Politics of the Philippines
Politics of the Philippines Politika ng Pilipinas | |
---|---|
Bicameral | |
Meeting place | |
Plurality-at-large voting | |
Lower house | |
Name | House of Representatives |
Presiding officer | Martin Romualdez, Speaker of the House of Representatives |
Appointer | Parallel voting |
Executive branch | |
Head of State and Government | |
Title | President |
Currently | Bongbong Marcos |
Appointer | Direct popular vote |
Cabinet | |
Name | Executive departments of the Philippines |
Current cabinet | Cabinet of the Philippines |
Appointer | nominated by the President and presented to the Commission on Appointments |
Headquarters | Malacañang Palace |
Ministries | 22 |
Judicial branch | |
Name | Judiciary of the Philippines |
Supreme Court | |
Chief judge | Alexander Gesmundo |
Seat | Supreme Court Building Padre Faura St., Ermita, Manila |
Politics in the Philippines are governed by a three-branch system of government. The country is a democracy, with a president who is directly elected by the people and serves as both the head of state and the head of government. The president serves as the leader of the executive branch and is a powerful political figure. A president may only hold office for one six-year term. The bicameral Congress consists of two separate bodies: the Senate, with members elected at-large across the country, and the larger House of Representatives, with members chosen mostly from specific geographic districts. The Congress performs legislative functions. The judiciary is overseen by the Supreme Court of the Philippines and has extensive review jurisdiction over judgments issued by other governmental and administrative institutions.
The legal system, which covers both civil and criminal law, has been impacted by the prior rule of both Spain and the United States. Spanish control was mostly supported by local intermediaries, which resulted in an elite-dominated system. The United States took sovereignty of the whole archipelago following the Spanish–American war, suppressing the Philippine Revolution that had continued after the end the end of Spanish administration. Control by the United States resulted in democracy and institutions that were fashioned after the American political system. Martial law's implementation hampered this. National politics were ruled by a two-party system when the country attained independence in 1946 and changes brought about by the restoration of democracy are what led to the multi-party system that exists today. There have been various levels of left-wing insurgencies since independence, as well as a continuous Islamic Insurgency
Politics is dominated by a powerful elite, with
Executive
The vice president, limited to two consecutive six-year terms, is elected separately from the president.[5]: 201 This means the president and vice president may be from different political parties.[3] While the vice president has no constitutional powers aside from acting as president when the latter is unable to do so, the president may give the former a cabinet office.[6] In case of death, resignation, or incapacitation, of the president, the vice president becomes the president until the expiration of the term.[5]: 207 The vice president may also serve as Acting President if the president is temporarily incapacitated.[5]: 206 Following in the line of succession are the Senate president and the Speaker of the House.[4]
Executive power is exercised through the Cabinet,[5]: 214 who are appointed by the president. While the appointees may wield executive power, all powers and responsibilities ultimately remain with the president, who may overrule any decision made by a cabinet member. The Cabinet includes the heads of executive departments.[5]: 213 Actions taken by executive and administrative officials are taken as actions exercised by the president.[7]: 23–24 Cabinet members may not be members of Congress.[5]: 385 Close relatives of the president are explicitly barred from certain offices.[5]: 205
The president is also the
The president wields significant political power, including
Under the 1987 constitution, the House of Representatives has the power to impeach the president through a vote of one-third of its members, and the Senate decides upon the case. Impeachment proceedings against an individual can not occur more than once per year, which can be abused through the filing cases with weak impeachment claims to forestall the filing of stronger cases. President Joseph Estrada was the first Asian head of state to be tried following impeachment, although he was not ousted by the Senate. No president has ever been ousted through impeachment.[13]
Legislature
The
Each
The control the legislature has over funding includes individual discretionary funds. These funds are considered an avenue for patronage politics[10]: 235 and are often seen a symbol of corruption. They are derogatorily referred to as "pork barrel" funds.[10]: 284–285 In addition to being able to use such funds to curry favor or gain support, politicians can personally benefit from kickbacks, which are often directly used for re-election campaigns.[18]: 102–103 The
As of 2019[update], the
Judiciary
The judiciary is headed by the Supreme Court, which lies at the top of three lower court levels. The Supreme Court is the court of last resort,[24]: 6–7 and can decide on the constitutionality of laws.[24]: 48–49 Vested with the responsibility of overseeing the other branches of government, the Supreme Court has significant powers, able to go as far as overruling discretionary decisions made by political and administrative individuals and bodies,[25]: 356–357 giving it powers usually seen as those of the executive and legislature.[26]: 10874 The court can effectively create law without precedent, and such decisions are not subject to review by other bodies.[25]: 367–368
All lower levels of courts have their bases through legislation, rather than the constitution.[24]: 39 Their proceedings are determined by the Supreme Court.[24]: 46 Courts are arranged in a three-level hierarchy,[24]: 8–9 with each level able to review only rulings at lower levels.[27] Within the regular court system,[24]: 8–9 the Court of Appeals is the second-highest appellate court.[28] Below this, Regional Trial Courts have original jurisdiction on most criminal matters, and are the main trial courts. The Regional Trial Courts are organized within judicial regions, which correspond to the administrative regions.[28] The lowest level courts are the Metropolitan Trial Courts.[24]: 41 [28]
Alongside the regular courts, a variety of special courts have been set up at various levels of the judicial system.
