Pro-Beijing camp (Hong Kong)

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"Pro-Beijing camp" redirects here. For the political alignment in Macau, see Pro-Beijing camp (Macau).

Pro-Beijing camp
建制派
470 / 470 (100%)
NPC (HK deputies)
36 / 36 (100%)
CPPCC (HK members)
124 / 124 (100%)
Election Committee
1,447 / 1,500 (96%)
Pro-Beijing camp
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Qīnzhōngpài
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The pro-Beijing camp, pro-establishment camp or pro-China camp is a political alignment in

Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR).[5] Pro-Beijing politicians are labeled "patriots" by pro-Beijing media and "loyalists" by the rival pro-democracy camp.[6]

The pro-Beijing camp evolved from Hong Kong's pro-CCP faction, often called "leftists", which acted under the direction of the CCP. It launched the

pro-Kuomintang bloc. After the Sino-British Joint Declaration was signed in 1984, affirming Chinese sovereignty over Hong Kong from 1997, the traditional leftists realigned itself and unofficially formed a loose "United Front
" with the conservative pro-business elites to counter the emergence of the pro-democracy camp in the 1990s and ensure a smooth transition of the Hong Kong sovereignty in Beijing's interest.

Since the handover in 1997, the pro-Beijing camp has become the major supporting force of the Hong Kong government and maintained control of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong (LegCo), having the advantage of indirectly elected functional constituencies. Going into the 2010s, the pro-Beijing camp underwent a period of diversification in which different parties emerged and targeted different voters which resulted in steady increases of the support. With various positions on specific issues, the camp generally embraces conservative values politically, socially and economically, and Chinese nationalistic and patriotic sentiments. However, the unpopular SAR administrations and opposition to Beijing's policies toward Hong Kong have also caused the camp major losses in the 2003 and 2019 elections.

Names

The term "pro-Beijing camp" refers to the political alignment which supports the policies of the Beijing, where the seat of the

Government of the People's Republic of China
is. Therefore, "pro-Beijing camp" is sometimes referred to as "pro-China camp".

The faction in the pro-Beijing camp which evolved from the "traditional leftists" was also known as the "pro-communists" (親共人士), while the business elites and professionals who were appointed by the

pro-democracy camp
. In recent years, a more neutral term "pro-establishment camp" is regularly in use, especially in Chinese media.

Ideology

See also: Conservatism in Hong Kong
Pro-China rally during 2019–2020 Hong Kong protests

The pro-Beijing camp members are united by the political ideology of being closer to

Maoist conviction in the 1960s and 70s often hold a strong sentiment of patriotism and Chinese nationalism. They have had a years-long tradition of following the orders of the CCP, many of whom were also alleged underground members of the Communist Party.[citation needed
]

Amongst pragmatists, especially among the pro-business elites and tycoons who have been absorbed into Beijing's "United Front", have enjoyed political power and privileges, as well as economic interests, from the present political system and their close ties with the Beijing authorities. Some moderates also hope that in conceding on those issues on which China will not compromise, preserving as much as possible in the way of personal liberties and local autonomy can be achieved.[7]

The rhetoric of the pro-Beijing camp is mostly concerned with patriotism, social stability and economic prosperity. The pro-Beijing camp generally supports

democratic development in Hong Kong with the introduction of universal suffrage and see in it the creation of instability.[8]

History

Pro-CCP leftists

See also: United front in Hong Kong

The pro-Beijing camp evolved from the pro-CCP faction in Hong Kong which existed since the establishment of the CCP. The

1922 Seamen's strike, led by the Chinese Seamen's Union and the 1925–26 Canton–Hong Kong strike, led by various left-wing labour unions, were the two major Communist-related labour movements in the British colony of Hong Kong. During the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong, the Communist East River guerillas were active in the Pearl River Delta.[9]

The

Maoist elements remained strong in the universities and colleges throughout the 1970s, in which many of the pro-CCP university and college graduates became the backbones of the pro-Beijing camp today.[11][12]

Transition period

After the

first direct elections to the Legislative Council in 1991.[15]

The

Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office.[16] In 1994, a group of businessmen and professionals founded the Hong Kong Progressive Alliance (HKPA) under the direction of the New China News Agency.[17]

The

1995 Legislative Council election. The Beijing government argued that the electoral reform introduced by Patten had violated the Joint Declaration, and thus they would scrap the reforms upon resumption of sovereignty. In preparation, a parallel legislature, the Provisional Legislative Council
, was set up in 1996 under the control of pro-Beijing camp, and it introduced as the Legislative Council upon the founding of the new SAR government in 1997.

