Politics of China
Politics of the People's Republic of China 中华人民共和国的政治 | |
---|---|
26 | |
Military organ | |
Name | Central Military Commission |
Chairman | Xi Jinping |
Vice Chairman | Zhang Youxia and He Weidong |
Supervisory organ | |
Name | National Supervisory Commission |
Director | Liu Jinguo |
Vice Director | Xiao Pei, Yu Hongqiu, Fu Kui, Sun Xinyang, Liu Xuexin and Zhang Fuhai |
Judicial organ | |
Name | Supreme People's Court |
Chief judge | Zhang Jun (President) |
Seat | Beijing |
Procuratorial organ | |
Name | Supreme People's Procuratorate |
Head | Ying Yong (Prosecutor-General) |
Seat | Beijing |
China portal |
In China, politics functions within a communist state framework based on the system of people's congress under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), with the National People's Congress (NPC) functioning as the highest organ of state power and only branch of government per the principle of unified power. The CCP leads state activities by holding two-thirds of the seats in the NPC, and these party members are, in accordance with democratic centralism, responsible for implementing the policies adopted by the CCP Central Committee and the National Congress. The NPC has unlimited state power bar the limitations it sets on itself. By controlling the NPC, the CCP has complete state power. China's two special administrative regions (SARs), Hong Kong and Macau, are nominally autonomous from this system.
The Chinese political system is considered
The nature of the elections is highly constrained by the CCP's monopoly on power in China, censorship, and party control over elections.[15][16] According to academic Rory Truex of the Princeton School of Public and International Affairs, "the CCP tightly controls the nomination and election processes at every level in the people's congress system... the tiered, indirect electoral mechanism in the People's Congress system ensures that deputies at the highest levels face no semblance of electoral accountability to the Chinese citizenry."[17]
Overview
This section needs to be updated.(June 2023) |
Since the
China's population, geographical vastness, and social diversity frustrate attempts to rule from Beijing. Economic reform during the 1980s and the devolution of much central government decision making, combined with the strong interest of local CCP officials in enriching themselves, has made it increasingly difficult for the central government to assert its authority.[18]
The
Central government leaders must, in practice, build consensus for new policies among party members, local and regional leaders, influential non-party members, and the population at large.
Even as there have been some moves in the direction of democratization as far as the electoral system at least, in that openly contested People's Congress elections are now held at the village and town levels,[38] and that legislatures have shown some assertiveness from time to time, the CCP retains effective control over governmental appointments. This is because the CCP wins by default in most electorates.[39][needs update]
The social, cultural, and political as well as economic consequences of market reform have created tensions in Chinese society.[40][41]
Self-description
The Chinese constitution describes China's system of government as a
Communist Party
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) dominates the Chinese political landscape. Constitutionally, the party's highest body is the Party Congress, which meets every five years. Meetings were irregular before the Cultural Revolution but have been periodic since then. The National Congress elects the Central Committee and the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI); the Central Committee in turn elects bodies such as:
- The General Secretary, which is the highest-ranking official within the Party and usually the Chinese Paramount leader.
- The Politburo, consisting of 22 full members (including the members of the Politburo Standing Committee);
- The Politburo Standing Committee, the most powerful decision-making body in China, which as of June 2020 consists of seven members;[47]
- The Secretariat, the principal administrative mechanism of the CCP, headed by the General Secretary;
- The Central Military Commission
In relative
Intra-party factions
Chinese politics have long been defined by the competition between intra-party factions' ability to place key members and allies in positions of power within the CCP and Chinese government.[51][52][53]
Under general secretaries Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, the two main factions were thought to be the Tuanpai and the Shanghai Clique.[52] The Tuanpai were thought to be cadres and officials that originated from the Communist Youth League of China, while the Shanghai Clique were thought to be officials that rose to prominence under Jiang Zemin when he was first mayor, and then CCP committee secretary, of Shanghai.[53]