The president appoints justices and judges to the judicial system. For an appointment to the Supreme Court, the president must select from a short-list provided by the Judicial and Bar Council, although they have influence over the shortlist and can ask for it to be changed.[1]: 302–206 The Judicial and Bar Council is responsible for vetting appointments. Congress has no control over appointments, to reduce its political influence on the judiciary.[10]: 14 [25]: 364 However, the Chief Justice can be impeached by the legislature, which took place for the first time with the conviction of Chief Justice Renato Corona in 2012.[13] Political pressure is thought to be behind inconsistencies between some court decisions.[26]: 10875–10876 Traditionally the most senior associate justice became the Chief Justice. However, this tradition was broken by President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, and her successor President Benigno Aquino III also bypassed seniority in some judicial appointments.[13]
The
Legal system
The Philippine Legal System is a hybrid form based on the Spanish civil law and American common law system,[32]: 304–305 with a system of Sharia law in place for some areas of law involving Muslims.[33][26]: 10874
The Constitution is the supreme law of the land[34]: 216 and laws passed by the Congress must be consistent with the Constitution.[35] Since the establishment of the 1898 Constitution, there have been only three new constitutions, implemented in 1935, 1973, and 1987, respectively.[5]: 10 Prior to 1898, the Spanish Constitution of 1812 had applied to the Philippines for a short time, and there were numerous proposed constitutions during the Philippine Revolution. The most notable of these was the Malolos Constitution.[5]: 42 The presidential system established with the 1935 Constitution[5]: 43 was replaced by a semi-parliamentary system in 1973 under the authoritarian rule of President Marcos, concentrating power in his hands.[5]: 47–48, 382
After the 1986 People Power Revolution brought President Aquino to power, she issued a proclamation establishing a temporary constitution and created a constitutional commission. The commission finished writing a new constitution on October 15, 1986, which was subsequently approved by referendum on February 2, 1987. The 1987 constitution restored the presidential system,[5]: 47–48, 382 being based on the 1935 constitution rather than the 1973 one.[34]: 216 The constitution is designed to provide a number of checks and balances, including the establishment of independent constitutional commissions and an Ombudsman. The Ombudsman and members of these commissions, in addition to the leaders of the executive (the president and vice-president) and judicial (Justices of the Supreme Court, including the Chief Justice) branches, may be removed through impeachment.[23]: 9
All presidents under the current constitution have proposed some type of constitutional reform, although none have succeeded.[36] Wariness around such change exists due to the structural aim of the constitution in limiting Presidential power compared to previous constitution, leaving reform open to accusations of being a power grab.[36][37]: 1 A switch to a unicameral parliamentary system is seen by some as a way to make the legislature and government more responsive and effective.[10]: 290 It has also been argued such a change would weaken the presidency, and strengthen the role of political parties.[10]: 292 Such a proposal gained majority support in the house along with presidential support in the mid-2000s, but stalled due to senate opposition.[38]: 63–66 Reforming the country as a federation is a recurring issue arising as a result of a desire for local autonomy. Such considerations influenced the 1987 constitution; while it maintained the unitary state, it included provisions for autonomous regions and for stronger local government.[38]: 54–56 [39]
The
This power is extensive enough that the court can create new law without precedent in such situations, and such decisions are not themselves subject to review from another body.[25]: 366–368 The president may issue executive orders, proclamations or other executive issuance.[4] The Philippines adopts the dualist system in the incorporation of international law, with such laws able to come into force either through adoption in domestic legislation or a constitutional declaration.[44] The local legislative assemblies may enact local ordinances within their respective territorial and political boundaries in accordance with the local autonomy granted by the Local Government Code.[45]
Elections
Since 1935 and the establishment of the Commonwealth of the Philippines, elections have been administered by the Commission on Elections (COMELEC). The elected officials are the president, vice president, members of Congress, regional governors and assemblymen, provincial governors, vice governors, and board members, city and municipal mayors, vice mayors and councilors, and barangay (village) chairmen and councilors. Elections are for fixed terms. Most elected officials have three-year terms, with the exceptions being the president, vice president, and senators, whose terms last for six years.[46]: 162–163
