Pope Adrian IV
Eugene III | |
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Born | Nicholas Breakspear c. 1100 |
Died | 1 September 1159 Anagni, Papal States, Holy Roman Empire | (aged 58–59)
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Pope Adrian IV (
Adrian was born in
As bishop, Breakspear was soon sent on another diplomatic mission, this time to
Adrian's alliance with the Byzantine emperor came to nothing, as William decisively defeated Manuel and forced Adrian to come to terms at the
Following Adrian's death at Anagni, there was uncertainty as to who to succeed him, with both pro- and anti-imperial cardinals voting for different candidates. Although Pope Alexander III officially took over, the subsequent election of an antipope led to a 22-year-long schism. Scholars have debated Adrian's pontificate widely. Much of a positive nature—his building programme and reorganisation of papal finances, for example—has been identified, particularly in the context of such a short reign. He was also up against powerful forces out of his control, which, while he never overcame them, he managed effectively.
Early life
The son of Richard Breakspear,
Paris recounts a story that Nicholas was rejected by
Move to France and promotion
The next point at which Breakspear can be positively identified is in the Southern French town of Arles, where he continued his studies[3] in canon law,[18] and probably under the masters of Roman law also.[19] On completion of his studies he became a canon regular at the Abbey of Saint-Ruf in Avignon,[note 5] around 40 kilometres (25 mi) to the north of Arles. He was soon appointed prior[10] and then abbot of St Ruf.[4] While still a canon, in 1140 he appears to have written a charter in Barcelona.[22] However, there appear to have been complaints that he was overly strict,[6] and the monks rebelled.[22] As a result, he was summoned to Rome;[3][6] a temporary peace was established, but it was not long until the monks rebelled again.[22] Breakspear may have visited Rome three times while at St Ruf—"each time with more conspicuous success"—and which would have consumed many months of his time.[23]
Sayers suggests that it was while Breakspear was at St Ruf that he attracted the attention of
Poole questions the reasoning for Breakspear's episcopal promotion. Not only was his abbey an obscure one, with little political value or great endowment, but Breakspear's reasons for attending the Papal court were unlikely to have enabled him to make a name for himself. Indeed, on at least one occasion it was in response to a summons concerning his behaviour. However, suggest Poole, a possible explanation may have its roots in Breakspear's residency at Merton.[2][note 8] Duggan notes that the Cardinal Bishopric of Albino was part of the Pope's inner circle, which she suggests makes his rapid elevation to such a sensitive position all the more remarkable and indicative of the now-unrecognisable qualities that Eugenius saw in him.[31]
Voyage to Catalonia
It was probably at the Council of Reims that Eugenius selected Breakspear for a mission to Catalonia,
Around mid-1152, he was despatched to Scandinavia as Papal legate.[4]
Former
Breakspear may have travelled to Norway via France and England[40]—where, Sayers speculates, he could have recruited merchant contacts who knew the region.[4][41] His mission may have been kept quiet, as Bergquist notes his arrival seems to have been unexpected: Archbishop Eskil of Lund had recently left to visit France, and the King of Norway was on a military campaign.[42] His first stop was Norway. At some point, Breakspear presided over a council at Nidaros. This council, says Robinson, "strengthened the economic position of the church and the social status of the clergy".[38] Its timing though is difficult to ascertain, says Bergquist: Autumn 1152 seems to allow too little time to organise such a major council following his arrival, yet much later and the depth of a Norwegian winter is even more unlikely.[43]
The focal point of the
If the Council of Nidaros was held in the early months of 1153, suggests Bergquist, then it appears that Breakspear sailed to Sweden as soon as it was concluded.
Duggan describes Adrian's legation in the north has a "diplomatic triumph",
Political background
Discussing the broader political context of the time, the historian Anne Duggan argues that "the Pope was not master of his own house".[54] Likewise, Walter Ullmann has argued that the age was a radical one, in which the temporal power—specifically, the "educated lay element"—was encroaching upon traditional spiritual realms.[55]
The age in which Adrian took office was one that witnessed profound changes in all spheres of life, and change always brings in its train restlessness, crises, stress and tension, caused by the attempted displacement of the old by the new. New forces were released which had hitherto had no opportunity of asserting themselves and which challenged the traditional scheme of things vigorously.[55]
Eugenius had died in July 1153.
Ullmann has identified four major areas of concern for Adrian at the beginning of his pontificate: the city of Rome under Arnold of Brescia, the new emperor who was marching towards Rome for his coronation, his counterpart in the east whose army had recently invaded southern Italy, and restlessness among the Pope's own vassals in his patrimony. The commune was hostile to the Papacy. The Papacy was weak in the city of
From Eugenius, Adrian inherited what Walter Ullmann has called a "mutual assistance pact" with the Emperor, the Treaty of Constance, signed the year of Eugenius' death. For the popes, its most important aspect was the stipulation that the crowning of the next emperor was contingent on expelling Arnold of Brescia from Rome.[68] It also assured each party of the other's support against both King William in Sicily and the Byzantine Empire when necessary.[69] The treaty was confirmed by Adrian in January 1155.[70] Eugenius was a believer in the Gregorian doctrine of Papal supremacy, stating that Christ "gave to St Peter the keys of the kingdom of heaven, the power of both the earthly and the heavenly empire".[71] From the beginning of his reign, Barbarossa sought to present himself as the heir to a long, established line of Roman Emperors, and likewise that his empire was a continuation of theirs. The historian Anne A. Latowsky explains how this was the cause of tension in the European polity:[72]
Despite grandiose allusions to the German inheritance of the universal dominion of Augustus, the Roman Empire continued to be, as it had been for centuries, a primarily theoretical concept based on an idealized notion of the protection of all Christendom...such claims often clashed with papal pretensions to the primary role as guardians of a unified and universal Christendom[72]
Norwich argues that, by now, whatever the public statements of either Papal or Imperial party, they were mutually antagonistic, and had been for many years. Even before Adrian's pontificate, he says, no peace treaty was strong enough to unite them for long: "The days when it had been realistic to speak of the two swords of Christendom were gone—gone since Gregory VII and Henry IV had hurled depositions and anathemas at each other nearly a hundred years before".[73] The situation, suggest Duggan, was "a minefield", for the Pope, and Adrian had to negotiate it.[54]
It was the ambition of the Emperor of the Eastern Empire, Manuel I Kommenus, to reunite both Empires under one crown, and, as such, he wished to be crowned by the Pope in Rome, as Western emperors were.
Election, 1154
It was Breakspear's being "in the right place at the right time", suggests the Papal librarian
According to Boso, Breakspear had to be forced "against his will" into the Papal throne.
Neutralises Rome
Due to Arnold's presence in Rome, there were a number of acts of religious significance that it was impossible to perform, such as the ceremony of the
Adrian took a hardline against the Roman commune.
