Petroleum industry in Nigeria
The need for holistic reforms in the petroleum industry, ease of doing business, and encouragement of local content in the industry birthed the Petroleum Industry Bill by the Goodluck Jonathan administration on 18 July 2008.[6][7]
History of oil exploration
The history of oil exploration in Nigeria goes back to 1903, when the Nigerian Bitumen Corporation conducted exploratory work in the country. At the onset of
The association was granted license to explore oil all over the territory of Nigeria but, the acreage allotted to the company in the original license was reduced in 1951 and then, between 1955 and 1957. Drilling activities started in 1951 with the first test well drilled in
After that, the economy of Nigeria might have been expected to experience strong growth. However, competition for the profits from oil, coupled with the government keeping almost all of the profits for themselves, left little economic benefit for the people. In one interview with locals that were young at the time of oil discover, the blame was placed largely on the government and the greed of bureaucrats:
I don't only blame the whites that came here, what about the government? People in the government get nearly all the money from the economy.[9]
Many citizens of Nigeria believe that they have not been able to experience the economic benefits derived from oil extraction in Nigeria. In large part due to Nigerian government officials remaining majority shareholders in the profits created by the production of Nigerian oil, leading to government capturing of nearly all oil production, and citizens not seeing socio-economic benefits.[9]
The president of Nigeria as of 2023, Bola Tinubu, has taken steps to privatize the oil and gas industry in Nigeria. Decades of government ownership and control of the industry left the people at large impoverished and unable to experience any of the economic gain related to oil and gas exploration and extraction, Tinubu hopes that privatization and free markets will allow for greater equity in the space that has been rife with corruption since the 1950s in Nigeria when petroleum products were first discovered.[11]
Production and exploration
As of 2000, oil and gas exports accounted for more than 98% of export earnings and about 83% of federal government revenue, as well as generating more than 14% of its GDP. It also provides 95% of foreign exchange earnings, and about 65% of government budgetary revenues.[12]
Nigeria's proven oil reserves are estimated by the United States Energy Information Administration (EIA) at between 16 and 22 billion barrels (2.5×109 and 3.5×109 m3),[13] but other sources claim that there could be as much as 35.3 billion barrels (5.61×109 m3). Its reserves make Nigeria the tenth most petroleum-rich nation and by far, the most affluent in Africa. In mid-2001, its crude oil production was averaging around 2,200,000 barrels (350,000 m3) per day.[14] It is expected that the industry will continue to be profitable based on an average benchmark oil price of $85-$90 per barrel.[15]
Nearly all of the country's primary reserves are concentrated in around the delta of the
Nigeria has a total of 159
As a result of the numerous small fields, an extensive and well-developed pipeline network has been engineered to transport the crude oil. Also because of the lack of highly productive fields, money from the jointly operated (with the federal government) companies is constantly directed towards petroleum exploration and production.
Nigeria's petroleum is classified mostly as "light" and "sweet", as the oil is largely free of sulfur. Nigeria is the largest producer of sweet oil in OPEC.[5] This sweet oil is similar in composition to the petroleum extracted from the North Sea. This crude oil is known as "Bonny light". Names of other Nigerian crudes, all of which are named according to export terminal, are Qua Ibo, Escravos blend, Brass River, Forcados, and Pennington Anfan.