All terms above the barangay level begin and end on June 30 of the election year,[47] and all elected officials are limited to three consecutive terms, except for senators,[48] and the vice president, who are limited to two, and for the president, who cannot be reelected.[5]: 201 12 of the 24 senators are up for election every 3 years. All are elected on a national basis, with voters selecting up to 12 names from the list of all candidates. It is not required to fill out 12 names for the vote to be valid, and voters select 7.5 candidates on average. This system increases the importance of name familiarity, with up to one-fifth of voters reporting they decide upon their votes while inside the voting booth.[49]: 84–85 All positions are voted on separately, including those of president and vice-president.[10]: 234
Despite the
Ever since elections were first introduced by the United States,
A group participating in the party-list system (which may not be running in any single-member constituencies) must receive 2% of votes cast to enter congress, and can win a maximum of three seats. The 1998 election saw 123 organizations run, and only 32% of voters selecting a party-list organization, meaning only 13 organizations passed the 2% threshold taking up only 14 of the 52 seats allocated to party-list organizations. COMELEC decided to allocate the remaining seats to organizations that had not reached the 2% threshold despite prior rules indicating they would be distributed among parties that passed the threshold by vote share. Following a legal challenge, the Supreme Court overruled COMELEC, implementing its own system to allocate the seats, limiting the maximum three seats to only the most-voted organization. In the run-up to the 2001 election COMELEC approved over 160 organizations. Following a legal challenge at the Supreme Court COMELEC all but 42 were disqualified, including seven which had won more than 2% of the votes. Two court later nullified two of the disqualifications.[57]
The 1986 commission also kept the "open ballot" system, where voters had to write the name of their chosen candidate on the voting form.[55] The distribution of sample filled-in ballots to voters by politicians provided more opportunities for patronage through the determination of which other names appear on a politicians sample ballot, and increased the power of local politicians who were better able to distribute these ballots to voters.[58] The 1992 and 2004 presidential elections were contested in court following accusations of electoral fraud. Neither case succeeded.[59]
Vote counting in these elections could take up to 18 hours, and tabulation could take up to 40 days. In 1992 COMELEC adopted a strategic plan to modernize voting, and the first electronic vote-counting pilot test took place in the 1996 Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao general election. This pilot was considered a success.[60] In 1997 a law was based calling for the open ballots to be replaced by pre-printed ballots.[58] However, it was not until the May 2010 elections that electronic vote-counting was used for a national election.[60] This change in the process saw ballots shift from the "open ballot" system to ballots where voters fill in ovals next to the candidate names.[61] It has been reported by COMELEC that this new system reduces the ability for vote-buyers to monitor how people vote.[58] It also reduced vote count time, with manual counting previously taking perhaps months.[62]
Local government
Local government hierarchy |
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( ) |
The Philippines has been highly centralized since Spanish rule, being governed from an "Imperial Manila". The Spanish created some bodies to bring together barangays in 1893, and the Americans organized provincial governments in 1905. Both actions, however, left the majority of power with the capital. During the Commonwealth period local governments remained under the direct control of the president, before some autonomy was granted to cities and municipalities in 1959 through RA 2264, "An Act Amending the Laws Governing Local Governments by Increasing their Autonomy and Reorganizing Provincial Governments", and to barangays (then called barrios) through RA 2370, the "Barrio Charter Act". Further powers were given under the "Decentralization Act of 1967" (RA 5185), before local elections were abolished with the imposition of martial law in 1972.[64]: 40–42
The 1987 constitution mandates that local governments must have local autonomy.[64]: 43 The 1991 Local Government Code (Republic Act 7160) shifted some power away from the capital.[52] Barangays are grouped into municipalities or cities, while municipalities and cities may be further grouped into provinces. Each barangay, municipality or city, and the province is headed by a captain, mayor, or governor, respectively, with its legislatures being the Sangguniang Barangay (village council), Sangguniang Bayan (municipal council) or Sangguniang Panlungsod (city council), and the Sangguniang Panlalawigan (provincial board).[65]: 102–105 The Local Government Code seeks to enhance civil participation in local government, mandating civil society representation on bodies such as school and health boards. There are also mechanisms for the recall of elected officials, and local legislation through publicly organized referendum, although such mechanisms are rarely used.[46]: 181 [65]: 111