Neutralises Arnold
Adrian angled for the support of the Emperor in capturing the heretic Arnold.[citation needed] Arnold was captured by Imperial troops[93] in summer 1155. Arrested and tried in a Papal court[93] for rebellion rather than heresy, he was hanged and his body burnt.[94] Adrian claimed that Arnold's execution had been on the initiative of the prefect of Rome, but some contemporary observers, such as Gerhoh of Reichersberg, suspected Adrian of ordering the execution himself.[95] The Emperor's willingness to assist the Pope in his own city, and help him crush his enemies, was an explicit recognition from Barbarossa of the Pope's possession of Rome.[93] Papal relations with the lords of Campania were already tense, as they, in the Pope's view, were little more than robber barons, who both fought among each other and robbed pilgrims from the south on their way to Rome.[80]
Imperial trouble at Sutri, late 1155
Barbarossa had received the
Because of fear of Roman hostility and disturbances the imperial coronation on 18 June 1155 had to be performed secretly on a Saturday (instead of on a Sunday as usual) in order to mislead the Romans, all this being somewhat incongruous for "the lord of the world and master of Rome" who was there with his armed forces.[96]
To this end, Adrian and Barbarossa met at Sutri in early June 1155.[note 22] This soon, says Sayers, "turned out to be a spectacular contest between the two to gain propagandist supremacy".[4] Adrian, reports an Imperial chronicler, was there "with the entire Roman Church, met us joyfully, paternally offered us holy consecration and complained to us of the injuries he had suffered at the hands of the Roman populace".[97] Barbarossa later recalled the ceremony in a letter to the Eastern Emperor in 1189:
For in the city of Rome, which is known as the lady and head of the world, we received the crown and rule over all of Christianity from the altar of St Peter, Prince of the Apostles, and were solemnly anointed with the oil of majesty by the lord Pope Adrian, the successor to St Peter, before our fellows, and our name is held to be famous and glorious because of this".[98]
Adrian may have been caught off-balance by the Emperor's swift entry into Italy and the speed with which he approached Rome. The dispute was sparked by Barbarossa's unwillingness to act as the Pope's strator;[99] lead the Pope's horse by the bridle—or to assist Adrian in dismounting—as was traditionally expected. In response, the Pope refused the Emperor the kiss of peace;[4] the Emperor was still willing to perform the duty of kissing Adrian's feet, though.[100] These were minor affronts at best, says Barber, "but in an age so highly conscious of symbolic acts", took on a greater political import.[57]
The confusion at Sutri may have been accidental,
The king comes before the gates, first swearing to
uphold the rights of the city.
Then he becomes the liegeman of the pope;
he accepts the crown, which the pope gives.[104]
Indignant,[104] Barbarossa made a "friendly reproach" to the Pope.[100] In a letter to a German bishop, he explained, "it began with a picture. The picture became an inscription. The inscription seeks to become an authoritative utterance. We shall not endure it, we shall not submit to it."[104] Adrian told Barbarossa he would have it removed,[103][note 23] "lest so trifling a matter might afford the greatest men in the world an occasion for dispute and discord.[105] In the event, Adrian did not,[103] and by 1158 Imperial commentators were describing the matter of the painting and its inscription as the fundamental cause of the dispute between Pope and Emperor.[106] Adrian, says Freed, was "perplexed" at the Emperor's refusal to offer him squire service: he "dismounted and seated himself on a folding stool".[107] Barbarossa, if he wished to be crowned, had limited options against the Pope. He took advice from councillors[4] based on records of "the more ancient princes and especially those who had come with King Lothar to Pope Innocent".[100] An entire day was spent[108] inspecting both "old documents",[107][note 24] and hearing from those of his entourage who had been present at the 1131 ceremony.[109] The Pope's party saw this as a sign of aggression, and deserted Adrian for the security of a nearby castle.[108]
Imperial coronation, 1155
The Emperor was, though, eventually persuaded, performed the necessary services. He was eventually crowned in
This ceremony, says Sayers, was arguably a new version of the traditional one, which now "highlight[ed] the difference between the anointing of a mere layman and that of a priest".[4] Previously, Emperors had been anointed on the head, as a priest was; this time, Adrian anointed Barbarossa between the shoulders.[4] Further, the Pope invested him with a sword, which emphasised the Emperor's role—as Adrian saw it—as the defender of the Papacy and its privileges.[4] Adrian, on the other hand, disallowed his chancery from addressing the Emperor by either of his preferred titles, augustus semper or semper augustus.[114] It may be that Adrian had been frightened by the Emperor's decisive approach on Rome[93]—Duggan notes he "impos[ed] obedience on recalcitrant cities and proclaim[ed] the resumption of Imperial rights" as he did.[54] If so, that may have led him to over-reacting the face of a perceived slight, however small.[93]
Following the Imperial coronation, both sides appear to have taken extra care to ensure they abided by the Treaty of Constance. Barbarossa, for example, refused to entertain an embassy from the Roman commune.[101] He did not, however, further perform as Adrian hoped, and did not defend the Papacy.[4] Indeed, he stayed in Rome only enough time to be crowned, and then left immediately: "dubious protection" for the Pope, comments Barber.[57] Before he left, however, his army was drawn into a bloody clash with Rome's citizens,[80] incensed at what they saw as a display of Imperial authority in their city.[115] Over 1,000 Romans died.[80] The Senate continued revolting in Rome and William of Sicily remained entrenched in the Patrimony. Adrian was trapped between King and Emperor.[4] Freed suggests that Barbarossa's failure to suppress the Roman commune for Adrian led the Pope to believe the Emperor had broken the Treaty of Constance.[116] Further, on the Emperor's march north, his army sacked and razed the town of Spoleto.[80] Adrian left Rome also, as his relations with the commune were still too fragile for him to be able to guarantee his safety following the Emperor's departure.[115] As a result, the Pope was left in "virtual exile" in Viterbo,[4] and relations between the two declined further.[57]
Normans, Greeks and Apulians
Probably as a result, he responded positively to overtures from the
Alliance with Manuel I, 1156
Emperor Manuel I had launched his own military operation against William in southern Italy in 1154.[60][note 28] He found Adrian a willing ally. The Russian historian Alexander Vasiliev notes that Adrian "expressed his desire 'to help in bringing all the brethren into one church' and compared the eastern church with lost drachma, wandering sheep, and the dead Lazarus".[74] Adrian's isolation led directly to his concordat with the Eastern Empire in 1156,[57] although Duggan emphasises that he was reacting to external political pressures rather than deliberately initiating a new policy.[123] As a result, says Barber, he "became involved in a fruitless Byzantine plan to overcome the Normans which ended, as so often before when the popes had ventured south in arms, in Norman victory".[57] Adrian—as if, says Partner, "the unhappy experiences of at least three popes has taught the papacy nothing"[124]—organised a papal army comprising Roman and Campagnan nobility and crossed the border into Apulia in September 1155.[124]
Although it has been suggested that Manuel offered to pay Adrian a large sum of money in return for ceding him certain Apulian cities, it seems unlikely that this was ever actioned; certainly, notes Duggan, Adrian was wholly against the creation of a Byzantine kingdom on his own doorstep.