As recently as 2010, Nigeria provided about 10% of overall U.S. oil imports and ranked as the fifth-largest source for oil imports in the U.S. However, Nigeria ceased exports to the US in July 2014, because of the impact of shale production in America; India is the largest consumer of Nigerian oil as of 2014.[19]
There are six petroleum exportation terminals in the country. Shell owns two, while Mobil, Chevron, Texaco, and Agip own one each. Shell also owns the Forcados Terminal, which is capable of storing 13 million barrels (2,100,000 m3) of crude oil in conjunction with the nearby Bonny Terminal. Mobil operates primarily out of the Qua Iboe Terminal in Akwa Ibom State, while Chevron owns the Escravos Terminal located in Delta State and has a storage capacity of 3.6 million barrels (570,000 m3). Agip operates the Brass Terminal in Brass, a town 113 kilometres (70 miles) southwest of Port Harcourt and has a storage capacity of 3,558,000 barrels (565,700 m3). Texaco operates the Pennington Terminal.[20]
Offshore
As of 2005, oil companies in Africa investigated offshore production as an alternative area of production. Deepwater production mainly involved underwater drilling that exists 400 metres (1,300 ft) or more below the surface of the water to expand the possible sources for finding new oil reserves. As of 2005, 50% more oil could be extracted through deep water drilling, than before.[21] In 2003, the amount of oil extracted from Nigeria was expected to expand from 15,000 barrels per day (2,400 m3/d) to 1.27 million barrels per day (202,000 m3/d) in 2010.[21]
Deepwater oil production is less vulnerable to disturbance by local militant attacks and seizures, due to civil conflicts, and sabotage.[21] These advancements offer more resources and alternatives to extract the oil from the Niger Delta, with less exposure to conflict versus the operations on land. As of 2014, an open-air market for illegal crude oil operates off the Niger Delta, called the Togo Triangle.[22]
As of 2021, Angola and Nigeria were the largest oil producers in Africa.[23] In Nigeria, the deepwater sector still has a large avenue to expand and develop. The Agbami oilfields hit full production in 2005, at 250,000 barrels (40,000 m3) a day. Operated by Chevron's Star Deep and a company called Famfa, Agbami is only one offshore concession; there are others named Akpo, Bonga and Erha.[24]
Natural gas
Downstream
A decade from 1979 to 1989, motor spirit consumption in Nigeria increased from 2.3 million metric tons (MMT) to 4.4 MMT, an average annual increase of 7.5%. In 1989, motor spirit consumption grew by 12.8%.
History and politics
Prior to its official amalgamation into the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria by the military forces of the
grew extremely prominent in the region before the arrival of foreigners, dictated British colonial policies, and dominate national politics in Nigeria to this day.The modern
By contrast, the Yoruba, the Igbo and the Efik in the south had regularly experienced contact with Europeans since at least the 16th century. A minority of southerners converted to Christianity even prior to the establishment of permanent British control, but the majority followed traditional indigenous religions, worshipping myriad deities with vast domains spanning both cosmic and terrestrial spheres.
Coastal Nigerians established thriving trade both regionally and abroad, fashioning the coast into a hub for products like
The Niger Delta region, which is roughly synonymous with the
The eastern Niger Delta region has the
Colonial legacy (1800s–1960s)
Even before the combination of British control over all of present-day Nigeria's borders in 1914 from the protectorates of
Interest in Nigerian oil originated in 1914 with an ordinance making any oil and mineral under Nigerian soil legal property of the Crown. By 1938 the colonial government had granted the state-sponsored company, Shell (then known as Shell D'Arcy) a monopoly over the exploration of all minerals and petroleum throughout the entire colony.
In October 1960, Nigeria gained full independence from Britain with the
With tensions stoked between the Eastern region and Gowon's federal government, on 4–5 January 1967, in compliance with Ojukwu's desire to meet for talks only on neutral soil, a summit attended by Gowon, Ojukwu and other members of the Supreme Military Council was held at Aburi in Ghana, the stated purpose of which was to resolve all outstanding conflicts and establish Nigeria as a confederation of regions. The outcome of this summit was the Aburi Accord, the differing interpretations of which would soon cause Ojukwu to declare Biafran independence and plunge Nigeria into civil war.
Implications and causes of civil war (1966–1970)
Igbo withdrawal arose in part from the pogroms in the North that were aimed at Eastern people, most specifically, the Igbo. However, since the southeast encompassed most of the petroleum-rich Niger Delta, the prospect emerged of the Eastern Region gaining self-sufficiency and increasing prosperity. The exclusion of easterners from power caused many in the east to fear that oil revenues would be used to benefit areas in the north and west rather than their own. The desire to accrue profits from oil revenues combined with ethnic tensions acted as a catalyst for the Igbo-spearheaded secession.
Additionally, despite his denials in later years, it appears that Ojukwu's insistence on secession at the time was heavily influenced by his knowledge of the extent of the area's oil reserves.
