Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt
Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt September 14, 1901 – March 4, 1909 | |
Cabinet | See list |
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Party | Republican |
Election | 1904 |
Seat | White House |
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Library website |
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33rd Governor of New York
25th Vice President of the United States
26th President of the United States
First term
Second term
Post Presidency
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The presidency of Theodore Roosevelt started on September 14, 1901, when Theodore Roosevelt became the 26th president of the United States upon the assassination of President William McKinley, and ended on March 4, 1909. Roosevelt had been the vice president for only 194 days when he succeeded to the presidency. A Republican, he ran for and won by a landslide a four-year term in 1904. He was succeeded by his protégé and chosen successor, William Howard Taft.
A
In foreign affairs, Roosevelt sought to uphold the
- In foreign affairs, Theodore Roosevelt’s legacy is judicious support of the national interest and promotion of world stability through the maintenance of a balance of power; creation or strengthening of international agencies, and resort to their use when practicable; and implicit resolve to use military force, if feasible, to foster legitimate American interests. In domestic affairs, it is the use of government to advance the public interest. "If on this new continent," he said, "we merely build another country of great but unjustly divided material prosperity, we shall have done nothing."[1]
Historian Thomas Bailey, who generally disagreed with Roosevelt's policies, nevertheless concluded, "Roosevelt was a great personality, a great activist, a great preacher of the moralities, a great controversialist, a great showman. He dominated his era as he dominated conversations...the masses loved him; he proved to be a great popular idol and a great vote-getter."[2] His image stands alongside George Washington, Thomas Jefferson and Abraham Lincoln on Mount Rushmore. Although Roosevelt has been criticized by many for his imperialism stance, he is frequently ranked by historians among the top-five greatest U.S. presidents of all time.[3][4]
Accession
Roosevelt served as
Roosevelt announced:[7]
It shall be my aim to continue, absolutely without variance, the policy of President McKinley, for the peace and honor of our beloved country.
Roosevelt would later state that he came into office without any particular domestic policy goals. He broadly adhered to most Republican positions on economic issues, with the partial exception of the protective tariff. Roosevelt had stronger views on the particulars of his foreign policy, as he wanted the United States to assert itself as a great power in international relations.[8]
Administration
Cabinet
The Roosevelt cabinet | ||
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Office | Name | Term |
Truman Handy Newberry 1908–1909 | | |
Secretary of the Interior | Ethan A. Hitchcock | 1901–1907 |
James Rudolph Garfield | 1907–1909 | |
Secretary of Agriculture | James Wilson | 1901–1909 |
Secretary of Commerce and Labor | George B. Cortelyou | 1903–1904 |
Victor H. Metcalf | 1904–1906 | |
Oscar Straus | 1906–1909 |
Anxious to ensure a smooth transition, Roosevelt convinced the members of McKinley's cabinet, most notably Secretary of State
Root returned to the private sector in 1904 and was replaced by William Howard Taft, who had previously served as the governor-general of the Philippines.[16] Knox accepted appointment to the Senate in 1904 and was replaced by William Moody, who in turn was succeeded as attorney general by Charles Joseph Bonaparte in 1906. After Hay's death in 1905, Roosevelt convinced Root to return to the Cabinet as Secretary of State, and Root remained in office until the final days of Roosevelt's tenure.[17] In 1907, Roosevelt replaced Shaw with Cortelyou, while James R. Garfield became the new secretary of the interior.[18]
Press Corps
Building on McKinley's innovative and effective use of the press, Roosevelt made the White House the center of national news every day, providing interviews and photo opportunities.[19][20] Noticing the reporters huddled outside in the rain one day, he gave them their own room inside, effectively inventing the presidential press briefing.[21] The grateful press, with unprecedented access to the White House, rewarded Roosevelt with ample coverage, rendered the more possible by Roosevelt's practice of screening out reporters he did not like.[22]
Judicial appointments
Roosevelt appointed three
Roosevelt also appointed 71 other federal judges: 18 to the
Domestic policy
Progressivism
Roosevelt was deeply immersed in the ethos of the
insistence upon the public responsibility of large corporations; publicity as a first remedy for trusts; regulation of railroad rates; mediation of the conflict of capital and labor; conservation of natural resources; and protection of the less fortunate members of society.[31]
Trust busting and regulation
Public attention focused on the trusts—economic monopolies—typically blamed for raising inflation. Roosevelt seized the issue and became identified as the "trusty buster," although he typically wanted to regulate the trusts rather than break them up. In the 1890s many large businesses, most notoriously
First term
Upon taking office, Roosevelt proposed new federal regulation of trusts. As the states had not prevented the growth of what he viewed as harmful trusts, Roosevelt advocated the creation of a Cabinet department designed to regulate corporations engaged in
After the 1902 elections, Roosevelt called for a ban on railroad rebates to large industrial concerns, as well as for the creation of a Bureau of Corporations to study and report on monopolistic practices.[38] To pass his antitrust package through Congress, Roosevelt appealed directly to the people, casting the legislation as a blow against the malevolent power of Standard Oil. Roosevelt's campaign proved successful, and he won congressional approval of the creation of the Department of Commerce and Labor, which included the Bureau of Corporations.[39] The Bureau of Corporations was designed to monitor and report on anti-competitive practices; Roosevelt believed that large companies would be less likely to engage in anti-competitive practices if such practices were publicized. At Knox's request, Congress also authorized the creation of the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice. Roosevelt also won passage of the Elkins Act, which restricted the granting of railroad rebates.[40]
In March 1904, the Supreme Court ruled for the government in the case of
Second term
Following his election, Roosevelt sought to quickly enact a bold legislative agenda, focusing especially on legislation that would build upon the regulatory accomplishments of his first term. Events during his first term had convinced Roosevelt that legislation enacting additional federal regulation of interstate commerce was necessary, as the states were incapable of regulating large trusts that operated across state lines and the overworked Department of Justice was unable to provide an adequate check on monopolistic practices through antitrust cases alone.[43] Roused by reports in McClure's Magazine, many Americans joined Roosevelt in calling for an enhancement to the Elkins Act, which had done relatively little to restrict the granting of railroad rebates.[44] Roosevelt also sought to strengthen the powers of the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC), which had been created in 1887 to regulate railroads.[43] Roosevelt's call for regulatory legislation, published in his 1905 message to Congress, encountered strong opposition from business interests and conservative congressmen.[45]
When Congress reconvened in late 1905, Roosevelt asked Senator
After Roosevelt and Tillman were unable to assemble a bipartisan majority behind a bill that restricted judicial review, Roosevelt accepted an amendment written by Senator Allison that contained vague language allowing for court review of the ICC's rate-setting power.[49] With the inclusion of the Allison amendment, the Senate passed the Hepburn Bill in a 71-to-3 vote.[50] After both houses of Congress passed a uniform law, Roosevelt signed the Hepburn Act into law on June 29, 1906. In addition to rate-setting, the Hepburn Act also granted the ICC regulatory power over pipeline fees, storage contracts, and several other aspects of railroad operations.[51] Though some conservatives believed that the Allison amendment had granted broad review powers to the courts, a subsequent Supreme Court case limited judicial power to review the ICC's rate-setting powers.[50]