Norman victory
Strategically, King William's position was not looking good, and he offered Adrian large sums in financial compensation for the Pope to withdraw his forces. However, the majority of Adrian's curia were averse to holding negotiations with the Sicilians, and the King's offer was rejected somewhat haughtily. This turned out to be a bad mistake.[134] William soon won decisive victories over both Greek and Apulian armies in mid-1156,[4] culminating in the final defeat of the Eastern Empire at the Battle of Brindisi.[135] When William soundly defeated the rebels,[100] Adrian—who was by now, even more, bogged down in the problem of Rome[136] and without allies[137]—had to sue for peace on the King's terms.[100] This was yet another external event—indeed, probably the single most important event of the pontificate she argues—that Adrian had had no way of influencing but had to deal with its consequences, notes Duggan.[49] He was effectively captured and forced to come to terms at Benevento[138][note 30] three weeks later.[139] This one event, says Duggan, changed Adrian's policy for good, whether or not he liked it.[140] As a result, at the Concordat of Benevento, Adrian had to invest William with the lands he claimed in southern Italy, symbolised by the presentation of the Pope's own pennoned lances and the kiss of peace.[137] The Pope was accepted as William's feudal overlord, while being forbidden from entering Sicily without an invitation from the King,[129][note 31] thereby granting William effectively Legatine authority over the church in his own land.[139] For his part, William gave the Pope his homage and contracted to pay an annual tribute[4] and provide military support on request.[115] The treaty conferred extended powers on the Kings of Sicily that they would enjoy for at least the next 40 years, and included powers over ecclesiastical appointments traditionally held by the Popes as the region's feudal lord.[141][note 32] Adrian's treaty with William angered the Emperor, who took it as a personal slight that Adrian had treated with the two Imperial rivals to Italy and confirmed his view of Adrian's Papal arrogance.[142] This, suggests Robinson, sowed the seeds of the disputed election following Adrian's death.[143][144]
The defeat of Manuel's army left the Pope vulnerable, and in June 1156 Adrian was forced to come to terms with the Sicilian King.[57] This was, however, suggests Robinson, on generous terms, including "homage and fealty, reparation for the recent encroachments on the papal patrimony, help against the Romans, freedom from royal control for the Sicilian church".[144] Adrian's new alliance with William exacerbated relations with Barbarossa,[4] who believed that Adrian had broken the Treaty of Constance twice over, by allying with both King William and the Byzantine Emperor.[100] Relations between Pope and Emperor were, argues Latowsky, "irreparably damaged.[145] Adrian probably acted as mediator the following year in concluding a peace treaty between William and Manuel.[100] The Emperor attempted to prevent the treaty by sending his most experienced diplomat, Abbot Wibald to intervene, as he probably saw a Sicilian–Byzantine alliance as being directed against him.[146]
The alliance with William had probably been strengthened by the Pope's belief that Barbarossa had already broken the Treaty of Constance.
Problems in translation, 1157
By 1157, suggests Whalen, having secured the border with the south (by his alliance with Sicily) and the commune as peaceful as it had been for some time, Adrian was able to reside in Rome again and "stood in a more secure position than any of his predecessors had for decades".[115] They were made worse in 1157 when, in a letter to the Emperor, Adrian referred to the Empire by the Latin term beneficium, which some of Barbarossa's councillors translated as fief, rather than benefice. This, they claimed, implied that the Pope saw the Empire as subordinate to the Papacy.[4][note 34] The Emperor had to personally hold back Otto of Wittelsbach from assaulting the Pope's messengers.[152] Ullmann, however, argues that Adrian's use of the word was "harmless enough...that he conferred the Imperial crown as a favour".[153] Duggan too describes the incident as "at best a diplomatic incident—a faux pas—which suggests carelessness on the part of the drafter".[154][note 35] Historians have disagreed as to the degree of deliberation behind the use of the word. Peter Munz, for example, believes it to have been a deliberate provocation, engineered by an anti-Imperial faction within the curia, designed to justify Adrian's treaty with King William. Anne Duggan, on the other hand, suggests this view is "scarcely credible": not only was Adrian in no position of strength from which to threaten Frederick, but he was also aware that the Emperor was planning a campaign against Milan for the following year, and would hardly wish to provoke him into marching on towards the Papal States.[154]
In October 1157, Barbarossa was celebrating his wedding in Besançon[155] with an Imperial Diet,[115][note 36] when he was visited by Papal legates Roland[note 37] and Bernard. Theirs was an important mission[157] bringing personal letters from Adrian,[103] and they were met "with honour and kindness, claiming (as they did) to be the bearers of good tidings".[158] The Pope complained about the lack of activity in discovering who attacked Eskil, Archbishop of Lund while he travelled through Imperial territory.[103] Eskil, complained Adrian, had been captured somewhere "in the German lands...by certain godless and infamous men", and Frederick had made no attempt to secure his release.[159][note 38] Adrian's letter, suggests Godman, both upbraids the Emperor for "dissimulation" and "negligence" while accusing Rainald of Dassel of being a "wicked counsellor ",[162] although Duggan describes it more as a "mild rebuke".[161] Barber comments that "the tone is that of one who is surprised and a little hurt that, having treated Frederick so affectionately and honourably, he had not had a better response, but the actual words used to express these sentiments gave rise to immediate offence".[103] Adrian's defence of Eskil of Lund contributed further to the decline in his relationship with Barbarossa.[163] Adrian's choice of occasion on which to rebuke the Emperor was bound to offend him, argues Norwich.[142] But even if unintentional, argues Freed, the Pope should have instructed his delegates to meet with Barbarossa privately rather than in the open. Equally provocative, Freed suggests, was Adrian's later assertion that letters which criticised the Emperor's behaviour were somehow to his advantage.[164] Adrian's "sharp" words also contributed to the Emperor's advisors increasing discontent with his messengers. The Pope had also ordered that, before any negotiations took place, the Emperor's council would accept Adrian's letters "without any hesitation...as though proceeding from our mouth".[165] The cardinals appear to have worsened their reception by calling Frederick "brother".[166]
The Emperor was also exasperated to find, on ordering the legates' quarters searched, blank parchments with the Papal seal attached. This he understood to mean that the legates had intended to present supposedly direct instructions from the Pope when they felt it necessary.
Retranslation
In June 1158, representatives of both sides met in the Imperial town of
Adrian's choice of words may also have been a "calculated ambiguity", suggests Abulafia,
Imperial claims to north Italy
Adrian's opposition to Guido of Biandrate's appointment had so incensed the Emperor that he no longer placed the Pope's name before his own in their correspondence, as had been a traditional sign of honour.[182] Furthermore, he began aggressively asserting his claims over Lombardy,[183] and in 1159 the Diet of Roncaglia[184] issued a series of decrees claiming extensive lands in north Italy.[note 43] This caused sufficient concern that the cities of Milan[186]—which Barbarossa had already "half-destroyed", says Ullmann[156]—Brescia, Piacenza[186] and Crema (which had also suffered a "brutal siege", notes Duggan)[187] approached Adrian for aid.[186] Since the lands concerned were part of the Papal fiefdom,[184] Adrian, in Bologna,[182] rejected Barbarossa's claim and gave him 40 days in which to withdraw them, on pain of excommunication.[186] However, Adrian's intervention in a quarrel between the Emperor and the Lombard towns may, suggests the classicist Peter Partner, "may have been inevitable, but it was to be one of the most explosive issues of its age".[188]
Duggan has emphasised the severity of the situation facing Adrian: accepting Frederick's claims, she says, would have entailed Adrian effectively "abandoning the whole Italian church".[187] Adrian also had counter-demands. Frederick was to desist from sending envoys to Rome without papal permission, that he should only be paid the Imperial tax from his Italian lands while in Italy and that those papal lands in north Italy be returned to the church. Adrian, says Duggan, "received short thrift".[189] In the event Adrian died before his 40-day term expired.[186] As relations between Emperor and Pope worsened, Barbarossa took to placing his own name before that of Adrian in their correspondence, as well as addressing the Pope in the singular.[190] By now, suggests Duggan, Adrian was viewed with contempt by the Emperor.[191]
Relations with England
Pope Adrian, comments Sayers, "was not unmindful of the interests and well-being of his English homeland",[4] and Robinson identifies his pontificate as "the period in which
English influence was strongest in the papal curia".