Xi Jinping, who became general secretary in 2012, has significantly centralized power, removing the influence of the old factions and promoting his allies, sometimes called the "Xi Jinping faction". Due to this, the old factions, including the Tuanpai, are considered extinct,[54] especially since the 20th CCP National Congress, in which Xi's allies dominated the new Politburo and the Politburo Standing Committee.[55]
Politburo Standing Committee
Rank | Portrait | Name | Hanzi | 19th PSC | Birth | PM | Birthplace | Academic attainment | No. of offices | Ref. |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | Xi Jinping | 习近平 | Old | 1953 | 1974 | Beijing | Eleven
|
[57] | ||
2 | Li Qiang | 李强 | New | 1959 | 1983 | Zhejiang | Graduate
|
Eight
|
[58] | |
3 | Zhao Leji | 赵乐际 | Old | 1957 | 1975 | Qinghai | Graduate
|
One
|
[59] | |
4 | Wang Huning | 王沪宁 | Old | 1955 | 1984 | Shanghai | Graduate
|
One
|
[60] | |
5 | Cai Qi | 蔡奇 | New | 1955 | 1975 | Fujian | Graduate
|
Three
|
[61] | |
6 | Ding Xuexiang | 丁薛祥 | New | 1962 | 1984 | Jiangsu | Graduate |
One
|
[62] | |
7 | Li Xi | 李希 | New | 1956 | 1982 | Gansu | Graduate |
Two
|
[63] |
Full Politburo members
Name | Hanzi | 19th POL | Birth | PM | Birthplace | Education | No. of offices | Ref. |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Cai Qi | 蔡奇 | Old | 1955 | 1975 | Fujian | Graduate
|
Three
|
[61] |
Chen Jining | 陈吉宁 | New | 1964 | 1984 | Liaoning | Graduate
|
One
|
[65] |
Chen Min'er | 陈敏尔 | Old | 1960 | 1982 | Zhejiang | Graduate
|
One
|
[66] |
Chen Wenqing | 陈文清 | New | 1960 | 1983 | Sichuan | Graduate
|
One
|
[67] |
Ding Xuexiang | 丁薛祥 | Old | 1962 | 1984 | Jiangsu | Graduate
|
One
|
[62] |
He Lifeng | 何立峰 | New | 1955 | 1981 | Guangdong | Graduate
|
Two
|
[68] |
He Weidong | 何卫东 | New | 1957 | 1978 | Fujian | Undergraduate | Two
|
[69] |
Huang Kunming | 黄坤明 | Old | 1956 | 1976 | Fujian | Graduate
|
One
|
[70] |
Li Ganjie | 李干杰 | New | 1964 | 1984 | Hunan | Graduate
|
One
|
[71] |
Li Hongzhong | 李鸿忠 | Old | 1956 | 1976 | Shenyang | Graduate
|
One
|
[72] |
Li Qiang | 李强 | Old | 1959 | 1983 | Zhejiang | Graduate
|
Eight
|
[58] |
Li Shulei | 李书磊 | New | 1964 | 1986 | Henan | Graduate
|
One
|
[73] |
Li Xi | 李希 | Old | 1956 | 1982 | Gansu | Graduate
|
Two
|
[63] |
Liu Guozhong | 刘国中 | New | 1962 | 1986 | Heilongjiang | Graduate
|
One
|
[74] |
Ma Xingrui | 马兴瑞 | New | 1959 | 1988 | Heilongjiang | Graduate
|
One
|
[75] |
Shi Taifeng | 石泰峰 | New | 1956 | 1982 | Shanxi | Graduate
|
Two
|
[76] |
Wang Huning | 王沪宁 | Old | 1955 | 1984 | Shanghai | Graduate
|
One
|
[60] |
Wang Yi | 王毅 | New | 1953 | 1981 | Beijing | Graduate
|
Two
|
[77] |
Xi Jinping | 习近平 | Old | 1953 | 1974 | Beijing | Graduate
|
Eleven
|
[57] |
Yin Li | 尹力 | New | 1962 | 1980 | Shandong | Graduate
|
One
|
[78] |
Yuan Jiajun | 袁家军 | New | 1962 | 1992 | Jilin | Graduate
|
One
|
[79] |
Zhang Guoqing | 张国清 | New | 1964 | 1984 | Henan | Graduate
|
One
|
[80] |
Zhang Youxia | 张又侠 | Old | 1950 | 1969 | Beijing | Graduate
|
Two
|
[81] |
Zhao Leji | 赵乐际 | Old | 1957 | 1975 | Shandong | Graduate
|
One
|
[59] |
National People's Congress
Constitutionally the supreme state authority and legislature of China is the National People's Congress (NPC). It meets annually for about two weeks to review and approve major new policy directions, laws, the budget, and major personnel changes. The NPC elects and appoints important state positions such as the president, the vice president, the chairman and other members of the Central Military Commission, the premier and rest of the State Council, the president of the Supreme People's Court, and procurator general of the Supreme People's Procuratorate.[citation needed]
The NPC also elects a Standing Committee (NPCSC), its permanent body which meets regularly between NPC sessions. Most national legislation in China is adopted by the NPCSC. Most initiatives are presented to the NPCSC for consideration by the State Council after previous endorsement by the CCP Politburo Standing Committee.[citation needed]
Members of the State Council include the Premier, a variable number of vice premiers (now four), five state councilors (protocol equal of vice premiers but with narrower portfolios), and 29 ministers and heads of State Council commissions. During the 1980s there was an attempt made to separate CCP and state functions, with the former deciding general policy and the latter carrying it out.[82] The attempt was abandoned in the 1990s with the result that the political leadership within the state are also the leaders of the CCP.[82]
Minor parties
No legal political opposition groups exist in China. There are eight minor political parties in the country under the CCP's united front system. They participate in the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) but have to support the "leading role" of the CCP for their continued existence,[83] and their leadership is appointed by the United Front Work Department (UFWD) of the CCP.[84] Their original function was to create the impression that the PRC was being ruled by a diverse national front, not a one-party dictatorship. The major role of these parties is to attract and subsequently muzzle niches in society that have political tendencies, such as academia.[85]