In response to public clamor largely arising from the popularity of
Seeking to bolster antitrust regulations, Roosevelt and his allies introduced a bill to enhance the Sherman Act in 1908, but it was defeated in Congress.[55] In the aftermath of a series of scandals involving major insurance companies, Roosevelt sought to establish a National Bureau of Insurance to provide federal regulation, but this proposal was also defeated.[56] Roosevelt continued to launch antitrust suits in his second term, and a suit against Standard Oil in 1906 would lead to that company's break-up in 1911.[57] In addition to the antitrust suits and major regulatory reform efforts, the Roosevelt administration also won the cooperation of many large trusts, who consented to regulation by the Bureau of Corporations.[58] Among the companies that voluntarily agreed to regulation was U.S. Steel, which avoided an antitrust suit by allowing the Bureau of Corporations to investigate its operations.[59]
Conservation
Roosevelt was a prominent
Roosevelt encouraged the
Roosevelt's policies faced opposition from both environmental activists like John Muir and opponents of conservation like Senator Henry M. Teller of Colorado.[66] While Muir, the founder of the Sierra Club, wanted nature preserved for the sake of pure beauty, Roosevelt subscribed to Pinchot's formulation, "to make the forest produce the largest amount of whatever crop or service will be most useful, and keep on producing it for generation after generation of men and trees."[67] Teller and other opponents of conservation, meanwhile, believed that conservation would prevent the economic development of the West and feared the centralization of power in Washington. The backlash to Roosevelt's ambitious policies prevented further conservation efforts in the final years of Roosevelt's presidency and would later contribute to the Pinchot–Ballinger controversy during the Taft administration.[68]
Labor relations
Roosevelt was generally reluctant to involve himself in labor-management disputes, but he believed that presidential intervention was justified when such disputes threatened the public interest.[69] Labor union membership had doubled in the five years preceding Roosevelt's inauguration, and at the time of his accession, Roosevelt saw labor unrest as the greatest potential threat facing the nation. Yet he also sympathized with many laborers due to the harsh conditions that many faced.[70] Resisting the more extensive reforms proposed by labor leaders such as Samuel Gompers of the American Federation of Labor (AFL), Roosevelt established the open shop as the official policy for civil service employees.[71]
In 1899, the
Roosevelt refrained from major interventions in labor disputes after 1902, but state and federal courts increasingly became involved, issuing
Civil rights
Although Roosevelt did some work improving race relations, he, like most leaders of the
After the highly controversial dinner with Washington, Roosevelt continued to speak out against lynchings, but did little to advance the cause of African-American civil rights. He reduced the number of blacks holding federal patronage.[79][80] In 1906, he approved the dishonorable discharges of three companies of black soldiers who all refused his direct order to testify regarding their actions during a violent episode in Brownsville, Texas, known as the Brownsville affair. Roosevelt was widely criticized by Northern newspapers for the discharges, and Republican Senator Joseph B. Foraker won passage of a congressional resolution directing the administration to turn over all documents related to the case.[81] The controversy hung over the remainder of his presidency, although the Senate eventually concluded that the dismissals had been justified.[82][83][84]
Panic of 1907
In 1907, Roosevelt faced the greatest domestic economic crisis since the
Roosevelt exploded in anger at the super-rich for the economic malfeasance, calling them "malefactors of great wealth." In a major speech in August entitled, "The Puritan Spirit and the Regulation of Corporations." Trying to restore confidence, he blamed the crisis primarily on Europe, but then, after saluting the unbending rectitude of the Puritans, he went on:[90]
It may well be that the determination of the government...to punish certain malefactors of great wealth, has been responsible for something of the trouble; at least to the extent of having caused these men to combine to bring about as much financial stress as possible, in order to discredit the policy of the government and thereby secure a reversal of that policy, so that they may enjoy unmolested the fruits of their own evil-doing.
Regarding the very wealthy, Roosevelt privately scorned, "their entire unfitness to govern the country, and...the lasting damage they do by much of what they think are the legitimate big business operations of the day."[91]
Tariffs
High tariffs had always been Republican Party orthodoxy. However, the western elements wanted lower tariffs on industrial products while keeping rates high on farm products. Democrats had a powerful campaign issue to the effect that high tariffs enriched big business and hurt consumers; they wanted to sharply lower rates and impose an income tax on the rich. Roosevelt realized the political dilemma and avoided or postponed the tariff issue for his entire presidency; it exploded under his successor and hurt Taft badly.[92][93] The tariff protected domestic manufacturing against foreign competition, and kept wages high in American factories, thus attracting immigrants. Its taxes on imports produced over one-third of federal revenue in 1901.[94] McKinley had been a committed protectionist, and the Dingley Tariff of 1897 represented a major increase in tariff rates. McKinley also negotiated bilateral reciprocity treaties with France, Argentina, and other countries in an attempt to expand foreign trade while still keeping overall tariff rates high.[92] Unlike all other previous Republican presidents, Roosevelt had never been a strong advocate of the protective tariff, nor did he place a high emphasis on tariffs in general.[95] When Roosevelt took office, McKinley's reciprocity treaties were pending before the Senate, and many assumed that they would be ratified despite the opposition of Aldrich and other conservatives. After conferring with Aldrich, Roosevelt decided not to push Senate ratification of the treaties in order to avoid an intra-party conflict.[96] He did, however, achieve some minor changes, such as reciprocal tariff treaties with the Philippines and, after overcoming domestic sugar interests, with Cuba.[97]
The issue of the tariff lay dormant throughout Roosevelt's first term,[98] but it continued to be an important campaign topic for both parties.[99] Proponents of tariff reduction asked Roosevelt to call a special session of Congress to address the issue in early 1905, but Roosevelt was only willing to issue a cautious endorsement of a cut in tariff rates, and no further action was taken on the tariff during Roosevelt's tenure.[100] In the first decade of the 20th century, the country experienced a period of sustained inflation for the first time since the early 1870s, and Democrats and other free trade advocates blamed rising prices on high tariff rates.[101] Tariff reduction became an increasingly important national issue, and Congress would pass a major tariff law in 1909, shortly after Roosevelt left office.[102]
Move to Left Center, 1907–1909
By 1907, Roosevelt identified himself with the "left center" of the Republican Party.[103][104] He explained his balancing act:
- Again and again in my public career I have had to make head against mob spirit, against the tendency of poor, ignorant and turbulent people who feel a rancorous jealousy and hatred of those who are better off. But during the last few years it has been the wealthy corruptionists of enormous fortune, and of enormous influence through their agents of the press, pulpit, colleges and public life, with whom I've had to wage bitter war."[105]
Growing popular outrage at corporate scandals, along with reporting of muckraking journalists like Lincoln Steffens and Ida Tarbell, contributed to a split in the Republican Party between conservatives like Aldrich and progressives like Albert B. Cummins and Robert M. La Follette. Roosevelt did not fully embrace the left wing of his party, but he adopted many of their proposals.[106]
In his last two years in office, Roosevelt abandoned his cautious approach toward big business, lambasting his conservative critics and calling on Congress to enact a series of radical new laws.