Regions are groupings of adjacent provinces created by the national government, often with linguistic or ethnic similarities. However, they do not by themselves have any local government. The exception is the autonomous region in Muslim Mindanao, which has its own regional government.
A 2018 law confirmed through a
The concentration of political and economic power in Manila leads has created the demand for changes such as decentralization or federation.[52] While local government units have the autonomy, most of their budget is derived from the Internal Revenue Allotment (IRA), a disbursement from the national government which is ultimately derived from taxes. This makes most local government units ultimately dependent on the national government.[1] However, they do have the ability to raise income through other measures, such as taxes, which is reflected by significantly increased responsibilities.[69] Provinces further from the capital tend to be both poorer, and more reliant on IRA funding from the national government.[66]
Culture and influences
Despite the challenges faced by Filipino elections, and a sometimes pessimistic view about the potential of elections,
Political parties continue to be weak, often created to propel a single candidate before fading from relevancy. The power of the president within the political system may be one factor limiting the development of stable political parties, as the president is in a position to considerably support their allies.[51]: 756–757 Parties often serve to ally various political families,[75]: 8 and it is common for politicians elected on losing party tickets to switch allegiance to the party of the president.[46]: 177 The power of traditional elites outside of the government has also inhibited the development of strong national institutions.[2]: 30–31 Broad democratic political debate is linked with the concept of good governance, rather than political movements related to class.[76]: 122 The persistence of poverty is widely linked in political discourse to the presence of corruption.[76]: 124–125 Campaigns focus on personal qualities and records, rather than party platforms.[18]: 102
There has been strong continuity in class structures from the Spanish period to the present.[77]: 54–55 One prominent historical narrative sees Philippine history through the lens of an "unfinished revolution", tracing the takeover of the Philippine Revolution by elites from the masses to unfulfilled expectations of reform following the People Power Revolution.[72] Electoral pressure is absorbed through elections, despite the winners of elections invariably coming from various factions of the elite, and political parties being differentiated more by patronage networks than by policies. The importance of election funding creates a cyclic effect as political positions provide access to state power which provides the ability to generate funds.[78]: 17–18 This state capture means that reforms occur slowly, even if popular.[10]: 2
While questions over land reform have persisted since the colonial era, and have been considered by multiple administrations faced with peasant and communist-related political instability, the links between legislators and landlords mean progress has been limited and the vast majority of farmers continue to work on land owned by others.[71]: 125 [79][80] This failure to achieve significant land reform is thought to have restricted the growth of the Philippine economy, and is linked to continuing political inequality.[81]: 69–70 Despite such inequality, the strength of the left movement has declined since the restoration of democracy.[82]: 12
A small professional and technical middle class, mostly concentrated in urban areas such as Metro Manila, are relatively trusted within the civil service and play a significant role in civil society organization. Such organizations are examples of cause-based politics, an exception to the usual model of Philippine political parties and political organization. While too small to change the overall political structure, civil society organizations are sometimes able to influence policy on specific issues.[83][84] Notably, the role they played in the People Power Revolution led to a brief political consensus towards a more technocratic and relatively economically liberal state.[85]: 252–253
Some tension exists between this middle class with the larger but less active poorer class,[86]: 42–44 most clearly expressed in the different outcomes and opinions regarding the entwined EDSA II and EDSA III protests. Unlike in the first People Power Revolution, which saw joint participation from both classes, these following mass protests are generally considered to have predominantly middle and lower class movements respectively, with EDSA III failing to overturn the success of EDSA II.[86]: 81–83