Coordination between the eight minor parties and the CCP is done through the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference which meets annually in Beijing in March at about the same time that the National People's Congress meets. In addition, there are banned political parties that are actively suppressed by the government, such as the
State Council
The Premier of China is the head of government, presiding over the State Council composed of four vice premiers and the heads of ministries and commissions.
Local-level politics
Each local Bureau or office is under the coequal authority of the local leader and the leader of the corresponding office, bureau or ministry at the next higher level. People's Congress members at the county level are elected by voters. These county-level People's Congresses have the responsibility of oversight of local government and elect members to the Provincial (or Municipal in the case of independent municipalities) People's Congress. The Provincial People's Congress, in turn, elects members to the National People's Congress that meets each year in March in Beijing.[87] The ruling CCP committee at each level plays a large role in the selection of appropriate candidates for election to the local congress and to the higher levels.[citation needed]
Administrative divisions
Armed forces
The CCP created and leads the People's Liberation Army. After the PRC was established in 1949, the PLA also became a state military. The state military system inherited and upholds the principle of the CCP's absolute leadership over the people's armed forces, often referred to under Mao's maxim that "the Party commands the gun." The CCP and the state jointly established the Central Military Commission that carries out the task of supreme military leadership over the armed forces.[88]
Legal system
Nationality and ethnicity law
Nationality is granted at birth to children with at least one Chinese-national parent, with some exceptions. In general, naturalization or the obtainment of the People's Republic of China nationality is difficult. The Nationality Law prescribes only three conditions for the obtainment of PRC nationality (marriage to a PRC national is one, permanent residence is another). PRC nationals who acquire a foreign nationality automatically lose Chinese nationality.[89][non-primary source needed] State functionaries and military personnel on active service are not permitted renounce their Chinese nationality. If a citizen wishes to resume PRC nationality, foreign nationality is no longer recognized.[90][non-primary source needed]
Policies toward Uyghurs
In 2020, widespread public reporting detailed the Chinese government's pattern of
Foreign relations
The PRC maintains diplomatic relations with most countries in the world. In 1971, the PRC replaced the
Under the
The PRC has been playing a leading role in calling for
Much of the current[
Foreign aid
After the establishment of the
International territorial disputes
The PRC is in a number of
International organizations
On 26 October 1971, the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution 2758 to transfer the seat from the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan to the People's Republic of China (PRC).[111]
United Nations
Today, not only is China a part of many UN organizations, it is also one of the five
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs)
Although NGO development in China is relatively slow compared to other countries, a Harvard University academic study reveals that China had NGOs as early as during the Dynasties. Specifically in the forms of American missionaries, which assisted in rural reconstruction programs and ideological reforms locally.[113] After the establishment of The People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, Mao banned any NGOs that were related to counter revolutionary goals. During the reform era under Deng beginning the 1970s, NGOs although not completely banned, three laws were implemented to keep relatively tight control over them––the Regulations on the Registration and Management of Social Organizations, the Regulations on the Registration and Management of Foundations, and the Interim Provisions for the Administration of Foreign Chambers of Commerce in China.[114] The latter two were implemented after the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre, and the general tone of all the regulations emphasized government control. For instance, the regulations require a two-tiered management system, in which before being legally registered by the Ministry of Civil Affairs, a government agency must sponsor the organization; thus, two governmental agencies must be monitoring the day-to-day operations of the NGO.[114] However, in the 1990s, NGOs began to regain momentum despite restrictions in place.[114] Today, the number of registered organizations in China has grown to over 700,000, "... including many professional and friendship associations, foundations working in the fields of education, science, and culture, and a large number of nonprofits engaged in poverty alleviation, social work with people with disabilities, children, and the elderly. The number of nonprofits and environmental education and climate action groups has also significantly grown".[115]