In January 1908, Roosevelt sent a special message to Congress, calling for the restoration of an employer's liability law, which had recently been struck down by the Supreme Court due to its application to intrastate corporations.[110] He also called for a national incorporation law (all corporations had state charters, which varied greatly state by state), a federal income tax and inheritance tax (both targeted at the rich), limits on the use of court injunctions against labor unions during strikes (injunctions were a powerful weapon that mostly helped business), an eight-hour work day for federal employees, a postal savings system (to provide competition for local banks), and legislation barring corporations from contributing to political campaigns.[111][112]
Roosevelt's increasingly radical stance proved popular in the Midwest and Pacific Coast, and among farmers, teachers, clergymen, clerical workers and some proprietors, but appeared as divisive and unnecessary to eastern Republicans, corporate executives, lawyers, party workers, and many members of Congress.[113] Populist Democrats such as William Jennings Bryan expressed admiration for Roosevelt's message, and one Southern newspaper called for Roosevelt to run as a Democrat in 1908, with Bryan as his running mate.[114] Despite the public support offered by Democratic congressional leaders like John Sharp Williams, Roosevelt never seriously considered leaving the Republican Party during his presidency.[115] Roosevelt's move to the left was supported by some congressional Republicans and many in the public, but conservative Republicans such as Senator Nelson Aldrich and Speaker Joseph Gurney Cannon remained in control of Congress.[116] These Republican leaders blocked the more ambitious aspects of Roosevelt's agenda,[117] though Roosevelt won passage of a new Federal Employers Liability Act and other laws, such as a restriction of child labor in Washington, D.C.[116]
States admitted
One new state, Oklahoma, was admitted to the Union while Roosevelt was in office. Oklahoma, which was formed out of Indian Territory and Oklahoma Territory, became the 46th state on November 16, 1907. The Oklahoma Enabling Act also contained provisions encouraging New Mexico Territory and Arizona Territory to begin the process of gaining admission as states.[118]
Foreign policy
Foreign-policy became a tug-of-war between Roosevelt and Secretary of State John Hay, one of the most prestigious Republicans of the older generation. Roosevelt garnered most of the publicity, but in practice Hay handled both routine and ceremonial affairs and had a strong voice shaping policy.[119][120] After Hay died in 1905, Roosevelt named Elihu Root as Secretary of State—Root had been serving as Secretary of War and was in turn replaced by William Howard Taft. Roosevelt personally handled all the major issues.[121] Apart from his close friend Sen. Henry Cabot Lodge, Roosevelt seldom dealt with senators on matters of foreign policy.[122][123]
Big Stick diplomacy
Roosevelt was adept at coining clever phrases to concisely summarize his policies. "Big stick" was his catch phrase for his hard pushing foreign policy: "Speak softly and carry a big stick; you will go far."[124] Roosevelt described his style as "the exercise of intelligent forethought and of decisive action sufficiently far in advance of any likely crisis."[125] As practiced by Roosevelt, big stick diplomacy had five components. First, it was essential to possess serious military capabilities that force the adversary to pay close attention. At the time that meant a world-class navy. Roosevelt never had a large army at his disposal. The other qualities were to act justly toward other nations, never to bluff, to strike only if prepared to strike hard, and the willingness to allow the adversary to save face in defeat.[126]
Great power politics
Victory over Spain had made the United States a power in both the Atlantic and the Pacific oceans. It was already the largest economic power. Roosevelt was determined to continue the expansion of American influence, stating in his 1905 Inaugural Address:
We have become a great nation, forced by the fact of its greatness into relations with the other nations of the earth, and we must behave as beseems a people with such responsibilities. Toward all other nations, large and small, our attitude must be one of cordial and sincere friendship. We must show not only in our words, but in our deeds, that we are earnestly desirous of securing their good will by acting toward them in a spirit of just and generous recognition of all their rights....No weak nation that acts manfully and justly should ever have cause to fear us, and no strong power should ever be able to single us out as a subject for insolent aggression.[127]
Roosevelt saw a duty to uphold a
To gain visibility in European affairs Roosevelt helped organize that Algeciras Conference that temporarily resolved the First Moroccan Crisis of 1905–1906. France and Britain had agreed that France would dominate Morocco, but Germany suddenly protested aggressively. Berlin asked Roosevelt to help and he facilitated an agreement among the powers in April, 1906. Germany gained nothing of importance but was mollified for a while until it instigated the even worse Agadir Crisis of 1912.[132][133]
Aftermath of the Spanish–American War
Philippines
Americans heatedly debated the status of the new territories. Roosevelt believed that Cuba should be quickly granted independence and that Puerto Rico should remain a semi-autonomous possession under the terms of the Foraker Act. He wanted U.S. forces to remain in the Philippines to establish a stable, democratic government, even in the face of an insurrection led by Emilio Aguinaldo. Roosevelt feared that a quick U.S. withdrawal would lead to instability in the Philippines or a takeover by Japan.[134]
The primary phase of the Philippine Insurrection was over by 1902 as most Filipino leaders had accepted American rule.[135] However, fighting between U.S. forces and pockets of lingering Filipino resistance continued for years, especially in the remote southern areas, where the Muslim Moros resisted American rule as they had resisted the Spanish, resulting in the Moro Rebellion.[136] To resolve religious tensions, and eliminate the last Spanish presence, Roosevelt continued the McKinley policies of buying out the Catholic friars and returning them to Spain (with compensation to the Pope).
Modernizing the Philippines was a high priority. He invested heavily in upgrading the infrastructure, introducing public health programs, and launching economic and social modernization. His enthusiasm shown in 1898–99 for colonies cooled off, and Roosevelt saw the islands as "our heel of Achilles." He told Taft in 1907, "I should be glad to see the islands made independent, with perhaps some kind of international guarantee for the preservation of order, or with some warning on our part that if they did not keep order we would have to interfere again."[137] By then the president and his foreign policy advisers turned away from Asian issues to concentrate on Latin America, and Roosevelt redirected Philippine policy to prepare the islands to become the first Western colony in Asia to achieve self-government; the Philippines held its first democratic elections in 1907, electing a Filipino-run legislature that was subject to an American Governor-General.[138] Though most Filipino leaders favored independence, some minority groups, especially the Chinese who controlled much of local business, wanted to stay under American rule indefinitely.[139]
The Philippines was a major target for the progressive reformers. A report to Secretary of War Taft provided a summary of what the American civil administration had achieved. It included, in addition to the rapid building of a public school system based on English language teaching:
- steel and concrete wharves at the newly renovated River Pasig,; streamlining of the Insular Government; accurate, intelligible accounting; the construction of a telegraph and cable communications network; the establishment of a postal savings bank; large-scale road-and bridge-building; impartial and incorrupt policing; well-financed civil engineering; the conservation of old Spanish architecture; large public parks; a bidding process for the right to build railways; Corporation law; and a coastal and geological survey.[140]
Cuba
While the Philippines remained under U.S. control until 1946, Cuba gained independence in 1902.
Puerto Rico
Puerto Rico had been something of an afterthought during the Spanish–American War, but it assumed importance due to its strategic position in the Caribbean Sea. The island provided an ideal naval base for defense of the Panama Canal, and it also served as an economic and political link to the rest of Latin America. Prevailing racist attitudes made Puerto Rican statehood unlikely, so the U.S. carved out a new political status for the island. The Foraker Act and
Military reforms
Roosevelt placed an emphasis on expanding and reforming the United States military.
Upon taking office, Roosevelt made naval expansion a priority, and his tenure saw an increase in the number of ships, officers, and enlisted men in the Navy.