Politicians at local and national levels are usually either
Levels of education correlate with voting for each of the types of candidates, with those with less education more likely to vote for celebrity candidates and those with more education more likely to vote for dynastic candidates. Less wealthy voters are more likely to vote for celebrity candidates, although it has little impact on votes for dynastic candidates. Older voters are more likely to vote for celebrity candidates, and voters in Luzon are more likely to vote for celebrity candidates than voters in the Visayas or Mindanao.[49]: 91–92 While the constitution bans political dynasties, no legislation has been passed to define what this means.[48] Term limits have had a limited effect on such dynasties.[87]
In addition to strong divisions in class identity, the Philippines has a diversity of regional identities, driven by its archipelagic nature and varied history.[72] Regional and ethnic identities are sometimes stronger than national identity,[2]: 30 with national identity often being driven by Christians, and more specifically Tagalogs.[72] Contrasted with the broad Christian Filipino identity is that of the Muslims, and that of often-marginalized indigenous peoples.[2]: 9 Winning a presidential election usually comes with winning the highly populous Tagalog areas of Southern Luzon. Most winning candidates have done well throughout the Philippines, winning pluralities in Luzon, the Visayas, and Mindanao. However, some elections have been won without the Visayas or Mindanao, and in a single case, the 2004 election, the Presidency was won without a plurality in Luzon. However, the importance of national image has been increasing in presidential contests.[70]: 156
Despite the centralization of national power, politics itself is very decentralized.[78]: 18 Political patronage relationships extend vertically through the various levels of political administration.[88]: 20 [89]: 26 National politicians then relied on local politicians to drive turnout within the constituency of the local politician, incentivizing government funding of local projects rather than national ones to shore up support, and causing national political parties to function more as an alliance of local politicians rather than centralized platforms.[55]
Decentralization of power to local governments and widespread poverty have reinforced the presence of clientelism within politics.[59][78]: 18 Such an effect is particularly strong in the geographically defined House of Representative seats.[10]: 15 The importance of name recognition in politics (especially under the open ballot system) and the use of single-member district entrenchs local politicians.[55] Politics is defined by clans and personalities rather than political parties, and politicians receive support from members of their linguistic group or from a geographical area that identifies with them.[73] Political, cultural, and geographical borders are mutually reinforcing.[72]
Factional rivalries have dominated local politics since the late 19th century. As democracy expanded under American rule, these rivalries influenced provincial and national politics.[90] Local politics is thus often more personal and potentially violent than national politics.[51]: 755 It can also grow more authoritarian, even as national politics becomes more democratic.[89]: 28 The competitiveness of different localities varies greatly, from having a long-entrenched dynasty, to having regular electoral turnover.[89]: 30
Furthermore, a strong emphasis on family, so entrenched it is enshrined in the civil code, makes local familial links more important than state support,[75]: 7 and personal links more important than ideological interests.[88]: 18 [a] Particular families are associated with certain areas, and a seat passing within a family is often seen as political continuity, with competition provided instead by seats passing to another family.[75]: 41 A paternalistic landlord-tenant relationship typifies politician voter relationships in rural areas.[88]: 20
Local politicians attend events such as baptisms, funerals, and weddings within their constituency, often providing a direct financial donation.[18]: 102 In urban areas, where established patron-client links are weaker, patronage takes the form of machine politics, being more specific and short-term.[88]: 20–21 In such situations, electoral fraud and physical coercion is more common.[89]: 28–30 Vote buying is extremely prevalent, including "negative vote buying", where voters are taken out of their constituency on voting day or have their fingers inked without having cast a ballot.[58] Over time, this model of control, supported through the economic benefits of state capture, has become more prominent compared to the older paternalistic model.[89]: 28–30
Catholic Church
The influence of the Church in civil society dates back to the Spanish era, when the Church exercised considerable secular power.