Adrian had been absent from England since 1120, and it should not be assumed that he bore an automatic affection for the country which, in
Among other patronages, he confirmed the nuns of St Mary's Priory, Neasham in possession of their church.[201] and granted St Albans Abbey "a large dossier of privileges and directives" exempting it from the jurisdiction of its episcopal master, Robert de Chesney, Bishop of Lincoln.[202] He also confirmed the primacy of the Archbishop of York over Scottish bishops and his independence from the Archbishop of Canterbury.[4] He also granted papal protection—"free and immune from all subjection except to the Roman pontiff"—to Scottish towns, such as that of Kelso in 1155.[203] He also, on occasion, sent his young protégés to the court of King Henry to learn the aristocratic arts of hunting, falconry and the martial arts.[204]
Adrian, suggests the papal scholar
Laudabiliter
Probably Adrian's "most striking"
King Henry claimed to be motivated by a wish to civilise the supposedly unruly Irish.[citation needed] The Victorian historian Kate Norgate, however, has noted that the spiritual community in 12th-century Ireland "flourished", and that the Pope must have known this, as it was only a few years earlier that the Irish church had been reorganised into Archdioceses,[214] thus making it a national church in its own right.[215] Norgate argues that Adrian's grant was made, not because the church in Ireland needed protecting, but because the Irish lacked a single king and for Christian society to have no single head was an anathema.[216] She also notes that it has misleadingly been called a Bull, when it is, in fact, sufficiently informal in its style to be "nothing more than a commendatory letter".[217] Simple in its approach, the Pope exhorts Henry—if he is to invade Ireland—to do so in the name of the church.[218] Other scholars have argued that, whether or not it was an out and out forgery by Gerald of Wales, Adrian was more likely to have been lukewarm at the idea of invasion at best, as he was equally unenthusiastic at the notion of a Franco-English crusade to the East at the same time.[219]
The Bull "granted and gave Ireland to King Henry II to hold by hereditary right, as his letters witness unto this day", and was accompanied by a gold Papal ring "as a token of investiture".[212] In the early 14th century it was claimed ("by the ordinary [i.e. English] people of Ireland") that Pope had been persuaded[220]—"improperly"[221]—to grant Laudabiliter, not on the persuasion of Henry II, but on that from the Irish themselves.[220][note 48] If he did issue the bull, Adrian may have been influenced by the fact that the Irish church did not pay Peter's Pence, which was a major source of the Papacy's income. He would almost certainly, too, have been aware of Bernard of Clairvaux's letter of 1149, in which he wrote that[222]
Never before had he known the like, in whatever depth of barbarism; never had he found men so shameless in regard of morals, so dead in regard to rites, so stubborn in regard of discipline, so unclean in regard of life. They were Christians in name, in fact pagans.[222]
Notes Summerson, "the consequences of the bull were still invisible when Adrian died".[5] As early as 1317, Adrian's grant to Henry was linked in Ireland to his nationality,[223][note 49] and Domnall, King of Tír Eoghain complained that Adrian should be known as "Anti-Christ rather than true Pope".[227] The Irish called him "a man not only of English descent but also of English inclinations", who "backed his compatriots in what they regarded as the first major confrontation between the two nations",[223] whereas the Bishop of Thessaloniki praised Adrian as a pastor ("which is how", comments the scholar Averil Cameron, "the Byzantines liked to see the Popes").[130]
Acts as pope
In 1155 the
Adrian confirmed the prerogatives of the
Adrian argued that, in the troubled succession to Alfonso I of Aragon, even though Alfonso had legally nominated an heir—his brother—because he had not had a son, his brother was not a direct heir to the Kingdom.[237] This was the context for the projected crusade into Spain as suggested by the Kings of England and France, which Adrian rejected. He did, however, welcome their new friendship.[238]
It was probably Adrian who
Other cardinalate appointments of Adrian's included that of Alberto di Morra in 1156. Di Mora, also a canon regular like Adrian, later reigned briefly as Pope Gregory VIII in 1187. Boso, already papal chamberlain since 1154, was appointed the same year. Adrian also elevated one Walter to the Pope's own Cardinal Bishopric of Albano; Walter is thought to have been an Englishman—possible also from St Ruf—but very little record of his career has survived. In contrast, his appointment of Raymond des Arénes in 1158 was of a well-known lawyer with an established career under Adrian's predecessors.[240] These were all worthy additions to the Curial office, argues Duggan, being all men of "experience, academic learning and administrative and diplomatic skill", which in turn reflects the wisdom of the appointer.[241] He may have received the hermit and later saint Silvester of Troina, whose only recorded journey was from Sicily to Rome during Adrian's pontificate.[242]
Adrian continued the reform of the Papacy's finances that had begun under his predecessor in an attempt at boosting revenue,[243][note 54] although he regularly had to resort to requesting large loans from major noble families such as the Corsi and Frangipane.[245][note 55] His appointment of Boso as Chamberlain—or camerarius—of the Papal patrimony did much to improve the Papacy's finances by way of streamlining its financial bureaucracy.[247] However, he also recognised the expense that the Papay was put to defending its own, commenting nemo potest sine stipendiis militare, or "no-one can make war without pay".[248] Adrian also consolidated the Papacy's position as the feudal lord of the regional baronage;[249] indeed, his success in doing so has been described as "never less than impressive".[250] In 1157, for example, Adrian made Oddone Frangipane donate his castle to him, which Adrian then granted back to Oddone in fee.[249][note 56] occasionally Adrian simply purchased castles and lordships for the papacy, as he did Corchiano.[251] Adrian received the personal oaths of fealty of a number of north-Roman nobles, thus making them vassals of St Peter.[92] In 1158, for example, for fighting in the Reconquista—"subduing the barbarous peoples and the savage nations, that is, the fury of the Saracens"—Ramon Berenguer, Count of Barcelona was accepted "under St Peter's and our protection".[252] In 1159 Adrian ratified an agreement with the civic leadership of Ostia—an otherwise semi-independent town—agreed to pay the Pope an annual feudal rent for his lordship.[253] Adrian's vassals, and their family and vassals, took oaths of fealty to the Pope, and in doing so the vassal absolved his own vassals of their oaths to him. All now became direct vassals of the Papacy.[254] One of Adrian's greatest achievements, believed Boso, was acquiring Orvieto as a Papal fief, because this city had "for a very long time withdrawn itself from the jurisdiction of St Peter"[255][251] Adrian, in 1156, was the first Pope to enter Orvieto, emphasised Boso, and to "have any temporal power there".[251]
Adrian appears to have been an advocate of the
Adrian also undertook a building program throughout Rome and the patrimony, although Duggan notes that the shortness of his pontificate reduced the amount of his work that remains visible in the 21st century. The work ranged from the restoration of public buildings and spaces to the city's physical defence.[31] Boso reported how, for example, "in the church of St Peter [Adrian] richly restored the roof of St. Processo which he found collapsed", while in the Lateran, he "caused to be made a very necessary and extremely large cistern".[255] Due to the peripatetic nature of his pontificate he also built a large number of summer palaces across the patrimony, including at Segni, Ferentino, Alatri, Anagni and Rieti.[260] Much of this fortification and building work—particularly in the vicinity of Rome—was for the protection of pilgrims, the safety of whom Adrian was both spiritually and physically reliable for.[261]
Although his pontificate was a relatively short one—four years, six months and 28 days—he spent nearly half that time outside of Rome, either in the enclave of Benevento or journeying around the Papal States and patrimony. Particularly in the early years of the reign, his travels reflected the political context, consisting of "short bursts" as he sought to either meet or avoid the Emperor or William of Sicily as the situation required.[262]