Rapprochement with Great Britain
Britain was ending its long tradition of no allies, and was looking for friends. It concluded alliances with France and Japan and sought friendship with the U.S. in what was called "
Alaska boundary dispute
However, Canada raised an issue—it wanted to take over the part of Alaska that gave access to the Canadian gold fields. McKinley offered a lease but Canada demanded ownership. Technically the dispute was about the vagueness of the 1825 Treaty of Saint Petersburg. the United States had assumed Russian claims on the region through the 1867 Alaska Purchase. In January 1903, Washington and London agreed on a six-member tribunal, composed of American, British, and Canadian delegates, to finalize the border. Besides the three American delegates, the tribunal had two Canadian delegates, and Lord Alverstone, the lone delegate from Britain itself. To Canada's shock and horror, Alverstone joined with the three Americans in accepting the American claims in October 1903. The outcome of the tribunal improved relations between the United States and Britain, though many Canadians were outraged against London by the tribunal's decision.[160][161]
Venezuela Crisis and Roosevelt Corollary
In December 1902, an Anglo-German blockade of
In 1904, Roosevelt announced his Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine. It stated that Washington would intervene in the finances of unstable Caribbean and Central American countries if they defaulted on their debts to European creditors. In effect Roosevelt guaranteed their debts, making it unnecessary for European powers to intervene. They did not do so.[164]
A debt crisis in the
Panama Canal
Roosevelt sought the creation of a canal through Central America which would link the Atlantic Ocean and the Pacific Ocean. Most members of Congress preferred that the canal cross through Nicaragua, which was eager to reach an agreement, but Roosevelt preferred the isthmus of Panama, under the loose control of Colombia. Colombia had been engulfed in a civil war since 1898, and a previous attempt to build a canal across Panama had failed under the leadership of Ferdinand de Lesseps. A presidential commission appointed by McKinley had recommended the construction of the canal across Nicaragua, but it noted that a canal across Panama could prove less expensive and might be completed more quickly.[166] Roosevelt and most of his advisers favored the Panama Canal, as they believed that war with a European power, possibly Germany, could soon break out over the Monroe Doctrine and the U.S. fleet would remain divided between the two oceans until the canal was completed.[167] After a long debate, Congress passed the Spooner Act of 1902, which granted Roosevelt $170 million to build the Panama Canal.[168] Following the passage of the Spooner Act, the Roosevelt administration began negotiations with the Colombian government regarding the construction of a canal through Panama.[167]
The U.S. and Colombia signed the Hay–Herrán Treaty in January 1903, granting the U.S. a lease across the isthmus of Panama.[167] The Colombian Senate refused to ratify the treaty, and attached amendments calling for more money from the U.S. and greater Colombian control over the canal zone.[169] Panamanian rebel leaders, long eager to break off from Colombia, appealed to the United States for military aid.[170] Roosevelt saw the leader of Colombia, José Manuel Marroquín, as a corrupt and irresponsible autocrat, and he believed that the Colombians had acted in bad faith by reaching and then rejecting the treaty.[171] After an insurrection broke out in Panama, Roosevelt dispatched the USS Nashville to prevent the Colombian government from landing soldiers in Panama, and Colombia was unable to re-establish control over the province.[172] Shortly after Panama declared its independence in November 1903, the U.S. recognized Panama as an independent nation and began negotiations regarding construction of the canal. According to Roosevelt biographer Edmund Morris, most other Latin American nations welcomed the prospect of the new canal in hopes of increased economic activity, but anti-imperialists in the U.S. raged against Roosevelt's aid to the Panamanian separatists.[173]
Secretary of State Hay and French diplomat
East Asia
Russo-Japanese War
Russia had occupied the Chinese region of
Troubles with Japan
The American annexation of Hawaii in 1898 was stimulated in part by fear that otherwise Japan would dominate the Hawaiian Republic.[186] Likewise Japan was the alternative to American takeover of the Philippines in 1900.[187] These events were part of the American goal of transitioning into a naval world power, but it needed to find a way to avoid a military confrontation in the Pacific with Japan. One of Theodore Roosevelt's high priorities during his presidency and even afterwards, was the maintenance of friendly relations with Japan.[188]
In the late 19th century, the opening of sugar plantations in the Kingdom of Hawaii led to the immigration of large numbers of Japanese families. Recruiters sent about 124,000 Japanese workers to more than fifty sugar plantations. China, the Philippines, Portugal and other countries sent an additional 300,000 workers.[189] When Hawaii became part of the U.S. in 1898, the Japanese were the largest element of the population then. Although immigration from Japan largely ended by 1907, they have remained the largest element ever since.
President Roosevelt made sure there was a strategy to defend the islands against possible Japanese aggression, especially in 1907 when tensions were high. In June 1907 he met with military and naval leaders to decide on a series of operations to be carried in the Philippines which included shipments of coal, military rations, and the movement of guns and munitions.[190] The October 23, 1907 Puck magazine cover[191] shows President Theodore Roosevelt defending the nation of Japan from attack – Roosevelt is wearing a military uniform with the Japanese Imperial seal on his hat. He holds a rifle and confronts two rolled-up U.S. newspapers labeled the 'Sun' and 'World' who are also holding rifles and confronting Roosevelt – In the magazine caption, Roosevelt stated that the war talk predicting a future conflict between the U.S. and Japan was based entirely on these incendiary newspapers, which sought to increase their sales, and for that reason, these newspapers had attacked Roosevelt's representative Minister William Howard Taft, who Roosevelt had again sent to Tokyo to promote improved communications between their two nations. Much of the confrontation was sparked by racism shown against Japanese Americans living in California.[192]
Roosevelt saw Japan as the rising power in Asia, in terms of military strength and economic modernization. He viewed Korea as a backward nation and did not object to Japan's attempt to gain control over Korea. With the withdrawal of the American legation from Seoul and the refusal of the Secretary of State to receive a Korean protest mission, the Americans signaled they would not intervene militarily to stop Japan's planned takeover of Korea.[193] In mid-1905, Taft and Japanese Prime Minister Katsura Tarō jointly produced the Taft–Katsura agreement. Nothing new was decided but each side clarified its position. Japan stated that it had no interest in the Philippines, while the U.S. stated that it considered Korea to be part of the Japanese sphere of influence.[194]
Regarding China, the two nations cooperated with the European powers in suppressing the Boxer Rebellion in China in 1900, but the U.S. was increasingly troubled about Japan's denial of the Open Door Policy that would ensure that all nations could do business with China on an equal basis.
Vituperative anti-Japanese sentiment (especially on the West Coast) soured relations in the early 20th century.[195] President Theodore Roosevelt did not want to anger Japan by passing legislation to bar Japanese immigration to the U.S. as had been done for Chinese immigration. Instead there was an informal "Gentlemen's Agreement of 1907" between the foreign ministers Elihu Root and Japan's Tadasu Hayashi. The Agreement said Japan would stop emigration of Japanese laborers to the U.S. or Hawaii, and there would not be segregation in California. The agreements remained effect until 1924 when Congress forbade all immigration from Japan—a move that angered Japan.[196][197]
Charles Neu concludes that Roosevelt's policies were a success:
By the close of his presidency it was a largely successful policy based upon political realities at home and in the Far East and upon a firm belief that friendship with Japan was essential to preserve American interests in the Pacific ... Roosevelt's diplomacy during the Japanese-American crisis of 1906–1909 was shrewd, skillful, and responsible.[198]
China
Following the Boxer Rebellion, foreign powers, including the United States, required China to pay them indemnities as part of the Boxer protocol. In 1908, Roosevelt appropriated the U.S.'s boxer indemnity funds to pay for scholarships for Chinese students to study in the United States.[199]: 91 Tens of thousands of Chinese students studied in the United States on Boxer Indemnity Scholarships over the next 40 years.[199]: 91
Pogroms in Russia
Repeated large-scale murderous attacks on Jews—called a pogrom—in Russia in the late 19th and early 20th century increasingly angered American opinion.[200] The well-established German Jews in the United States, although they were not directly affected by the Russian pogroms, were well organized and convinced Washington to support the cause of Jews in Russia.[201][202] Led by Oscar Straus, Jacob Schiff, Mayer Sulzberger, and Rabbi Stephen Samuel Wise, they organize protest meetings, issued publicity, and met with Roosevelt and Secretary of State John Hay. Stuart E. Knee reports that in April, 1903, Roosevelt received 363 addresses, 107 letters and 24 petitions signed by thousands of Christians leading public and church leaders—they all called on the Tsar to stop the persecution of Jews. Public rallies were held in scores of cities, topped off at Carnegie Hall in New York in May. The Tsar retreated a bit and fired one local official after the Kishinev pogrom, which Roosevelt explicitly denounced. But Roosevelt was mediating the war between Russia and Japan and could not publicly take sides. Therefore, Secretary Hay took the initiative in Washington. Finally Roosevelt forwarded a petition to the Tsar, who rejected it claiming the Jews were at fault. Roosevelt won Jewish support in his 1904 landslide reelection. The pogroms continued, as hundreds of thousands of Jews fled Russia, most heading for London or New York. With American public opinion turning against Russia, Congress officially denounced its policies in 1906. Roosevelt kept a low profile as did his new Secretary of State Elihu Root. However, in late 1906 Roosevelt did appoint the first Jew to the cabinet, Oscar Straus becoming Secretary of Commerce and Labor.[203][204]