National structures were established shortly after independence,[78]: 50 and the Church became directly involved in elections, both through its administrative hierarchy and through the actions of individual clergy.[78]: 50–51 The politicization of the Church increased after the Second Vatican Council, in great part due to the activism of Catholic youth.[78]: 75–77 Another factor was the increasing filipinization of the Church following independence.[78]: 85 The Church did not initially strongly oppose Marcos[78]: 87 and agreed with his anti-communist stance. However, internal opposition grew over the course of the martial law era.[10]: 220
Public political opposition from individual clergy members eventually shifted the opinion of the Church hierarchy, who supported the candidacy of Corazon Aquino and the subsequent People Power Revolution.[10]: 223–224 Due to these events, the Church began to see itself as a "guardian of democracy".[19]: 45 Later, the Church was one of the institutions that became opposed to the Presidency of Joseph Estrada.[10]: 275
The political influence of the Church has decreased in the 21st century, following sexual abuse revelations and the death of the prominent Cardinal Jaime Sin.[19]: 45–46 A symbolic moment for Church influence was the passing of the Reproductive Health Act of 2012 by the Benigno Aquino administration. This law aimed to make contraception and family planning more accessible, a topic which had faced long-standing Church opposition. Public opinion was thought to be in favor of the law.[92] The Rodrigo Duterte administration has also clashed with the Church,[93] with Duterte at times directly positioning himself against the Church.[23]: 26 [19]: 46 While Duterte himself is not in favor of a divorce law, proposals to legalize divorce gained significant support in Congress following his election,[94] with one bill being passed by the House of Representatives before rejection by the Senate.[95] The measure was reintroduced in the next session of Congress.[96]
Military
The Philippine military became officially involved in socioeconomic issues during the
The 1987 constitution kept the 1973 text on civilian rule over the military, although it added that the armed forces were the "protector of the people and the state".: 98
Civilian oversight of the military includes a dedicated deputy ombudsman for the military, investigation by the
The practice of recruiting retired military officers for some executive branch roles, such as ambassadorships, or within cabinet, was started by Marcos and continued after the restoration of democracy.[9]: 81, 93 The separation between the police and the military was impeded by the continuing communist and Islamic rebellions.[9]: 91 The president remains able to use the military to rule by decree.[12]: 102 Localized instances of martial law have been declared in 2009[98] and 2017, both in Mindanao.[99][100]
United States
Even after Philippine independence, the United States remained entwined within Philippine politics and the Philippine economy.[78]: 23 [101] Influence also remains in social and civil institutions.[78]: 24–25 In the context of the Cold War, direct and indirect influence was leveraged in the early days of independence to reinforce democratic institutions.[78]: 49–50 Early civil influence was particularly strong among veterans' networks, and the American military maintained support for Philippine military campaigns against the Hukbalahap.[78]: 59–60 During the Hukbalahap rebellion the United States also supported land reforms to reduce potential attraction to communism, although this pressure subsided as the rebellion ceased.[81]: 87
When Marcos declared martial law, to muted American response and with general acquiescence,[10]: 205 the strategic value of the Philippines and its American military bases led to continued official support.[10]: 211 While the United States eventually pressured Marcos to bring back elections,[18]: 100 such support enabled Marcos to stay in power even as civil society and the military began to turn against him.[10]: 224 Eventually, the United States supported the development of an anti-Marcos coalition,[102]: 109 and in 1989 intervened to halt a coup against the new Aquino government.[103]: 200
The influence of the United States decreased in the 1990s, when agreements to host American military bases ended and the country increased the regional aspects of its foreign policy.