Personal philosophy and religious views
The Pope was conscious, comments Sayers, "of the crushing responsibilities" of his office,
Having been placed by the Lord's disposition in a lofty watchtower, if the rights of all churches are not preserved whole and unimpaired, we would seem to occupy the place of St Peter Prince of the Apostles unprofitably and to exercise the office of stewardship entrusted to us negligently.[263]
Adrian was keen to emphasise the superiority of the Western Church over that of the East, and lost no opportunity to tell members of that body so.[4] Adrian described his approach to relations with his political rivals in a letter to the
Adrian, argues Ullmann, was a man of action with little "inclination towards lengthy theoretical discussions",[67] although Norwich argues that he could still be hesitant. For instance, following his radical change of Papal policy at Benevento, he may still not have grasped the significance of what he had done, and certainly not to the extent of radically exploiting the new policy.[267] Partner suggests that Adrian was "an able administrator who used able agents".[268] He was also a traditionalist;[67] a firm follower of Pope Gregory VII, Adrian believed it his duty to not just believe in those ideals, but to enforce them. He also believed in the necessity of reform,[269] as his clarification of the marriage sacrament and enforcement of free episcopal elections demonstrates.[236] He was also, like Eugenius had been before him, a firm believer in the supremacy of the Bishops of Rome over both the Empire and other churches, writing how the Papacy,[270]
Like a diligent mother provides for the individual churches with constant vigilance: all must have recourse to her, as to their head and origin, to be defended by her authority, to be nourished by her breasts and freed of their oppressions.[271]
Writings
The 16th century
Adrian's episcopal registry is now lost,
Personality
For he was very kind, mild, and patient; accomplished in English and Latin, fluent in speech, polished in eloquence. An outstanding singer, and an excellent preacher; slow to anger and swift to forgive; a cheerful giver, lavish in alms, distinguished in every aspect of his character.[279]
Cardinal Boso, Vita Adriani IV (late 1170s)
The historian Colin Morris notes that Adrian's character appears contradictory: "Some historians have seen him as tough and inflexible, but others as a relatively mild man" who could be manipulated by those around him. [21] Duggan disputes that he was either a cypher to be manipulated by the cardinals or a prima donna. Rather, she suggests, he was "a man of discipline, who fitted in with the norms and routines already in place...a man of affairs who had no fixed program, but who responded judiciously to the problems brought before his court. [280]
Adrian's chamberlain, Boso—who later wrote Adrian's Vita[1]—described the Pope as "mild and kindly in bearing, of high character and learning, famous as a preacher, and renowned for his fine voice".[4] Julius Norwich describes Adrian as being eloquent, able and with "outstanding good looks".[24] The German antiquarian Ferdinand Gregorovius believed that by nature Adrian was "as firm and as unyielding as the granite of his tomb", while Norwich tempers this suggestion, believing that, at least after Benevento, he must have been far more open to the possibilities of change.[267] Duggan wonders whether he deliberately utilised these traits to forward his career. Boso's characterisation, she suggests, "could imply that he was ready to ingratiate himself with the powerful, to make friends and influence people by accommodation and charm".[281] Sayers also suggests that something similar is detectable in the accounts from John of Salisbury,[4] a close friend to the Pope since the days of Adrian's curial visits.[19][note 61]
For I call on the Lord Adrian to witness than no one is more miserable than the Roman Pontiff, nor is any condition more wretched than his. . . . He maintains that the papal throne is studded with thorns, that his mantle bristles with needles so sharp that it oppresses and weighs down the broadest shoulders . . . and that had he not feared to go against the will of God he would never have left his native England.[87]
John of Salisbury,
Adrian's own view of his office, suggests Sayers, is summed up in his own words: his "pallium was full of thorns and the burnished mitre seared his head", would have supposedly preferred the simple life of a canon at St Ruf.[4] However, he also respected those who worked beneath him in the curia's officialdom; on one occasion he instructed that "we ought to reward such persons with ecclesiastical benefices when we conveniently can".[282] This approach is reflected in the elevation of fellow Englishmen—Walter, and potentially John of Salisbury—to high office. Brooke suggests that, ultimately, Adrian "had not forgot his origins; he liked to have Englishmen about him".[192]
His increasing control over Rome and the Patrimony demonstrate that he was an effective organiser and administrator, argues the scholar Edward Whalen.[92] Duggan argues that Adrian's strength of personality can be seen in his very election: in spite of being an outsider, a newcomer and lacking the support or patronage of an Italian noble house he attained the apotheosis of his church. And, she says, these were the qualities that made him independent.[49]
His biographer, Cardinal Boso,
Modern historiography has not always been complimentary to Adrian. Freed argues that Adrian was capable of both shameful and specious arguments in his dispute with Barbarossa.[288] Likewise, David Abulafia has called Adrian "petulant",[138] and Latowsky has criticised his "sarcastic" manner towards Barbarossa.[289]
Death
At Anagni Hadrian proclaimed the emperor excommunicate and a few days later, to cool himself down [during the hot weather] he started off for a certain fountain along with his attendants. When he got there he drank deeply and at once (according to the story), a fly entered his mouth, stuck to his throat, and could not be shifted by any device of the doctors: and as a result, the pope died.[12]
By autumn 1159 it may have been clear to Adrian's household and companions that he had not long to live. This may have been at least in part caused by the stresses of his pontificate, suggests Norwich, which although short, was difficult.[267] Pope Adrian died in Anagni[290]—to where he had retired for security against the Emperor[184]—from quinsy[citation needed][note 65] on 1 September 1159. He died, says Norwich, "as many Popes had died before him, an embittered exile; and when death came to him, he welcomed it as a friend".[267] He was buried three days later[4] in an "undistinguished third-century sarcophagus"[267] porphyry tomb of his own choosing.[71][note 66] In 1607, the Italian archaeologist Giovanni Francesco Grimaldi excavated the crypt and in the process opened Adrian's tomb. He described the body, still well preserved, as that of an "undersized man, wearing Turkish slippers on his feet and, on his hand, a ring with a large emerald", and dressed in a dark Chasuble.[267][184]
At the time of Adrian's death, argues Partner, "imperial pressure on the papacy was stronger than it had been since the time of Henry V, and it is not surprising that the cardinals were unable to agree about his successor".[292] It is likely that in the months presaging his death the cardinals were aware of the likelihood of a schism occurring soon afterwards;[143] Freed suggests that thanks to Adrian's own policies, "a split in the College of Cardinals was thus almost preordained", regardless of the Emperor's input.[293] Ullmann suggests that it was the ideological positions of individual cardinals which was shaping—and introducing faction to—the Curia in the last months of Adrian's pontificate.[156] However, Norwich states that Frederick Barbarossa orchestrated the schism himself.[294]
In September 1159—now leading the Emperor's opponents[
Pope Adrian was buried in St Peter's on 4 September 1159. Present were three Imperial ambassadors who had been in attendance on the Pope when he died. They were Otto of Wittelsbach—who had tried to beat up Cardinal Roland at Besançon—Guido of Biandrate and Heribert of Aachen.[293][note 70] However, as soon as the Emperor heard of the Pope's death, says Madden, he "sent a group of agents and a great deal of money to Rome" in an attempt to secure the election of a successor with pro-Imperial sympathies.[299]
Later events