In 2017, a policy called "Management of Overseas NGOs' Activities in Mainland China Law" (FNGO Law) was enacted, which creates registration barriers that, for instance, require a Chinese partner organization to sign on. The reaction from the West has widely been that the space for NGOs to conduct work in may be shrinking.[116]
Many NGOs in the PRC have been described as government-organized non-governmental organization (GONGOs) that are organized under the CCP's united front system.[117][118][119]
Civil society
Academic debates on whether China has a civil society are ongoing.[120]: 62
Within China, academic debate regarding theories of the public sphere began in the 1980s.[120]: 62 There is no consensus and academic debates involve disagreements in the applicability of concepts like "civil society," "private sphere," and "state" in the Chinese context.[120]: 62 Among the issues is that the terminology developed by Jürgen Habermas was developed in discourse on German bourgeois society.[120]: 63–64 The major groups in Habermasian theory include merchants, bankers, manufacturers, and entrepreneurs, which is not consistent with Chinese views of the "general public."[120]: 64
The majority of research on Chinese civil society from the early 1990s to the early 2010s has been to examine "the organizational independence of civic associations from the state".[121] Researchers have argued that the western driven definition of "civil society" is too narrowly fixed, which does not allow for a full understanding of Chinese civil society. Taru Salmenkari, an associate professor specializing in contemporary China and issues of democracy and civil society in East Asia at Tallinn University, has argued in her "Theoretical Poverty in the Research on Chinese Civil Society" that to understand Chinese civil society, one must "...go beyond the question of the degree of autonomy from the state. It must address the nature of horizontal contacts through which civil society is constituted".[121]
Advocacy
A 2013 study by Harvard University found that while the censorship exists, the purpose of the censorship is not to silence all comments made about the state or any particular issues, but rather to prevent and reduce the probability of collective action.[122] As the study illustrates, allowing social media to flourish also has allowed negative and positive comments about the state and its leaders to exist.[122] According to another study, the development of technology and the internet has also allowed certain civil society advocacy, such as the Weiquan movement, to flourish.[123]
Protests
The authoritarian government in China suppresses protests that challenge the authority of the government while showing greater tolerance for protests that are rooted in localized economic or social unrest.[38] Under Xi Jinping's rule, the government has resorted to greater suppression.[38]
Citizen surveys
Surveys have shown a high level of the Chinese public's satisfaction with their government.[124]: 137 These views are generally attributed to the material comforts and security available to large segments of the Chinese populace as well as the government's attentiveness and responsiveness.[124]: 136 A majority of the Chinese middle class are satisfied with the CCP and are among those who tend to credit it for the increase of living standards in China since reform and opening up.[125]: 61
A 2009 study by academic Tony Sachs found that 95.9% of Chinese citizens were relatively satisfied or extremely satisfied with the central government, with the figure dropping to 61.5% for their local governments.[126]
According to the World Values Survey (2017–2020), 95% of Chinese respondents have significant confidence in their government.[124]: 13 Confidence decreased to 91% in the survey's 2022 edition.[124]: 13
A 2020 survey by Harvard University found that citizen satisfaction with the government had increased since 2003, also rating China's government as more effective and capable than ever before in the survey's history.[127]: 163 A 2020 survey by Stanford University and the Hoover Institution found that support for the CCP is between 50 and 70 percent, and that support for the government is typically overstated by almost 30 percent in citizen surveys.[128][129] The same survey found that Han Chinese are more supportive of the CCP than are ethnic minorities and that minorities tend to conceal their views of the CCP.[129][130]
Survey data compiled by academic Bruce Dickson concludes that approximately 70% of China's population supports the Chinese Dream.[131]: 148
See also
Notes
- better source needed]
- ^ Xi Jinping was elected President of the People's Republic of China on 14 March 2013.[22][23]
- ^ Recently, as of April 2020[update], Xi Jinping, the current general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party and paramount leader of China, has been accused of drawing too much power to himself.[24][25][26][27][28][29][30][31][32][33][34][35]
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