History
Pre-independence
Before the onset of Spanish rule in the 16th century, the Philippines was split into numerous
Spain gradually conquered the majority of the modern Philippines, although full control was never established over some Muslims areas in the south and in the Cordillera highlands.[104]: 1076 In the 19th century Spain eventually gained control over the seas and coasts.[74]: 95–96 Inward migration in the Cordilleras to escape Spanish control and an increase in trade saw settlements in interior areas increase in population and political complexity.[105] Throughout Spanish rule, the archipelago remained divided by regional identity and language.[10]: 83–84
Rule during the Spanish era was dominated by the church, especially friars.[10]: 53 Ultimate power was held by the King and the Council of the Indies, with the Philippines being part of New Spain,[104]: 1077 although the islands functioned practically autonomously.[106]: 25 The Philippines had their own Governor[104]: 1077 and a judicial body was established in 1583.[106]: 25 Direct Spanish rule did not extend far from Manila,[107]: 208 and locals were relied upon for administration.[106]: 24–26 Traditional native elites, along with some native officeholders and high-value tax payers, became part of a group known as the principalia.[108][109]: 16–17 Over time, this elite class became more culturally distinct, gaining an education unavailable to most and intermarrying with Spanish officials and Chinese merchants.[77]: 20–21
In the 19th century, Philippine ports opened to world trade and shifts started occurring within Filipino society.
In the 1880s, some prominent Ilustrados launched the
Spain ceded the Philippines to the United States in 1898.[116] The Philippine–American War erupted in February 1899 in a skirmish in Manila.[117] Aguinaldo was captured on April 1, 1901.[104]: 1076 The Americans gave Filipinos limited self-government at the local level by 1901.[46]: 150–151 The hierarchical social structure that existed under Spanish rule was co-opted by the United States, with democracy introduced in a manner which did not threaten the power of the existing elites.[51]: 752 Local elites were entrenched into the national system.[46]: 151
The
The 1916 Jones Law envisioned eventual Philippine independence.[123] The Nacionalista-dominated legislature grew more powerful, seizing state bodies and using nationalism to weaken American oversight.[10]: 139 [121]: 271 [104]: 1117 [10]: 141–142 The establishment of the senate led to the Nacionalistas forming opposing camps loyal to Osmeña (the Unipersonalistas) and Senate President Manuel L. Quezon (the Colectavistas).[77]: 44 The 1934 Tydings–McDuffie Act paved the way for the Commonwealth of the Philippines and mandated U.S. recognition of independence of the Philippine Islands after a ten-year transition period.[124][104]: 1117
Quezon and Osmeña were elected as president and vice president, respectively, in 1935.[125]: 12 In 1937 the voting franchise was expanded to include literate women.[10]: 147 A national curriculum similarly sought to impose a single vision of a Filipino identity across the diverse ethnolinguistic groups of the islands,[122]: 110 and Tagalog was established as a national language.[126] Treatment of the Commonwealth by the United States was inconsistent: sometimes it was treated as a separate country, sometimes as under US jurisdiction.[127]: 37–40 The presidential system of the Commonwealth government was based on that of the United States.[46]: 154 However, while dividing power between three branches similarly to the constitution of the United States, the 1935 constitution gave the Philippine president significantly more power both politically and economically than that accorded to the president of the United States.[128]: 16
The
The Nacionalistas were divided following the war, with a leadership struggle leading to
Independence
The impact of the war led to a weaker civil service and a reduction in the dominance of Manila, with provincial politicians gaining political power and in some cases de facto autonomy. Many leveraged their provincial power to engage in national politics.[75]: 19–20 Universal suffrage saw an expansion of voter participation, although power remained concentrated in the hands of a small elite.[128]: 14–15 A diversifying post-war economy largely brought an end to the land-based cacique democracy patronage system. Political offices became lucrative by themselves, and patronage became more reliant on access to government funds.[132]: 69 These changes did not shift the overall shape of Filipino politics, which remained a two-party system dominated by a narrow elite.[128]: 15 There was little policy difference between the parties.[78]: 17
Roxas suffered a fatal
Before the 1957 election, Magsaysay was killed in a plane crash.[135] His vice president, Carlos P. Garcia, succeeded him and won the election.[136] He continued Magsaysay's "Filipino First" policy[70]: 69 and implemented an austerity program.[137] Garcia was defeated by his vice president, Diosdado Macapagal of the Liberal Party, in 1961. Macapagal initiated a return to a system of free enterprise, and sought land reform and electrification.[104]: 808 Macapagal was defeated in 1965 by Senator Ferdinand Marcos.[138]
The growing and diversifying economy of the 1960s led to a growth in private business power: 87
Attempts to end the war in Mindanao led Marcos to recognize Islamic holidays, introduce a code of Muslim personal laws, and formally recognize a number of sultans in Mindanao and Sulu.