The meeting between Hadrian and the city envoys of June 1159 may have discussed the next Papal election, as Adrian was known to have been accompanied by 13 cardinals who supported his pro-Sicilian policy.[301][note 71] Cardinal Roland's election to succeed Adrian saw both the conflict with the Empire intensify and the alliance with William of Sicily solidify.[129] The schism had a knock-on effect with regard to Papal policy in Italy, making it little more than a passive observer to events on its own doorstep.[303] Papal scholar Frederic Baumgartner argues that a disputed election was the inevitable consequence whenever pope and emperor had a falling out.[94] Relations between Barbarossa and Manuel, already poor—Manuel saw his western counterpart as an "embarrassment", suggests Magdalino, after his falling out with Adrian—ended completely following the death of Manuel's German wife, Bertha of Sulzbach, earlier in 1159.[304]
Following Adrian's death, comments Barber, "the consequence for the church was another long and bitter schism".[186] Tensions between different parties led to a double election, with "mutually unacceptable candidates".[305] This led to what Frank Barlow has called "disgraceful scenes" taking place in Rome, but, with neither side powerful enough to overcome the other, each appealed to the European powers.[306]
Although the Papal forces were insufficient to defeat Barbarossa outright, the war in Lombardy gradually turned against the Emperor, and following the recognition of the Kings of France and England, the military situation became more evenly balanced.[183] However, peace was not established between the Papacy, the Empire, Sicily and the Byzantine Emperor until Barbarossa was defeated at the Battle of Legnano in 1176 and the following year's Treaty of Venice.[307] The schism continued until the election of Pope Alexander III in 1180. During this time the Emperor's chancery distributed a series of fake letters—some of which purported to have been written by Adrian—in defence of the Imperial candidate.[308] One such letter, supposedly to Archbishop Hillin of Trier, comments Latowsky, "is of particular interest since it contains a deliberately erroneous rewriting of Charlemagne's assumption of the imperial title".In it, Adrian launches into a diatribe, condemning the German kings who owe everything to the Papacy yet refuse to understand that. This letter, argues Latowsky, was clearly intended to enrage its Imperial audience.[309] Another letter, from the Emperor to Archbishop, called Adrian's church as "a sea of snakes", a "den of thieves and a house of demons" and Adrian himself as "he who claims to be the Vicar of Peter, but is not".[289] Adrian, in turn, says the Emperor is "out of his mind".[310] Containing as they did summaries of each sides' arguments at Besançon, they are most interesting, argues Freed, for indicating what Barbarossa to have believed to have been the most important of his and Adrian's arguments.[308]
From the time when friendship was established at Benevento between the lord Pope Hadrian and William of Sicily. contrary to the honour of God's Church and of the empire, great division and discord have arisen (not without cause) among the cardinals...blinded by money and many promises and firmly bound to the Sicilian, wickedly defended the treaty.[143]
Further afield, war was threatening between England and France.
1159 Papal Conclave
The 1159 papal election was disputed, and the College of Cardinals split along sectarian lines, between the "Sicilian"—so-called as its members wished to continue the pro-William policy of Adrian—and "Imperial" sympathisers. The former supported the candidacy of Cardinal Roland; the latter that of Ottaviano de Monticelli. Roland was elected Pope Alexander III. The result was not accepted by his opponents, who elected an Antipope, Victor IV,[314][note 73] whom John of Salisbury had previously mocked.[183] The Imperial party disagreed with the new policy of rapprochement with Sicily and favoured the traditional alliance with the Empire.[143] A missive of the Imperial party of electors claimed that Adrian was a "dupe" of the Sicilian faction within the cardinals.[151] Indicative of Barbarossa's attitude towards his candidate was his willingness to serve Victor as he had objected to serving Adrian, for example by holding the Antipope's horse and kissing his feet.[293]The conclave to elect Adrian's successor, says Ullmann, was a "riotous and undignified spectacle".[156] Alexander was elected by two-thirds of the college, while Victor's support declined from nine to five cardinals.[314] Two further antipopes were elected before Alexander's death in 1181 and a unity candidate was found.[186] Alexander was left a problematic legacy by Adrian, who had guaranteed a powerful enemy for the Papacy in the Emperor. Alexander managed to negotiate successive crises, however, and held its own.{[citation needed] Within a year, Emperor Manuel had recognised Alexander,[316] as had the English King Henry, although the latter waited nine months to do so.[317][note 74] Although Octavian received less curial support in the conclave, he had the support of the Roman commune. As a result, Alexander and his supporters were forced into the sanctuary of the Leonine Borgho.[319]
Legacy and assessment
The archives of his pontificate are not extensive, but the picture emerges of an assiduous administrator, a man of strange vision and singular purpose, though of balanced judgement, who became something of a role model for later popes.[4]
Jane E. Sayers
In the 14th century Adrian was recorded in St Albans' Book of Benefactors, which, suggests Bolton, "ensured that the memory of the English Pope would remain forever".
The timing of Adrian's pontificate, suggests Ullmann, was significant because it made him the first pope on which what Ullmann calls "newly released forces"—the recently crowned King Henry and Emperor Frederick.[67][note 75] On the other hand, argues Egger, Adrian—by rejecting the request of Kings Louis and Henry to crusade in Spain—undoubtedly prevented the secular power from embarrassing themselves: "one can only speculate about what might have happened, but it is not improbable that Adrian spared the Iberian peninsula a disaster on the scale of the second crusade to the East".[238]
Morris argues that while "in a short pontificate, Hadrian did more than any of his predecessors to secure the papal position in central Italy...he was much less successful in his conduct of relations with the empire".[101] Norwich too strikes a cautionary note. While agreeing that Adrian was "the greatest pope since Urban II", he argues that it would be difficult not to "tower...above the string of mediocrities who occupied the throne of St Peter during the first half of the century, just as he himself is overshadowed by his magnificent successor".[267] Duggan argues that, although "the future of the papacy was to be determined by other men and other events, but he had played his part in guiding it securely through an extremely critical phase of its long history".[84]
Ullmann has called Adrian "diplomatically very well versed and experienced, dispassionate and purposeful in his government".[96] Adrian—"the pope of action", says Ullmann—was Papal theory "become eminently practical".[55] He was not, however, a dictator. Likewise, suggests the historian Christopher Tyerman, Adrian's new approach to drumming up support for a crusade in 1157 became "a pivotal feature of crusading from the reign of Innocent III onwards".[324] Innocent himself recognised the debt which he owed to Adrian's pontificate, argues Ullmann.[67] Innocent codified Adrian's changes to the Imperial coronation as official procedure.[112] Even the Besançon affair, suggests Ullmann, casts him in a positive light, and "by his dignified stand against Staufen attacks appears like a rock in comparison with the clamorous Germans".[153]
The period immediately preceding Adrian's pontificate, argues Malcolm Barber, was one where "even without a direct imperial threat, Roman feuds, Norman ambitions and incompetently led crusades could reduce grandiose papal plans to ashes".[56] The Papacy itself was one of permanent struggle and conflict, although scholars disagree as to the degree of culpability the papacy had for this. Duggan suggests that "no fair judgment should be reached without recognising the vulnerability" of the papacy itself. His policy, if he can be said to have one, she says, was shaped by events rather than shaping them.[54] Ullmann argues that there was "a perfect concordance between Adrian's symbolic actions and his acts of government".[325] Adrian and his pro-Scicillian cardinals, suggests Duggan, became scapegoats in 1159 for the subsequent conflict.[148]