On top of scores of deaths, the war had a largely negative impact on the oil industry. Strife caused production of crude to drop significantly, particularly in Biafra. Total crude output decreased from 420,000 barrels per day (67,000 cubic metres per day) in 1966 at the start of the war, to only 140,000 barrels per day (22,000 cubic metres per day) in 1968. Shell alone saw a drop from 367,000 barrels per day (58,300 cubic metres per day) in 1966, to 43,000 (6,800) in 1968. And in addition to concerns about production, oil companies began experiencing uncertainty as to the future of their investments depending on who prevailed in the war. This led to relations between oil companies and the federal government becoming strained, with the government at one point accusing the oil company Safrap (now TotalFinaElf, but Elf until 1974) of favouring Biafra and enlisting the aid of France for the Biafran cause. Shell, the other major holder of concessions in the southeast, was concerned but placated and limited politically by Britain's staunch support of the Nigerian government in the war effort.[37]
Despite oil's prominent role in national affairs, up to this time, the Nigerian federal government had only limited involvement in the
After the loss of over 2,000,000 lives, the war concluded in 1970 and resulted in a victory for the Nigerian state, as the withdrawing regions were subsequently brought back into the Nigerian fold.[18]
Industry Nationalisation (1970–1979)
In May 1971 the Nigerian federal government, then under the control of General
However, it was during the years of Gowon and his successors
Following the NNOC's genesis, the Nigerian government continued to garner control over oil revenues. In 1972 it declared that all property not currently owned by a foreign entity was legally the property of the government, which gained jurisdiction over the sale and allocation of concessions to foreign investors. The military regime oversaw the implementation of a number of other important milestones related to oil:
1974: Participation in oil industry by government increases to 55%.
1975: Decree 6 increases federal government share in oil sector to 80%, with only 20% going to the states.
1976: First exploration and development venture by NNOC undertaken and drills to uncover commercial quantities of petroleum offshore.
1978: Perhaps most importantly, the federal government created the Land Use Act which vested control over state lands in military governors appointed by the federal military regime, and eventually led to Section 40(3) of the 1979 constitution which declared all minerals, oil, natural gas, and natural resources found within the bounds of Nigeria to be legal property of the Nigerian federal government.[32]
1979: In an effort to establish further control over the industry, the government merges and restructures the NNOC and the Ministry of Petroleum to form the
Attempted democracy and debt (1979–1983)
Despite the vast revenues accrued by Gowon and his heirs, the junta succumbed to the demands of the civilian population, and in 1979 military head of state Olusegun Obasanjo handed over power to elected National Party of Nigeria (NPN) candidate Shehu Shagari. This event coincided with the declaration of Nigeria's Second Republic. At this juncture, the oil producing states of the Niger Delta were accounting for 82% of all federal government revenue but the population of these areas received very little compensation and demands for adequate reimbursement for the black gold extracted from their land could be heard at this time. Overall, petroleum accounted for 96% of all government external revenue but a mere 27% of the nation's GDP. However, the advent of democracy did not improve the situation.
A 1982 Revenue Act implemented by the Shagari government would eventually be modified by yet another military regime in 1984 via Decree 36 which reduced the government share of oil revenue from 80% to 55%. States got 32.5% and 10% went to local governments.[40] The remaining 1.5% was earmarked as a special fund to new develop oil-producing areas, but during the Shagari regime the corruption in Nigerian governance reached its zenith and capital flight out of Nigeria peaked, while people in the oil-producing areas continued to receive little or none of the oil profits. Additionally, 1980 saw oil-generated revenues attain an all-time high of US$24.9 billion but Nigeria still managed an international debt of $9 billion.