Early post-handover years

Since 1997, the pro-Beijing camp has never lost a majority in LegCo, controlling LegCo through a collaboration of the pro-Beijing groups with their support within the

District Council election.[21]

In 2005, veteran civil servant

New Territories West, narrowing the number of seats held in the geographical constituencies between pro-Beijing and pro-democrats to 17 seats and 18 seats respectively. The pro-Beijing camp retained control of the Legislative Council and the DAB remained the largest party with 13 seats in total.[24]

Since the late 2000s, the pro-Beijing camp has expanded its spectrum of support from pro-business elites and traditional leftists to those from a broader background. The former

Liaison Office
, which was viewed growing influence in Hong Kong's domestic affairs. On the other hand, the FTU, which operated as the sister organisation of the DAB, began to run under its own banner, taking a more pro-labour and pro-grassroots stance as compared to the DAB's big-tent position.

2012 Chief Executive election and aftermath

Two pro-Beijing candidates ran for the

Chief Executive election in 2012, with the Chief Secretary Henry Tang and the Convenor of the Executive Council, Leung Chun-ying
using scandals, dirty tactics and smears on each other. With fierce competition deeply dividing the pro-Beijing camp into the Tang camp and the Leung camp, Leung eventually won the election with the support of the Liaison Office. After the election, Beijing called for a reconciliation of the two camps.

In late 2012, some pro-Leung advocacy groups with the allegations of Beijing's financial supports began to emerge such as

2016 Legislative Council elections, the pro-democrats and localists scored better-than expected victories over the pro-Beijing camp. In December 2016, Leung Chun-ying announced he would not seek re-election.[27]

The two top officials,

Election Committee, while Tsang struggled to get enough nominations from the pro-Beijing electors and had to rely on the pro-democracy camp. Lam went on to win the election with 777 votes, beating Tsang's 365 votes and retired judge Woo Kwok-hing's 21 votes.[28]

The pro-Beijing camp formed a united front in the

Yiu Chung-yim who was disqualified from the Legislative Council in the oath-taking controversy, becoming the first pro-Beijing candidate to win in a single-member district election since the handover.[29]

Convenor

Convenor of the pro-Beijing camp is also known as the "class monitor" by the local media. The convenor usually speaks on behalf of the camp, co-ordinates the camp on communication and voting (similar to whipping),[30] and draws up the duty roster to avoid quorum not met.

Political parties

Evolution of parties

FTU
FEW
FLUPHKSG89
Breakfast
DABLiberal
HKPA
NCF
Alliance
ESPFKWND
NPPPP
BPA
RoundtableNPHK
Pro-labourPro-labourPro-labourPro-grassrootsPro-middle-classPro-middle-classPro-businessPro-businessPro-businessDistrict-basedDistrict-basedNew HKers

Advocacy groups

Following the election of

CY Leung as Chief Executive of Hong Kong, public discontent manifested itself in the form of mass petitions, rallies and demonstrations, so much so that it seemed that a plurality of the Hong Kong public was anti-Leung. In late 2012 pro-Leung advocacy groups began to emerge such as Voice of Loving Hong Kong, Caring Hong Kong Power and Hong Kong Youth Care Association, the fact that all these groups feature the Chinese character for love in the names has led to these groups to be called the "love Hong Kong faction" (愛字派; 'love character faction'). The word love in this context is taken from the lexicon of political debate in mainland China, were the slogan "Love China, Love the Party
", is seen as the basis of patriotism, and the demand that any future Chief Executive of Hong Kong must "Love China, Love Hong Kong" (愛國愛港).

These supposedly grassroots organisations present themselves as being a spontaneous reaction to the excesses of the pan-democracy camp, as Hong Kong's

harmonious society and who reject the "social violence" of the pan-democrats. Describing themselves as apolitical and independent of outside powers, these groups use various tactics to counter the pan-democrats, including counter rallies and marches in opposition to pan-democrat ones, counter petitions, and making accusations of campaign fund fraud and irregularities against pan-democrat politicians to the Independent Commission Against Corruption.[38] They also make use of mass heckling at pan-democracy forums to silence debate.[39]

Outside commentators suspect that these groups are orchestrated by China's

hometown societies being paid to do the same.[40]

During the 2014 Hong Kong protests, on mid-October 2014, the "love Hong Kong faction" took to wearing a blue ribbon as a counter to the protesters yellow one. It is alleged that it is the "love Hong Kong faction" that has organised counter protests and who attempted to charge through pan-democracy protesters in Causeway Bay.