Elections during the Roosevelt presidency
Election of 1904
Before and during his presidency, Roosevelt built up a strong following within the Republican Party, but his re-nomination in 1904 was far from certain at the end of 1901.[205] Many expected Senator Mark Hanna, a confidante of former President McKinley, to win the party's 1904 presidential nomination.[206] Support for Hanna was especially strong among conservative businessmen who opposed many of Roosevelt's policies,[207] though Hanna lacked his own national organization, and even in his home state he was opposed by influential Senator Joseph Foraker.[208] Hanna and another prominent party leader, Matthew Quay of Pennsylvania, both died in 1904.[209] Other potential rivals for the 1904 Republican presidential nomination, including Leslie Shaw and Charles W. Fairbanks, failed to galvanize support for their candidacies.[205] At the 1904 Republican National Convention, Roosevelt secured his own nomination, but his preferred vice-presidential running mate, Robert R. Hitt, was not nominated.[210] Senator Fairbanks, a favorite of conservatives, gained the vice-presidential nomination.[209]
The Democratic Party's presidential nominee in 1904 was
Election of 1908 and transition
Roosevelt had mixed feelings about a third term, as he enjoyed being president and was still relatively youthful, but felt that a limited number of terms provided a check against dictatorship. Roosevelt ultimately decided to stick to his 1904 pledge not to run for a third term, and he threw his support behind a successor so as to avoid a potential pro-Roosevelt delegate stampede at the 1908 Republican National Convention. Roosevelt personally favored Secretary of State Elihu Root, but Root's ill health made him an unsuitable candidate. New York Governor Charles Evans Hughes loomed as a potentially strong candidate and shared Roosevelt's progressivism, but Roosevelt disliked him and considered him to be too independent. Instead, Roosevelt settled on his Secretary of War, William Howard Taft, who had ably served under Presidents Harrison, McKinley, and Roosevelt in various positions. Roosevelt and Taft had been friends since 1890, and Taft had consistently supported President Roosevelt's policies.[216] Many conservatives wanted to re-take leadership of the party from the progressive Roosevelt.[217] Senator Joseph Foraker, who like Taft was from Ohio, briefly emerged as the main conservative candidate for the GOP nomination.[218] However, Taft defeated Foraker's attempt to win control of the Ohio Republican Party and entered the convention as the strong favorite over Foraker, Hughes, and Senator Philander Knox.[219]
At the 1908 Republican convention, many chanted for "four years more" of a Roosevelt presidency, but Taft won the nomination after Roosevelt's close friend, Henry Cabot Lodge, made it clear that Roosevelt was not interested in a third term.[220] In a speech accepting the Republican nomination, Taft promised to continue the policies of Roosevelt, but as the campaign progressed he minimized his reliance on Roosevelt, and did not ask the president to publicly campaign for him.[221] The Democrats nominated William Jennings Bryan, who had been the party's presidential candidate in 1896 and 1900. Bryan, a populist Democrat widely regarded as a strong speaker, thought that Taft was a weak candidate and hoped that the public would tire of the Republican leadership the country had experienced since the 1896 election.[222] The platforms of the two parties differed little: both called for antitrust actions, railroad and labor regulations, and a revision of the tariff.[223] As election day approached, it became clear that Taft would retain the loyalty of Republican voters and win a wide victory over Bryan, who had failed to find a winning issue on which to campaign. Taft won 321 of the 483 electoral votes and 51.6% of the popular vote. Republicans also retained control of both houses of Congress. Roosevelt regarded the victory of his chosen successor as a vindication of his policies and presidency.[224] As he left office, Roosevelt was widely regarded as the most powerful and influential president since Abraham Lincoln.[225] Taft's decision to retain few members of Roosevelt's Cabinet alienated Roosevelt, although Roosevelt continued to support his successor throughout the transition period.[226]
Rhetoric of righteousness
Roosevelt's rhetoric was characterized by an intense moralism of personal righteousness.[227][228][229] The tone was typified by his denunciation of "predatory wealth" in a message he sent Congress in January 1908 calling for passage of new labor laws:
Predatory wealth—of the wealth accumulated on a giant scale by all forms of iniquity, ranging from the oppression of wageworkers to unfair and unwholesome methods of crushing out competition, and to defrauding the public by stock jobbing and the manipulation of securities. Certain wealthy men of this stamp, whose conduct should be abhorrent to every man of ordinarily decent conscience, and who commit the hideous wrong of teaching our young men that phenomenal business success must ordinarily be based on dishonesty, have during the last few months made it apparent that they have banded together to work for a reaction. Their endeavor is to overthrow and discredit all who honestly administer the law, to prevent any additional legislation which would check and restrain them, and to secure if possible a freedom from all restraint which will permit every unscrupulous wrongdoer to do what he wishes unchecked provided he has enough money....The methods by which the Standard Oil people and those engaged in the other combinations of which I have spoken above have achieved great fortunes can only be justified by the advocacy of a system of morality which would also justify every form of criminality on the part of a labor union, and every form of violence, corruption, and fraud, from murder to bribery and ballot box stuffing in politics.[230]
Historical reputation
Roosevelt was popular as he left office, and he remained a major world figure until his death in 1919. His own contemporaries viewed his presidency as influential; former Senator William E. Chandler wrote in January 1909 that Roosevelt "changed the course of American politics. We can never go back to where we were under Hanna."[231] After his death, Roosevelt was overshadowed by other figures, but the interest of historians and the American public in Roosevelt was reinvigorated after World War II. Historian John Morton Blum advanced the thesis that Roosevelt had been the first truly modern president, and many historians have argued that Roosevelt's presidency served as a model to his successors.[232]
Historian Lewis L. Gould summarizes the consensus view of historians, stating that Roosevelt was "a strong, effective executive whose policies foreshadowed the welfare state."[232] Gould also writes, "if Roosevelt fell short of the first rank of president, he qualified for that ambivalent rating of 'near great,' conferred upon him in the polls that historians take with each other."[233] A 2018 poll of the American Political Science Association ranked Roosevelt as the fourth greatest president in history, after George Washington, Abraham Lincoln, and Franklin D. Roosevelt.[234]
Roosevelt is generally viewed in a favorable light by
References
- ^ William H. Harbaugh, "Roosevelt, Theodore (27 October 1858–06 January 1919)" American National Biography (1999) online
- ^ Thomas A. Bailey, Presidential Greatness (1966) p. 308
- ^ "Impact and Legacy", Biography, American President, The Rector and Visitors of the University of Virginia, 2005, archived from the original on April 18, 2005, retrieved March 7, 2006.
- ^ "Legacy", T Roosevelt, PBS, archived from the original on April 17, 2004, retrieved March 7, 2006.
- ^ "The Swearing In of Theodore Roosevelt: September 14, 1901". Joint Congressional Committee on Inaugural Ceremonies. Archived from the original on April 26, 2017. Retrieved April 24, 2017.
- ^ "Theodore Roosevelt". Washington, D.C.: The White House. Retrieved April 25, 2017.
- ^ Wilcox, Ansley (1902). "Theodore Roosevelt, President" (PDF). National Park Service, United States Department of the Interior. Retrieved January 23, 2017.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 10–12.
- ^ Morris (2001) pp 9–10
- ^ Morris (2001) pp 22–23
- ^ Morris (2001) p. 62
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 13–15.
- ^ Morris (2001) p. 78
- ^ Gould 2011, p. 46.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 103, 122.
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 308–309
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 394–395
- ^ a b Gould 2011, p. 203.
- ^ George Juergens, "Theodore Roosevelt and the Press" Daedalus (1982): 113–133 online.
- ^ John M. Thompson, "Theodore Roosevelt and the press." in A Companion to Theodore Roosevelt (2011): 216–236.
- ^ Rouse, Robert (March 15, 2006). "Happy Anniversary to the first scheduled presidential press conference – 93 years young!". American Chronicle. Archived from the original on November 23, 2012. Retrieved November 11, 2008.
- ^ Rodger Streitmatter, "Theodore Roosevelt: Public Relations Pioneer: How TR Controlled Presidential Press Coverage." American Journalism 7.2 (1990): 96–113.