Shagari's NPN government was viewed by the majority of Nigerians as incorrigibly corrupt by the time the national elections of 1983 came about. Shagari and his subordinates steadily transformed Nigeria into a police state where Nigerian military and police forces were permitted to utilise force quite liberally in order to control the civilian population. Such repressive measures were employed to ensure victory in the forthcoming elections, and this outcome was achieved largely through the bankrupting of the federal government's treasury.[41]
Another disturbing trend had also been gaining steam in Nigeria since the early 1970s: a steep drop in
Return to military rule and electoral annulment (1983–1993)
For these reasons, seizure of power by General Muhammadu Buhari a short time after the NPN government was fraudulently re-elected was initially perceived as a positive development by civilians. Buhari charged out of the gate in December 1983, declaring himself Head of the Supreme Military Council of Nigeria, he condemned the civilian government's blatant corruption and instituted programs supposedly designed to eliminate the disease of corruption. However, these measures were largely transparent and the looting of federal coffers by Nigeria's rulers continued largely unabated,[32] "as Shagari's officers – both within party and government – left the country, came in and out as they pleased, while Buhari's tribunal sentence opposition figures to spells of between a hundred and three hundred years in prison for every dubious kind of crime".[41] The Buhari government neglected to punish even Shagari himself, a consistent trend in Nigerian's long line of dictatorial rulers, who almost universally been spared any kind of justice.[41]
In 1985, another general, this time General
Immediately prior to Babangida's rise to power, which is viewed by some[
The 1980s military juntas conducted several attempted re-organisations of the
The sudden jump in oil prices caused by the
Under these circumstances, Babangida eventually allowed for nationwide elections on 12 June 1993. These elections were declared universally free and fair (at least in comparison to past elections) by all major international election monitors, and the eventual winner of the presidential race was the Chief M.K.O. Abiola [of the newly formed SDP]. However, the military regime cynically pronounced the election, in which fourteen million Nigerians participated, to be null and void due to "electoral irregularities". The Nigerian people took to the streets in large numbers to protest the election's annulment. As civil unrest continued, Babangida was forced to cede power to the caretaker government of Ernest Shonekan.
Environment of crisis (1993–present)
Shonekan's interim government would be short-lived, as on 17 November 1993, Babangida's former Chief of Army Staff and
Throughout the early 1990s such popular unrest grew steadily, particularly in the Niger Delta region, where various ethnic groups began demanding compensation for years of ecological damage as well as control over their land's oil resources. This unrest manifested itself at the outset as peaceful activist organisations that united their members on the basis of ethnicity.
One of the most prominent of these organisations to emerge in the region was the
Conflict in the
On 30 January 2013, a Dutch court ruled that Shell can be held accountable for the pollution in the Niger Delta.[42]
Operating agreements
As of 1999, details and nature of the relationship between the government and the operating companies were governed by three types of agreements, joint ventures, production sharing contracts and service contracts.[43]
Joint-venture companies
- Shell Plc. (British)
- Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria Limited (SPDC), usually known simply as Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC), Shell Nigeria Exploration and Production Company (SNEPCO), Shell Nigeria Gas (SNG), Shell Nigeria Oil Products (SNOP), as well as holding a major stake in Nigeria Liquified Natural Gas (NLNG). Shell formerly operated alongside BPas Shell-BP, but BP has since sold all of its Nigerian concessions. Most of Shell's operations in Nigeria are conducted through the Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC).
- Chevron (American)
- Chevron Nigeria Limited (CNL): A joint venture between NNPC (60%) and Chevron (40%) has in the past been the second largest producer (approximately 400,000 barrels per day (64,000 cubic metres per day)), with fields located in the Warri region west of the Niger river and offshore in shallow water. It is reported to aim to increase production to 600,000 barrels per day (95,000 cubic metres per day).
- ExxonMobil (American)
- Mobil Producing Nigeria Unlimited (MPNU): A joint venture between the NNPC (60%) and ExxonMobil (40%) operates in shallow water off Akwa Ibom state in the southeastern delta and averaged production of 632,000 barrels per day (100,500 cubic metres per day) in 1997, making it the second largest producer, as against 543,000 barrels per day (86,300 cubic metres per day) in 1996. Mobil also held a 50% interest in a Production Sharing Contract for a deep water block further offshore and was reported to plan to increase output to 900,000 barrels per day (140,000 cubic metres per day) by 2000. Oil industry sources indicated that Mobil was likely to overtake Shell as the largest producer in Nigeria within the next five years, if current trends continue, mainly due to its offshore base allowing it refuge from the strife Shell has experienced onshore. It has been headquartered in Eket and operating in Nigeria under the subsidiary of Mobil Producing Nigeria (MPN).
- Agip (Italian)
- Nigerian Agip Oil Company Limited (NAOC): A joint venture operated by Agip and owned by the NNPC (60%), Agip (20%) and ConocoPhillips (20%) produced 150,000 barrels per day (24,000 cubic metres per day) mostly from small onshore fields.