Marcos continued to rule by decree without elections until 1978, when the Interim Batasang Pambansa (IBP) legislature was elected.[15] Marcos had complete control over the bureaucracy, local governments, military, the press, and COMELEC. The 1978 parliamentary and the 1980 local elections were dominated by Marcos' Kilusang Bagong Lipunan party.[15][78]: 88 The unicameral IBP had little real power.[40]: 125 The Supreme Court affirmed the expansive executive powers claimed under martial law.[7]: 10–11 Marcos laid out a vision of a "new society", which would represent an end to old oligarchies.[70]: 70
Some political dynasties who were not Marcos allies were stripped of assets and power,
By this time, the government was marred by a weak economy, rampant corruption, and a loss of political support.[142]: 1153–1154 A united opposition participated in the 1984 parliamentary election, making gains.[102]: 108 A snap election saw the opposition nominate Benigno's widow Corazon as their candidate.[7]: 11 [70]: 70 Marcos was declared the winner of the 1986 election, but the opposition refused to accept the result, alleging that the election was rigged. The People Power Revolution drove Marcos from power, and Aquino became president.[12]: 98
The 1987 constitution restored democracy along the lines of the 1935 constitution.
Aquino did not wish to run for election again,[144] and leading up to the 1992 presidential election she supported Fidel V. Ramos, who had left her party to form his own.[145][146] Ramos won, albeit under controversial circumstances and allegations of electoral fraud.[147][148][149] The 1992 elections were the first to be synchronized, with presidential, legislative, and local elections held simultaneously.[46]: 167–169 With the 1997 Asian financial crisis damaging the image of economy liberalism, and with no clear successor to Ramos,[85]: 252–253 Ramos's vice president Joseph Estrada won the 1998 election with a comfortable margin on a populist campaign appealing directly to poorer voters.[86]: 95–97
The Estrada administration was embroiled in charges of cronyism and corruption, leading to his impeachment by the
Arroyo was sworn in as president on January 20, 2001. Estrada's supporters launched their own
Before the 2010 election, former president Aquino died, and her son, Benigno Aquino III, won the election.[160][161] His administration was politically stable, seen as relatively clean, and had the highest ratings since Marcos.[19]: 42–43 While his popularity dipped towards the end of his administration, it was linked to perceptions about the failure of change within the wider political system, rather than to Aquino himself.[19]: 45 In the 2016 presidential election, Aquino's handpicked successor was decisively defeated by Davao City mayor Rodrigo Duterte.[162]
Duterte ran on a populist platform, winning votes from various socioeconomic classes, with particularly strong appeal to the middle classes.
In May 2022, Ferdinand Marcos Jr (known by his nickname "Bongbong"), son of former president Ferdinand Marcos, received nearly 59 percent of the vote and won the presidential election by landslide. His vice presidential candidate was Sara Duterte, daughter of then-president Rodrigo Duterte.[170] On 30 June 2022, Marcos was sworn in as the Philippine president and Sara Duterte was sworn in as vice-president.[171]
See also
Notes
References
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Further reading
- Hutchcroft, Paul D. (1998). Booty Capitalism: The Politics of Banking in the Philippines. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-1-5017-3863-0.
- Kalaw, Maximo M. (1927). The development of Philippine politics (1882-1920). Oriental commercial.
- Mendoza, Ronald; Beja, Edsel Jr.; Venida, Victor; Yap, David (July 17, 2013). "Political dynasties and poverty: Resolving the "chicken or the egg" question". Munich Personal RePEc Archive. Munich University Library.
- Muñoz, Mauro R. (2002). Philippine Governance and Constitution. Goodwill Trading Co., Inc. ISBN 978-971-574-062-3.
- Weissenbach, Kristina (2010). "Political Parties and Party Types - Conceptual Approaches to the Institutionalization of Political Parties in Transitional States: The Case of the Philippines". Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V.