- ^ "U.S. Senate: Supreme Court Nominations: 1789–Present". Washington, D.C.: U.S. Senate. Retrieved March 25, 2017.
- ^ Richard H. Wagner, "A Falling Out: The Relationship Between Oliver Wendell Holmes and Theodore Roosevelt." Journal of Supreme Court History 27.2 (2002): 114–137.
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 313–314
- ^ Paul T. Heffron, "Theodore Roosevelt and the Appointment of Mr. Justice Moody." Vanderbilt Law Review 18 (1964): 545+. download.
- ^ Sheldon Goldman, "The age of judges." ABA Journal 73.12 (1987): 94–98 online.
- ^ Kirsten Swinth, "The Square Deal: Theodore Roosevelt and the Themes of Progressive Reform" History Now (The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, 2014) online
- ^ see George Mowry, The Era of Theodore Roosevelt and the Birth of Modern America, 1900–1912 (1954), ch. 1
- ^ see Lewis L. Gould, The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt. (2011), ch 1
- ^ Chessman, p 6
- ^ Morris (2001) pp 27–30
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 26–27.
- ^ Leroy G. Dorsey, "Theodore Roosevelt and corporate America, 1901–1909: A reexamination." Presidential Studies Quarterly (1995): 725–739. download.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 27–28, 31–32.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 37–38.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 45–50.
- ^ Morris (2001) p. 195–196
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 205–208
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 101–102.
- ^ McGerr (2003), p. 157
- ^ "The Supreme Court upholds Prosecution of the Beef Trust," in Frank N. Magill, ed., Great Events from History II: Business and Commerce Series Volume 1 1897–1923 (1994) pp 107–111
- ^ a b Gould 2011, pp. 145–146.
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 417–419
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 422–429
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 428–433
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 442–443
- ^ a b Gould 2011, pp. 155–156.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 156–157.
- ^ a b Gould 2011, pp. 158–159.
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 445–448
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 160–162.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 162–163.
- ^ Blum (1954) pp 43–44
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 272–274.
- ^ McGerr (2003), pp. 172–174
- ^ McGerr (2003), pp. 158–159
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 204–205.
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 477–478
- ^ Douglas Brinkley, Wilderness Warrior: Theodore Roosevelt and the Crusade for America (HarperCollins, 2009).
- ^ Morris (2001) pp 32–33
- ^ a b Gould 2011, pp. 191–192.
- ^ W. Todd Benson, President Theodore Roosevelt's Conservations Legacy (2003)
- ^ Douglas Brinkley, The Wilderness Warrior: Theodore Roosevelt and the Crusade for America (2010)
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 515–519
- ^ McGerr (2003), pp. 166–167
- ^ Gifford Pinchot, Breaking New Ground, (1947) p. 32.
- ^ McGerr (2003), pp. 167–169
- ^ Morris (2001) p. 131
- ^ Morris (2001) pp 31–32
- ^ Morris (2001) pp 271–272
- ^ McGerr (2003), pp. 118–125
- ^ Robert H. Wiebe, "The anthracite strike of 1902: A record of confusion." Mississippi Valley Historical Review 48.2 (1961): 229–251 online.
- ^ McGerr (2003), pp. 143–144
- ^ McGerr (2003), pp. 126, 138–142
- ^ a b Brands, TR (1999) pp 421–426
- ^ McGerr (2003), pp. 198–200
- ^ Takahiro Sasaki,. "The 'Tempest in a Teapot': The South and Its Reaction to the Roosevelt-Washington Dinner at the White House in October, 1901." The American Review (1986) 20: 48–67. download
- ^ Louis R. Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Wizard of Tuskegee, 1901–1915 (Oxford Univ. Press, 1983), vol 2 p 7.
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 455, 472
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 471–473
- ^ Morris (2001) p. 511
- ^ Mary Stuckey, "Establishing the rhetorical presidency through presidential rhetoric: Theodore Roosevelt and the Brownsville Raid." Quarterly Journal of Speech 92.3 (2006): 287–309 online.
- ^ Ann J. Lane, The Brownsville Affair: National Crisis and Black Reaction (1971).
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 495–496
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 112–113.
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 497–501
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 501, 504–505
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 270–272.
- ^ Theodore Roosevelt, The Works of Theodore Roosevelt: National Edition vol 16: American Problems (New York, 1926) p 84, speech of Aug 20, 1907. See "Document: Teddy Roosevelt (1907): The Malefactors of Great Wealth" online
- ^ Roosevelt to William Henry Moody, Sept 21, 1907, in Elting E. Morison, ed., The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt (1952) 5:802.
- ^ a b Gould 2011, pp. 23–24.
- ^ Paul Wolman, Most Favored Nation: The Republican Revisionists and US Tariff Policy, 1897–1912 (U of North Carolina Press, 2000).
- ^ Gould 2011, p. 35.
- ^ Gould 2003, p. 133.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 24–25.
- ^ Gould 2011, p. 104.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 25–26.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 60–61.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 141–142.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 32–33.
- ^ Gould 2003, pp. 174–175.
- Arthur Hamilton Lee. "To use the terminology of Continental politics, I am trying to keep the left center together." Elting E. Morrison, ed., The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt (1952) vol 6 p 875.
- ^ See Nathan Miller, Theodore Roosevelt: A Life (1992) chapter 21, "'To Keep the Left Center Together'" pp 463–82, covering the last two years of his presidency.
- ^ Roosevelt to Arthur Hamilton Lee, December 16, 1907, in Morrison, ed., The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt (1952) vol 6 p 874.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 150–152.
- ^ Miller, pp 463–82.
- ^ Gary Murphy, "Theodore Roosevelt, Presidential Power and the Regulation of the Market" in Serge Ricard, ed. A companion to Theodore Roosevelt (2011) pp 154–172.
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 430–431, 436
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 505–507
- ^ Brands, TR (1997) ch 21
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 235–236.
- ^ Mowry (1954)
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 508–509
- ^ Gould 2011, p. 270.
- ^ a b Morris (2001) pp. 510–511
- ^ Brands, TR (1997) ch 27
- ^ Donald P. Leopard, "Joint Statehood: 1906." New Mexico Historical Review 34.4 (1959): 2+ online
- ^ John Taliaferro, All the Great Prizes: The Life of John Hay, from Lincoln to Roosevelt (2014).
- ^ H. W. Brands, Bound to Empire: The United States and the Philippines (1992) p. 536.
- ^ Howard K. Beale, Theodore Roosevelt and the rise of America to world power (1956) pp 449–462.
- ^ Tyler Dennett, John Hay (1933), pp 421–429.
- ^ George E. Mowry, The era of Theodore Roosevelt (1958) p. 161.
- ISBN 9780880297684.
- ISBN 9780743201377.
- ISBN 9780313314933.
- ^ See "Inaugural Address of Theodore Roosevelt" (1905) online
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 167–168.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 71–72.
- ^ a b Gould 2011, pp. 72–73.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 81–82.
- ^ Raymond A. Esthus, Theodore Roosevelt and the International Rivalries (1970) pp 66–111.
- ^ Howard K. Beale, Theodore Roosevelt and the Rise of America to World Power (1955) pp 355–89.
- ^ Morris (2001) pp 24–25
- ^ Morris (2001) pp 100–101
- ^ Federico V. Magdalena, "Moro-American Relations in the Philippines." Philippine Studies 44.3 (1996): 427–438. online
- ^ H. W. Brands, Bound to Empire: The United States and the Philippines. (1992) p. 84.
- ^ Stephen Wertheim, "Reluctant Liberator: Theodore Roosevelt's Philosophy of Self-Government and Preparation for Philippine Independence," Presidential Studies Quarterly, Sept 2009, Vol. 39 Issue 3, pp 494–518
- ^ Ellen H. Palanca, "Chinese business families in the Philippines since the 1890s." in R.S. Brown, Chinese business enterprise in Asia (1995).