- Total (French)
- Total Petroleum Nigeria Limited (TPNL): A joint venture between NNPC (60%) and Elf (now Total) produced approximately 125,000 barrels per day (19,900 cubic metres per day) during 1997, both on and offshore. Elf and Mobil are in dispute over operational control of an offshore field with a production capacity of 90,000 barrels per day (14,000 cubic metres per day).
- Texaco (now merged with Chevron)
- NNPC Texaco-Chevron Joint Venture (formerly Texaco Overseas Petroleum Company of Nigeria Unlimited): A joint venture operated by Texaco and owned by NNPC (60%), Texaco (20%) and Chevron (20%) produced about 60,000 barrels per day (9,500 cubic metres per day) from five offshore fields in 1999.[40]
Independent and indigenous oil and gas companies
- Addax Petroleum Nigeria Limited[44]
- Aiteo Group[45]
- AMNI International Petroleum Development Company Ltd.[46]
- Consolidated Oil Limited.[47]
- Dubri Oil Company Ltd.[48]
- Emerald Energy Resources Ltd[49]
- Yinka Folawiyo Petroleum Company Ltd.[50]
Situation, 2019
As of 2007, Nigeria's oil revenue totaled $340 billion in exports since the 1970s and it was the fifth largest producer.
Oil theft
In July 2013, a report analysing the effect of oil theft in Nigeria revealed that Nigeria lost $10.9 billion in potential oil revenues between 2009 and 2011.[55] In 2022, the country's oil industry's regulator mentioned that oil theft accounted for 108,000 barrels a day, which is about 7% of total oil production. Watchdogs reckoned that 5% to 20% of oil in Nigeria is reportedly stolen. The Trans Niger pipeline suffered so much theft that its oil flow was forced to be halted. The head of the NNPC, Mele Kyari claimed that oil companies have cut production worth 700,000 barrels per day to avoid oil theft.[56]
In February 2024, personnel of "Operation Delta Sanity" (a special operation force of the Nigerian Navy) claimed to have recovered a total of 8,764,080 litres of stolen crude oil and other products worth ₦7.4bn in operations conducted between February 19 and 28, 2024.[57]
Process and Industrial Developments dispute
Process and Industrial Developments Ltd (P&ID) entered into a 20-year contract with the Nigerian government for natural gas supply and processing. Nigeria provided the gas, which PI&D refined so that it could be used to power the Nigerian electrical grid. PI&D could keep valuable byproducts for its own use. In 2012, PI&D demanded arbitration in London, alleging that Nigeria had not supplied the agreed quantity of gas or to construct the infrastructure it had agreed to build. The arbitral tribunal awarded damages of more than £4.8 billion.[58] The compensation was valued £8.15 billion with interest when the case was heard in London High Court in December 2022.[59]
Environmental impact
The Niger Delta comprises 70,000 square kilometres (27,000 square miles) of wetlands formed primarily by sediment deposition. Home to more than 20 million people and 40 different ethnic groups, this floodplain makes up 7.5% of Nigeria's total land mass. It is the largest wetland and maintains the third-largest drainage area in Africa. The Delta's environment can be broken down into four ecological zones: coastal barrier islands, mangrove swamp forests, freshwater swamps, and lowland rainforests.
This incredibly well-endowed
We witnessed the slow poisoning of the waters of this country and the destruction of vegetation and agricultural land by oil spills which occur during petroleum operations. But since the inception of the oil industry in Nigeria, more than twenty-five years ago, there has been no concerned and effective effort on the part of the government, let alone the oil operators, to control environmental problems associated with the industry.[60]
Oil spills and water contamination
Oil spill causes include corrosion of
Oil spills have a major impact on the ecosystem. Large tracts of
Nigerian regulations are weak and rarely enforced allowing oil companies, in essence, to self-regulate.[61]
Natural gas flaring
Nigeria flares more natural gas associated with oil extraction than any other country, with estimates suggesting that of the 99,000,000 m3 (3.5×10 9 cu ft) of associated gas (AG) produced annually, 71,000,000 m3 (2.5×10 9 cu ft), or about 70%, is wasted via flaring. Statistical data associated with
Gas flaring is discouraged by the international community as it contributes to climate change. In fact, in western Europe 99% of associated gas is used or re-injected into the ground. Gas flaring in Nigeria releases large amounts of methane, which has a very high global warming potential. The methane is accompanied by carbon dioxide, of which Nigeria is estimated to have emitted more than 34.38 million tons in 2002, accounting for about 50% of all industrial emissions in the country and 30% of the total CO2 emissions. As flaring in the west has been minimised, in Nigeria it has grown proportionally with oil production.[66] While the international community, the Nigerian government, and the oil corporations seem to agree that gas flaring need to be curtailed, efforts to do so have been slow and largely ineffective.[66]
Gas flares release a variety of potentially poisonous chemicals such as
In November 2005, a judgment by "the Federal High Court of Nigeria ordered that gas flaring must stop in a Niger Delta community as it violates guaranteed constitutional rights to life and dignity. In a case brought against the Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria (Shell), Justice C. V. Nwokorie ruled in Benin City that the damaging and wasteful practice of flaring cannot lawfully continue."