Sayers describes Adrian IV as "a true son of the reforming papacy".[4] However, the Papal reform movement does not appear to have had faith that Adrian would carry out its program, as leading reformers of the day—such as Gerhoh of Reichersberg and Hildegard of Bingen, for example—sought the church's renewal other ways.[326] Chris Wickham credits Adrian with beginning the process by which the popes expanded their Patrimony. Adrian brought Rome brought back under firm Papal control[327]—with considerable success, argues Wickham,[328] and also expanded the Papal estate around the city, particularly in the northern Lazio region.[327]
Although his Papacy was shorter than either Eugenius III or Alexander III he bought more castles and lordships within papal jurisdiction than either of them, and in a more onerous political context.[329] He was also a tougher pope than his two immediate predecessors, says Wickham[330] and his was an "extremely formative" Papacy, says Sayers, and his policy of reform was a legacy taken up again by reforming popes of the 13th century.[4] His Papacy though, suggests Eden, was "fraught with political intrigue and conflict".[80] Adrian has been described as having "theocratic pretensions",[331] although it was also during his pontificate that the term "Vicar of Christ" became a common synonym for the Pope.[184]
Henry Summerson suggests that on his death, Adrian "left a high reputation", and quotes the Dictionary of National Biography in saying that he also became "something of a role model for later popes".[5] The scholar Michael Frassetto suggests that blame for the poor relations between Adrian and Frederick can be placed as much upon their advisors—Roland and Reinald specifically—who both "stressed principle over compromise".[332] Summerson also notes that although England provided no subsequent popes, relations between that country and the Papacy remained strong after Adrian's death and into the 13th century.[note 76] Adrian's generous treatment of St Albans also had repercussions. He had granted it privileges of such breadth and grandeur—which were confirmed by his successors—that they caused rancour and jealousy in the English church.[333]
Ullman suggests that it was Adrian who began the restoration of the
Nicholas Breakspear School in St Albans, England, built in 1963, is named in his honour.[334]
See also
Notes
- ^ Although the historian R. L. Poole speculates that Adrian may have been born many years later, as he was sent on a lengthy trip to Scandinavia in 1152, and, says Poole, "so onerous a task would hardly have been imposed on a man past middle age"[2]
- ^ The only reliable source closest to his own life is that by Cardinal Boso in the Liber Pontificalis, but, comments Brooke, "this is exceedingly terse on his early life", noting only his nationality and voyage to France for learning.[7]
- ^ Christopher Brooke also surmises that, with a surname such as "Camera", he was likely to have been a clerk.[14]
- ^ Richard may have been a married priest, as, during his son's later struggle with the Holy Roman Emperor, the latter asserted it was the case as a slur.[4] This was not unusual in the 12th-century church. The historian Anne Llewellyn Barstow says: "Despite six hundred years of decrees, canons, and increasingly harsh penalties, the Latin clergy still...lived with their wives and raised families. In practice, ordination was not an impediment to marriage; therefore some priests did marry even after ordination."[15] The practice was generally confined to lower orders, such as subdeacons, however, it may be that de Camera was one such.[16]
- ^ In English, St Rufus,[3] this was an important regional motherhouse.[20][21]
- ^ Eugenius may also have been an Anglophile, as it appears that he once told John of Salisbury "that he found the English admirably fitted to perform any task they turned their hand to, and thus to be preferred to all other races – except, he added, when frivolity got the better of them".[24]
- SS. Martino e Silvestro.[27]
- ^ Poole suggests that in the early-to-mid-portion of the 12th century, Merton was much favoured by John, Bishop of Séez, and it had been Bishop John who had appointed Robert Pullen to the Archdeaconry of Rochester; by 1149, Pullen was Papal Chancellor and, Poole suggests, listened favourably to the recommendation of Séez regarding Breakspeare, particularly as he was a fellow countryman.[2]
- Archbishopric of Tarragona. He also became an important advisor to Ramon Berenguer IV, Count of Barcelona.[29]
- ^ St Ruf's observances, suggests Egger, became popular with the Catalonian nobility as well as the church, so was "of no small advantage to the order".[36]
- ^ Breakspear was one of two English clerics who influenced Scandinavian Christianity at this time; the other was Henry, Bishop of Uppsala, who was originally from St Albans.[52]
- ^ However, the contemporary chronicler of 12th-century Popes Boso, noted that—notwithstanding the hostility of Rome to the Pope at this time—these elections were peaceful and unanimous, although Boso did describe the election of Eugenius III as taking place in "unexpected harmony".[58] Sicily, a Papal fief in name only, provided its theoretical Papal lords with neither status nor income.[59] Adrian's predecessor, Anastasia, had possessed a good grasp of the intricacies of Roman politics and had used his knowledge to maintain peaceful relations between all factions where possible.[12]
- ^ The Roman commune's idiosyncrasies included creating its own minuscule script, a unique dating system and its own seal and chancery. Wickham calls the Roman project both radical and unparalleled.[61]
- Abelard's at the cathedral school of Notre-Dame de Paris,[65] Arnold has been described by the ecclesiastic historian, Philip Schaff, an "unsuccessful ecclesiastical and political agitator, who protested against the secularization of the Church"[66] with what Ullman terms a "fiery call for a return to apostolic poverty", says Ullmann.[67]
- ^ The German historian Walter Norden argues that Manuel was
Hoping with the help of the papacy to rise to dominion over the west and thereupon over the papacy itself; the popes were dreaming with the support of the Comneni of becoming the masters of the Byzantine church and thereupon of the Byzantine Empire.[75]
- ^ A new pope would usually be elected in the Lateran, but this was currently holding Anastasius' body.[81]
- Third Lateran Council increased the required majority to two-thirds.[85]
- ^ Ullmann notes that this was "a somewhat unusual feature at the time, as many popes were not in orders at the time of their election".[81]
- ^ The Leonine City was built by Pope Leo III in the 9th century. It was located to the northwest of Rome, beyond the city walls; as such, it was officially outside the jurisdiction of the commune.[62]
- ^ During this period, the Norman Kingdom of Sicily comprised not just the island of Sicily, but most of Southern Italy—Apulia, Calabria and Longobardia—and Malta. Both the Papacy and the Holy Roman Empire also claimed the region.[90]
- ^ This was not only a spiritual punishment for the city; the drying up of the pilgrimage industry during Lent led to economic hardship.[citation needed]
- ^ The sources have not recorded the precise date of the meeting, but the 7th,[4] 8th or 9th of the month all seem most likely.[97]
- ^ The affair was presumably settled diplomatically, as Barbarossa accepted his crown from Adrian in spite of it, and yet the picture remained in the Lateran until at least the 16th century.[104]
- ^ The precise nature of these "old documents" remains unclear; it is possible that they were fragments of Constantine's "Donation".[107]
- ^ Both parties' perspectives were recorded subsequently by sympathetic chroniclers. That of the Empire recorded a meeting characterised by peace and harmony, while Boso describes a tense situation in which the honour of the Papacy was at stake.[100]
- ^ Not only was the Emperor anointed on the shoulder, rather than as previously, on the head, but Adrian introduced a lower-quality oil. He also altered the procedural order of the ceremony. Since 1014, Emperors were first consecrated by the cardinals and then anointed by the Pope, within the Coronation Mass itself. Adrian, however, decided that the anointing should come before the mass. Explains Ullmann, "the underlying reason being that only an ecclesiastical ordo was conferred during mass, but since the future emperor did not receive an ordo, the unction had to be performed before the mass".[112]
- ^ Adrian was deliberately rude to William, suggests the scholar Donald Matthew, for example referring to him as dominus (lord) of Sicily rather than as King. Boso later tried to conceal Adrian's role errors, claiming that it had been the fault of his cardinals.[121][122]
- Greek Orthodox churches, who "played important roles in the administration of the Norman kingdom", notes Duggan, "and Byzantine emperors had not yet abandoned hopes of re-establishing some control over the south".[123]