- ^ Andrew Roberts, A History of the English-Speaking Peoples Since 1900 (2008), p 26.
- ^ Morris (2001) pp 105–106
- ^ Morris (2001) p. 456
- ^ Morris (2001) p. 299
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 456–462
- ^ Morris (2001) p. 554
- ^ Herring, pp. 364–365
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 117–119.
- ^ Paul Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers (1987) p. 154, 203
- ^ Graham A. Cosmas, An Army for Empire: The United States Army and the Spanish–American War (1971)
- ^ James E. Hewes Jr. From Root to McNamara: Army Organization and Administration, 1900–1963 (1975)
- ^ a b Gould 2011, pp. 118–119.
- ^ Peter Karsten, "The Nature of 'Influence': Roosevelt, Mahan and the Concept of Sea Power." American Quarterly 23#4 (1971): 585–600. in JSTOR
- ^ Richard W. Turk, The Ambiguous Relationship: Theodore Roosevelt and Alfred Thayer Mahan (1987) online
- ^ Henry Pringle Theodore Roosevelt (1956) p. 288.
- ^ Carl Cavanagh Hodge, "The Global Strategist: The Navy as the Nation's Big Stick," in Serge Ricard, ed., A Companion to Theodore Roosevelt (2011) pp 257–273
- ^ Stephen G. Rabe, "Theodore Roosevelt, the Panama Canal, and the Roosevelt Corollary: Sphere of Influence Diplomacy," in Ricard, ed., A Companion to Theodore Roosevelt (2011) pp 274–92.
- ^ Gordon Carpenter O'Gara, Theodore Roosevelt and the Rise of the Modern Navy (1970)
- ^ Miller 1992, pp. 387–388.
- ^ Bradford Perkins, The Great Rapprochement: England and the United States, 1895—1914 (1968) online
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 79–81.
- ^ Thomas A. Bailey, "Theodore Roosevelt and the Alaska Boundary Settlement." Canadian Historical Review 18.2 (1937): 123–130.
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 176–191
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 75–76.
- ^ Frederick W. Marks III, Velvet on Iron: The Diplomacy of Theodore Roosevelt (1979), p. 140
- ^ Herring, pp. 371–372
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 26, 67–68
- ^ a b c Morris (2001) pp. 201–202
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 115–116
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 262–263
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 276–278
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 85–89.
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 282–283
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 293–298
- ^ Julie Greene, The Canal Builders: Making America's Empire at the Panama Canal (2009)
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 297–303, 312
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 320–321
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 202–203.
- ISBN 0-671-24409-4.
- ^ "This Day In History: 1906-Teddy Roosevelt travels to Panama". history.com. A+E Networks. Retrieved October 24, 2018.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 82–84.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 84–85.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 173–174.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 173–176.
- ^ Greg Russell, "Theodore Roosevelt's Diplomacy and the Quest for Great Power Equilibrium in Asia," Presidential Studies Quarterly 2008 38(3): 433–455
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 180–182.
- ^ William Michael Morgan, "The anti-Japanese origins of the Hawaiian Annexation treaty of 1897." Diplomatic History 6.1 (1982): 23–44.
- ^ James K. Eyre Jr, "Japan and the American Annexation of the Philippines." Pacific Historical Review 11.1 (1942): 55–71 online.
- ^ Michael J. Green, By More Than Providence: Grand Strategy and American Power in the Asia Pacific Since 1783 (2019) pp 78–113.
- ISBN 9780520048294.
- ^ Louis Morton, "Military And Naval Preparations for the Defense of the Philippines during the War Scare of 1907." Military Affairs (April 1949) 13#2 pp 95–104
- ^ "President Theodore Roosevelt and Prince Iyesato Tokugawa worked together to improve U.S. Japan relations and combat anti-Asian Racism". TheEmperorAndTheSpy.com. November 2019.
- ^ Katz, Stan S. (2019). The Art of Peace. Horizon Productions.
- ^ Howard K. Beale, Theodore Roosevelt and the Rise of America to World Power (1956)
- ^ Raymond A. Esthus, "The Taft-Katsura Agreement – Reality or Myth?" Journal of Modern History 1959 31(1): 46–51 in JSTOR.
- ^ Raymond Leslie Buell, "The Development of the Anti-Japanese Agitation in the United States," Political Science Quarterly (1922) 37#4 pp. 605–638 part 1 in JSTOR and Buell, "The Development of Anti-Japanese Agitation in the United States II," Political Science Quarterly (1923) 38#1 pp. 57–81 Part 2 in JSTOR
- ^ Carl R. Weinberg, "The 'Gentlemen's Agreement' of 1907–08," OAH Magazine of History (2009) 23#4 pp 36–36.
- ^ A. Whitney Griswold, The Far Eastern Policy of the United States (1938). pp 354–360, 372–379
- ^ Charles E. Neu, An Uncertain Friendship: Theodore Roosevelt and Japan, 1906–1909 (Harvard University Press, 1967), p. 319 online.
- ^ ISBN 9781501774157.
- ^ Taylor Stults, "Roosevelt, Russian Persecution of Jews, and American Public Opinion" Jewish Social Studies (1971) 33#3 pp 13–22.
- ^ Gerald Sorin, A Time for Building: The Third Migration, 1880–1920 (1995) pp 200–206, 302–303.
- ^ Alan J. Ward, "Immigrant minority 'diplomacy': American Jews and Russia, 1901–1912." Bulletin of the British Association for American Studies 9 (1964): 7–23.
- ^ Stuart E. Knee, "The Diplomacy of Neutrality: Theodore Roosevelt and the Russian Pogroms of 1903–1906," Presidential Studies Quarterly (1989), 19#1 pp. 71–78.
- ^ Ann E. Healy, "Tsarist Anti-Semitism and Russian-American Relations." Slavic Review 42.3 (1983): 408–425.
- ^ a b Gould 2011, pp. 122–123.
- ^ Morris (2001) pp 95–96
- ^ Morris (2001) pp 299–300
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 124–127.
- ^ a b Miller 1992, p. 437–438.
- ^ Brands 1997, p. 504.
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 339–340
- ^ Chambers 1974, pp. 215–217.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 135–136.
- ^ Brands 1997, pp. 513–14.
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 139–140.
- ^ Miller 1992, pp. 483–485.
- ^ Gould 2003, pp. 163–164.
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 506–507
- ^ Morris (2001) p. 520
- ^ Miller 1992, pp. 488–489.
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 533–536
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 528–529
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 534–535
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 537–539
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 554–555
- ^ Morris (2001) pp. 548–552
- ^ Leroy G. Dorsey, "Preaching Morality in Modern America: Theodore Roosevelt's Rhetorical Progressivism." in Rhetoric and Reform in the Progressive Era, A Rhetorical History of the United States: Significant Moments in American Public Discourse, ed. J. Michael Hogan, (Michigan State University Press, 2003), vol 6 pp 49–83.
- ^ Joshua D. Hawley, Theodore Roosevelt: Preacher of Righteousness (2008), p. xvii. excerpt. Josh Hawleyin 2019 became a Republican senator with intense moralistic rhetoric.
- ^ See also "The Independent (Feb. 6, 1908) p. 274 online
- ^ “Special message to Congress” January 31, 1908,” in Elting E. Morison, ed., The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt (Harvard UP, 1952) vol 5 pp. 1580, 1587; online at UC Santa Barbara, “The American Presidency Project”
- ^ Gould 2011, pp. 292–293.
- ^ a b Gould 2011, pp. 293–294.
- ^ Gould 2011, p. 295.
- ^ Rottinghaus, Brandon; Vaughn, Justin S. (February 19, 2018). "How Does Trump Stack Up Against the Best — and Worst — Presidents?". New York Times. Retrieved February 19, 2018.
- ^ Dalton 2002, pp. 4–5.