Human rights impact
Repression of protest and government corruption
One of the greatest threats facing the people of the Niger River Delta has actually been their own government. The Nigerian government has total control over property rights, and they have the authority to seize any property for use by the oil companies. A majority of every dollar that comes out of the ground in the delta goes to the State and Federal governments.[67]
According to the World Bank, most of Nigeria's oil wealth gets siphoned off by 1% of the population.[68] Corruption in the government is rampant: since 1960 it is estimated that 300 to 400 billion dollars has been stolen by corrupt government officials.[68] The corruption is found at the highest levels as well. For example, a former inspector general of the national police was accused of stealing 52 million dollars. He was sentenced to six years in prison for a lesser charge.[68]
Nigerians have on many occasions engaged in protests against oil-related corruption and environmental concerns in the past but have been met with harsh suppression by government forces. For example, in February 2005 at a protest at Chevron's Escravos oil terminal, soldiers opened fire on the protestors. One man was killed, and 30 others were injured. The soldiers claimed that the protestors were armed, which the protestors denied.
One of the protestors they arrested was a man named
Poverty and chronic underdevelopment
City | Date | Casualties[71] |
---|---|---|
Lagos | 26 December 2007 | at least 40 |
Lagos | 26 December 2006 | at least 260 |
Lagos | 12 May 2006 | at least 150 |
Lagos | December 2004 | at least 20 |
Lagos | September 2004 | at least 60 |
Abia | June 2003 | at least 105 |
Warri | July 2000 | at least 300 |
Abia | March 2000 | at least 50 |
Jesse | October 1998 | at least 1000 |
The people of the delta states have been living in extreme poverty even in the face of great material wealth found in the waters by their homes. In 2006, 70% of the people in the Niger River Delta lived on less than US$1 per day according to Amnesty International.[69] For many people, this meant finding work in a labour market which is in many instances hostile to them. Much of the labour in the past has been imported. To a growing degree, the labour force for the oil companies is coming from Nigeria, but discrimination has been rampant, and for the most part, locals are discriminated against.[67]
This leads to a situation where the men in the community have to search for temporary employment. This has two negative effects on the community. First it takes the men out of the community as they go in search of work. The second is the nature of temporary employment sets up unsustainable spending habits, thinking it will be easy to earn more, when in many cases this does not turn out to be the case).[67]
As of 1999, the government officials siphoned off all the money generated from oil sales, so the infrastructure suffered, where most of the villages did not have electricity or even running water.[72] They do not have good access to schools or medical clinics. For many, even clean drinking water is difficult to come by.[68] The deterioration of the infrastructure in the delta states is so severe it is even a problem in the more urban areas. One example of was the airport at Port Harcourt. Part of a fence was not properly maintained and in 2005, an Air France flight hit a herd of cattle on the runway. The airport was closed and had not reopened by 2007.[68] Yet in 2007, indicted corrupt leaders were also cheered by the Niger Delta people.[73]
As of 2011, the leadership of the Niger Delta region appeared responsible for most of the underdevelopment in the region. There has been large-scale of corruption amongst the elected leaders especially governors,[74][75] and the leaders have helped sponsor the militant groups in kidnapping and robbing innocent people and sabotaging the efforts by the federal government for infrastructural development.[76]
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