whether Tdmr or Trmd refers to the rock on which the inscription was carved itself.[190]
- ^ The inscription is in bad shape but the letters' form, especially the four-branched sigma, indicate that it is one of the earliest inscriptions from Palmyra, dating to the beginning of the first century AD or the former first century BC. Seyrig concluded that it is futile to identify the king as the title Epiphanes was borne by many Seleucid kings, the last of them, Antiochus XII, died in 82 BC. Even then, according to Seyrig, the date is too high for the form of the letters. Seyrig suggested a king of Commagene or, more likely, a Parthian king.[192]
- ^ The attribution of Palmyra annexation to Tiberius was supported by Seyrig and became the most influential. However, other dates have been suggested ranging from as early as Pompey's era to as late as Vespasian's reign.[196]
- ^ Inscription reproduced:[200]
Fin[es]
inteṛ
Hadriano[s]
Palmyrenos
et
[He]ṃesenos - ^ The exact year for when Palmyra first made use of some Greek institutions is not known; the evidence that specifically identify Palmyra as a polis is not extensive, and the earliest known reference is an inscription dated to AD 51, written in Palmyrene and Greek, mentioning the "City of the Palmyrenes" in its Greek section.[207]
- ^ Despite his Greek name, Alexandros was probably a native Palmyrene.[208]
There is no evidence that Germanicus visited Palmyra.[209] - ^ The legion was part of Germanicus' eastern campaign and was not stationed in the city as a garrison.[211]
- Traianus.[213]
- ^ The transformation already began in the first century BC.[216]
- ^ Although Palmyra benefiting from the annexation of Petra is a mainstream view, Palmyra's trade was mostly with the East, while Petra's trade counted on southern Arabia. In addition to the fact that Palmyra and Petra traded in different articles, hence the annexation of Petra might have not had a real effect on Palmyra's trade.[219]
- ^ The Ala I Thracum Herculiana was a milliaria.[223] Generally, a milliaria consisted of a thousand horsemen.[224]
- ^ No evidence exist for Roman units serving in the ranks of Odaenathus; whether Roman soldiers fought under Odaenathus or not is a matter of speculation.[238]
- ^ The Mesopotamian Jewish population was regarded by the Palmyrenes as loyal to the Persians.[248]
- ^ The first decisive evidence for the use of this title for Odaenathus is an inscription dated to 271, posthumously describing Odaenathus as "King of Kings".[236][252] Known inscriptions dating to his reign address him as king. However, Odaenathus' son Hairan I, is directly attested as "King of Kings" during his lifetime. Hairan I was proclaimed by his father as co-ruler and was assassinated during the same assassination incident that took the life of Odaenathus and it is unlikely that Odaenathus was simply a king while his son held the King of Kings title.[253]
- ^ Claudius died in August 270, shortly before Zenobia's invasion of Egypt.[268]
- ^ Scholarly opinion is divided as to whether this was a declaration of independence or a usurpation of the Roman throne.[275][276][277]
- ^ All other accounts indicate that a military action was not necessary, as it seems that Zenobia withdrew her forces in order to defend Syria.[279]
- ^ Named in Ottoman system "Salyane Sanjak", which is a Sanjak that had an annual allowance from the government, in contrast to the Khas Sanjaks, which yielded a land revenue.[333]
- ^ The British did not occupy the area and the local Bedouins agreed to protect the field.[342]
- ^ Neither the British, French or Arab armies attacked the Sanjak.[343]
- ^ The number of 600 is hypothetical.[206]
- ^ Hairan I was described as "Ras" in 251 indicating that Odaenathus was promoted at that time as well.[234]
- ^ The Palmyrene army that invaded Egypt was mainly composed of clibanarii supported by archers.[398]
- ^ A Palmyrene monument was discovered near Newcastle in England; it was set by a Palmyrene named Baratas, who was either a soldier or a camp follower.[404]
- ^ The fourth tribe's name is not certain but most likely the Mita.[424]
- ^ Richard Stoneman proposes that the law regulated taxes imposed on goods destined for the internal market and did not cover the transit trade.[442]
- ^ The dating of the dam's construction was questioned by the archaeologist Denis Genequand who compared it to several Umayyad dams and suggested a date corresponding to the Umayyad period.[41]
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External links
- Metropolitan Museum of Art – Palmyra
- Palmyra. Italian-Syrian Archaeological Mission of the University of Milan Archived 19 June 2020 at the Wayback Machine
- Polish excavations in Palmyra.
- Interactive 360° panoramas of Palmyra
- 360° full-screen photospheric visit of Palmyra
- Tower Tombs, Funerary Portraiture Khan Academy
- The legacy of ancient Palmyra, exhibition Getty.