- ^ "Impact and Legacy", Biography, American President, The Rector and Visitors of the University of Virginia, 2005, archived from the original on 2005-04-18, retrieved 2015-03-15.
- ^ "Legacy", T Roosevelt, PBS, archived from the original on 2004-04-17, retrieved 2017-09-08.
Works cited
- Beale, Howard K (1956), Theodore Roosevelt and the Rise of America to World Power (standard history of his foreign policy). online
- Brands, H.W. T. R.: The Last Romantic (2001) excerpt, scholarly biography
- Brands, H.W. (1992), Bound to Empire: The United States and the Philippines, New York
{{citation}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link). - Brinkley, Douglas. Wilderness Warrior: Theodore Roosevelt and the Crusade for America (HarperCollins, 2009).
- Chambers, John W. (1974), Woodward, C. Vann (ed.), Responses of the Presidents to Charges of Misconduct, Delacorte Press, pp. 207–237, ISBN 0-440-05923-2
- Chessman, G Wallace (1965), Governor Theodore Roosevelt: The Albany Apprenticeship, 1898–1900, Harvard University Press, ISBN 9780674732933
- Dalton, Kathleen (2002), Theodore Roosevelt: A Strenuous Life (full scholarly biography), Knopf Doubleday Publishing, ISBN 0-679-76733-9.
- Gould, Lewis L. (2003). Grand Old Party: A History of the Republicans. Random House. ISBN 0-375-50741-8.
- Gould, Lewis L (2011), The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt (2nd ed.), University Press of Kansas, ISBN 978-0700617746
- Green, Michael J. By More Than Providence: Grand Strategy and American Power in the Asia Pacific Since 1783 (2019), pp 78–113.
- Herring, George (2008). From Colony to Superpower: U.S. Foreign Relations Since 1776. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0195078220.
- McGerr, Michael (2003). The Rise and Fall of the Progressive Movement in America. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0-684-85975-0.
- Miller, Nathan (1992), Theodore Roosevelt: A Life, William Morrow & Co, ISBN 978-0688132200
- ISBN 978-0394555096
- Neu, Charles E. An Uncertain Friendship: Theodore Roosevelt and Japan, 1906–1909 (1967) online
- Streitmatter, Rodger. "Theodore Roosevelt: Public Relations Pioneer: How TR Controlled Presidential Press Coverage." American Journalism 7.2 (1990): 96–113.
- Taliaferro, John. All the Great Prizes: The Life of John Hay, from Lincoln to Roosevelt (2014).
- Wiebe, Robert H. "The anthracite strike of 1902: A record of confusion." Mississippi Valley Historical Review 48.2 (1961): 229–251 online.
Further reading
- Berfield, Susan. The Hour of Fate: Theodore Roosevelt, JP Morgan, and the Battle to Transform American Capitalism (Bloomsbury, 2020).
- Burton, D. H. "Theodore Roosevelt and the Special Relationship with Britain" History Today (Aug 1973), Vol. 23 Issue 8, pp 527–535 online.
- Coletta, Paolo E. “The Diplomacy of Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft.” In American Foreign Relations: A Historiographical Review, edited by Gerald K. Haines and Samuel J. Walker, 91–114. (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1981).
- ISBN 978-0-674-94751-1.
- Cutright, P.R. (1985) Theodore Roosevelt: The making of a Modern Conservationist (U of Illinois Press.)
- Dorsey, Leroy G (1997), "The Frontier Myth and Teddy Roosevelt's Fight for Conservation", in Gerster, Patrick; Cords, Nicholas (eds.), Myth America: A Historical Anthology, vol. II, St. James, NY: Brandywine Press, ISBN 1-881089-97-5.
- Gould, Lewis L. Edith Kermit Roosevelt: Creating the Modern First Lady (2012) online
- Graff, Henry F., ed. The Presidents: A Reference History (3rd ed. 2002) online
- Greenberg, David. "Theodore Roosevelt and the image of presidential activism." Social Research 78.4 (2011): 1057–1088. online
- Hendrix, Henry J (2009), Theodore Roosevelt's Naval Diplomacy: The US Navy & the Birth of the American Century.
- Holzer, Harold. The Presidents Vs. the Press: The Endless Battle Between the White House and the Media—from the Founding Fathers to Fake News (Dutton, 2020) pp 93–117. online
- Juergens, George. News from the White House: The Presidential-Press Relationship in the Progressive Era (U of Chicago Press, 1981).
- Leuchtenburg, William E. (2015), The American President: From Teddy Roosevelt to Bill Clinton, Oxford University Press
- Murphey, William (March 2013), "Theodore Roosevelt and the Bureau of Corporation: Executive-Corporate Cooperation and the Advancement of the Regulatory State", American Nineteenth Century History, 14 (1): 73–111, S2CID 146629376.
- Ponder, Stephen. “Executive Publicity and Congressional Resistance, 1905-1913: Congress and the Roosevelt Administration’s PR Men.” Congress and the Presidency 13:2 (1986): 177–186.
- Pringle, Henry F (1931), Theodore Roosevelt (full scholarly biography). Pulitzer prize. online; 2nd edition 1956 is updated and shortened. 1956 edition online
- Redekop, Benjamin. "Embodying the Story: The Conservation Leadership of Theodore Roosevelt" in Leadership (2014) 12#2 pp 159–185. DOI: 10.1177/1742715014546875.
- Ricard, Serge (2006), "The Roosevelt Corollary", Presidential Studies Quarterly, 36 (1): 17–26, .
- Swanson, Ryan A (2011), "'I Never Was a Champion at Anything': Theodore Roosevelt's Complex and Contradictory Record as America's 'Sports President'", Journal of Sport History, 38 (3): 425–46, S2CID 159307371.
- Thompson, John M. Great Power Rising: Theodore Roosevelt and the Politics of US Foreign Policy (Oxford UP, 2019).
- Wimmel, Kenneth. Theodore Roosevelt and the Great White Fleet: American Seapower Comes of Age (Brassey's 1998).
Historiography and memory
- Collin, Richard H. "Symbiosis versus Hegemony: New Directions in the Foreign Relations Historiography of Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft." Diplomatic History 19.3 (1995): 473–497. online
- Cullinane, M. Patrick, ed. Remembering Theodore Roosevelt: Reminiscences of his Contemporaries (2021) excerpt
- Cullinane, M. Patrick. “The Memory of Theodore Roosevelt through Motion Pictures” in A Companion to Theodore Roosevelt, ed. Serge Ricard (Wiley Blackwell, 2011), 502–520.
- Dalton, Kathleen. "Changing Interpretations of Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressive Era." in A Companion to the Gilded Age and Progressive Era ed. by Christopher M. Nichols and Nancy C. Unger (2017) pp: 296–307.
- Gable, John. “The Man in the Arena of History: The Historiography of Theodore Roosevelt” in Theodore Roosevelt: Many-Sided American, eds. Natalie Naylor, Douglas Brinkley and John Gable (Interlaken, NY: Hearts of the Lakes, 1992), 613–643.
- Havig, Alan. "Presidential Images, History, and Homage: Memorializing Theodore Roosevelt, 1919–1967" Theodore Roosevelt Association Journal (Fall 2011) 32#4 pp 18–28.
- Hull, Katy. "Hero, Champion of Social Justice, Benign Friend: Theodore Roosevelt in American Memory." European journal of American studies 13.13-2 (2018). online
Primary sources
- Brands, H. W. The selected letters of Theodore Roosevelt (2001) online
- Hart, Albert Bushnell, and Herbert Ronald Ferleger, Theodore Roosevelt Cyclopedia (1941) online
- Morison, Elting E. ed. The letters of Theodore Roosevelt (8 vol Harvard UP, 1951–1954); vol 7 online
- The Complete Works of Theodore Roosevelt (2017) 4500 pages in Kindle format online for $1 at Amazon, primary sources