- ^ The coastal towns of Apulia had large Greek populations.[128]
- ^ Benevento was a Papal enclave inside Sicilian southern Italy, so Adrian was unable to escape easily.[138]
- ^ This did not apply to the mainland of Southern Italy, but, Barber points out, this was effectively the status quo in any case: Popes only entered the region four times between 1154 and 1189.[129]
- ^ These were greater powers than the Emperor enjoyed in his realm, and thus embittered relations between him and the Pope further.[141]
- ^ Duggan suggests that once he had been elected as emperor, all he needed was a puppet pope, and that Adrian's policy of keeping the papacy on an independent course, was an "intolerable provocation".[149]
- ^ The two parties used different terms to mean the same thing. Both originally used beneficium to mean a feudal holding. The church had begun using the term feudum a few years earlier; the Empire had not. It is, suggests Robinson, "difficult to believe" that the Curia had forgotten this.[151]
- ^ Who may have been Cardinal Roland, suggests Duggan.[154]
- ^ Besançon was an important Imperial town, being the capital of Upper Burgundy, and the Emperor's wedding celebration was attended by representatives of the crowned heads of Christendom; thus, notes Norwich, his falling out with the Pope was an exceedingly public one.[142]
- ^ Roland had been a student of Gratian and had gone on to teach at the University of Bologna; with Roland, comments Ullmann, "the dynasty of the great lawyer Popes was to begin".[156]
- ^ Eskil at the time was persona non grata in the Empire, and Freed suggests that Adrian—while never placing his thoughts on paper—"probably suspected Frederick of complicity in Eskil's capture as well as laxity in procuring his release".[160] Duggan suggests that it was wholly political, as Adrian's recent elevation of the Lund Archbishopric had "effectively detached the region from the ecclesiastical jurisdiction" of the Empire.[161]
- ^ Freed notes that beneficium had "three different meanings in the twelfth century: 'good deed', as Adrian pointed out in his conciliatory letter of June 1158; 'an ecclesiastical living', the modern English 'benefice'; and 'fief'".[172]
- Latinist Peter Godman has described Rainauld as "a fomenter of schism and despiser of the Church".[175]
- ^ The ecclesiastical historian Z. N. Brooke has argued that the difference in meaning, while subtle to modern ears, would have been plain to medieval observers; he suggests that "the significance of [Adrian's choice of words] might have escaped us, if we had not got the Emperor's violent protest against it".[180]
- ^ The basis of the Emperor's claims was, in Duggan's words, the belief that "virtually all civic administration was deemed to be derived from, and thus subject to, imperial authority".[185]
- ^ Bolton notes, though, that even before their own "loyal son" become Pope, abbots of St Alban's "did everything in their power to advance and promote the position of their house".[193]
- ^ The title of the grant came, as was traditional with Papal documents, from the opening words. In this case, the first sentence is[206][207]
Incomprehensibilis et ineffabilis diuine miseratio maiestatis nos hac providentie ratione in apostolice sedis administratione constituit... The incomprehensible and ineffable mercy of the Divine Majesty has established us in the apostolic see for this providential reason... - ^ This was the same basis for the Papacy's claim to precedence over the Holy Roman Empire, as the inheritor of the ancient Roman Empire in the West.[103] Laudabiliter was, however, the only time in the 12th century that the Donation was interpreted as allowing interference in foreign countries.[210]
- ^ This is compounded by the fact that no copy of Laudabiliter is extant.[212]
- King of Leinster, who, having been expelled from his lands, asked Henry for aid, who then "informed Pope Adrian of MacMurrough's suggestion and asked for permission to enter that land".[220]
- ^ Whilst at the same time making overtures to the Manuel I to formalise a trading treaty with Genoa.[228]
- ^ Eskil was a personal friend of Bernard of Clairvaux and had been responsible for originally introducing monasticism to Denmark and Sweden.[163]
- ^ Swein was also a vassal of the Holy Roman Emperor.[163]
- ^ Eventually the three provinces agreed on Uppsala as the centre of the proposed metropolitan, and Alexander III conferred it in 1164.[38]
- ^ This process involved Boso, as Chamberlain examining old rent books from the archives in the hope of discovering lost Papal dues,[243] and Adrian also ordered the keeping of more precise fiscal records,[92] which became the nucleus of the Liber Censuum.[244]
- ^ For example, a loan from Pietro Frangipane in 1158 of 1,000 marks, for which a number of Papal castles had been given as security, was not paid off until 1190.[246]
- ^ Wickhma argues this was Papal policy: "aristocrats in Rome had to resign themselves to having possession of their lands, not full property".[249]
- ^ He did however defer rather than deny the request for a crusade, as he intimated that, if his conditions were met—i.e. that western princes were invited to do so—he would then countenance their crusade.[259]
- allegorical animals.[272]
- ^ In an early letter, Theobald berates Adrian for sending a messenger who "has either betrayed his trust out of malice or lost them [Theobald's letters] through negligence or has falsely pretended that they were lost", and advises Adrian to "speak to your messenger at your good pleasure and, if it please you, give him instructions to carry out your business with greater caution and fidelity".[274]
- ^ This compares, however, to 713 from Alexander III's pontificate.[276][clarification needed]
- ^ Indeed, R. L. Poole has asserted that John had an illegitimate son, which he named Adrian in the Pope's honour, and that, had the child been a girl, he was going to name her Adriana.[199]
- ^ Boso also wrote vitae of Innocent II, Eugenius III and Alexander III.[283]
- Bishop of Chartres.[284] He was also a good friend to the English Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Becket, although there is no evidence, says Duggan, to suggest that he was either English or a nephew of Pope Adrian's, as Victorian historians believed.[285]
- ^ The gender historian James Boswell, writing in his Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality, emphasises, however, that this does not make them, in modern terminology, "latently homosexual", but rather that
John and Hadrian, who conceived of their love for each other in terms very like those used to describe the passion between the two kings, would have reacted somewhat differently to homosexual sentiments than modern churchmen, who would not describe their friendships with men in such terms".[287]
- Urban III.[71]
- ^ As the scholar Helen Birkett points out, the Pope to whom the original request was sent was not to be the one who approved it. This, Birkett argues, is an example of the Papacy being seen to make grants as an institution rather than as individual popes.[297]
- ^ The letter of the law, as expressed by Cardinal Pietro Senex in 1130 that "there must be no mention of the successor before the Pope is buried", was widely ignored.[157]
- ^ Between leaving Anagni and arrival in Rome the Cardinals agreed to either elect someone from within their number who was acceptable to all, or someone from outside the college if they could not.[290]
- ^ They were under instructions from the Emperor to either make peace with Adrian or, failing that, with the Roman commune.[298]
- ^ Anne Duggan, while acknowledging that there were a small number of cardinals who can be closely identified with either side, suggests that most of Adrian's officials were neither Imperialists or Sicilians.[302]
- ^ The Papal lands would effectively stay this way until the annexation of the Papal States in 1870.[312]
- ^ Not to be confused with the Antipapacy of Cardinal Gregorio Conti, who had previously taken the title Victor IV in 1138.[315]
- ^ Henry subsequently assumed that he had Alexander's backing vis a vis the English church as a quid pro quo for supporting his pontifical election. This was not, however, to be, and Alexander later condemned many of Henry's policies.[318]
- ^ Ullmann labels Henry II and Frederick I "classic examples of the reinvigorated royalist-lay ideology".[67]
- King John made the country a Papal fief in 1215.[5]
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Further reading
- Waddingham, R. A. J. (2022). Breakspear : the English pope. ISBN 9780750999540.
External links
- Enciclopedia dei Papi (Italian)