During the

2019–20 Hong Kong protests, Safeguard Hong Kong Alliance and Politihk Social Strategic
have organised protests either in support of the government's extradition bill or the Hong Kong Police.

Alleged Triad involvement

During the

2012 Chief Executive election campaign, Leung's campaign officers were seen attending a dinner in Lau Fau Shan with Kwok Wing-hung, nicknamed “Shanghai Boy”, an alleged former leader of the local triad Wo Shing Wo. The content of the meeting remained unknown to the public.[41]

In a town hall meeting on 11 August 2013 in Tin Shui Wai, where Leung attended, some thug-like supporters of Leung allegedly provoked and beat up protesters. Leung Che-cheung, chairman of the New Territories Association of Societies (NTAS) and Legislative Council member of the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB) who hosted the town hall meeting invited a group of triad-related individuals to a dinner party and called in supporters to support Leung prior to the meeting. Tang Sui-man, also known as "Four Eyes Man", representative of the villagers from Wang Toi Shan Ho Lik Pui Tsuen, Tsang Shu-wo, also known as "Tall Man Wo", chairman of Ping Shan Heung Rural Committee and a number of powerful triad related individuals were called into action.

During the 2014 Hong Kong protests, the armed anti-Occupy protesters beat up Occupy protesters in the Mong Kok occupation site. The student protesters accused the government and the police of allowing gangs to attack them as there was no uniformed police in the scene during the event. Democratic Party legislator James To also accused that "the [Hong Kong] government has used organised, orchestrated forces and even triad gangs in [an] attempt to disperse citizens."[42]

During the

2019 Hong Kong protests, a mob of over 100 armed men dressed in white indiscriminately attacked civilians on the streets and passengers in the Yuen Long MTR station on 21 July[43][44] including the elderly, children,[45] black-clad protesters,[46] journalists and lawmakers.[47] At least 45 people were injured in the incident,[48] including a pregnant woman.[49] Pro-Beijing legislator Junius Ho was seen in various videos posted online greeting the white-clothed group of assailants, shaking their hands and calling the suspected gangsters "heroes", giving them thumbs-up and saying to them "thank you for your hard work." At least one of the white-clothed men who shook hands with Ho has been shown to have been inside Yuen Long Station during the attacks.[50][51]

Electoral performance

Chief Executive elections

Election 1st Candidate Party Votes % 2nd Candidate Party Votes % 3rd Candidate Party Votes %
1996 Tung Chee-hwa
Nonpartisan
 320 80.40 Yang Ti-liang
Nonpartisan
 42 10.55 Peter Woo
Nonpartisan
 36 9.05
2002 Tung Chee-hwa
Nonpartisan
 Uncontested
2005 Donald Tsang
Nonpartisan
 Uncontested
2007 Donald Tsang
Nonpartisan
 649 84.07
2012 Leung Chun-ying
Nonpartisan
 689 66.81 Henry Tang
Nonpartisan
 285 27.14
2017 Carrie Lam
Nonpartisan
 777 65.62 John Tsang[52]
Nonpartisan
 365 31.38
2022 John Lee
Nonpartisan
 1,416 99.44

Legislative Council elections

Election Number of
popular votes 		% of
popular votes 		GC
seats 		FC
seats 		EC
seats 		Total seats +/− Status
1998
 449,668Steady 30.38Steady 5 25 10
40 / 60
 — Majority
2000
 461,048Increase 34.94Increase 8 25 6
39 / 60
 0Steady Majority
2004
 661,972Increase 37.40Increase 12 23
35 / 60
 4Decrease Majority
2008
 602,468Decrease 39.75Increase 11 26
37 / 60
 3Increase Majority
2012
 772,487Increase 42.66Increase 17 26
43 / 70
 6Increase Majority
2016
 871,016Increase 40.17Decrease 16 24
40 / 70
 3Decrease Majority
2021 1,232,555Increase 93.15Increase 20 29 40
89 / 90
 49Increase Majority

District Council elections

Election Number of
popular votes 		% of
popular votes 		Total
elected seats 		+/-
1999
 443,441Steady 54.69Steady
232 / 390
 22Increase
2003
 489,889Increase 46.48Decrease
201 / 400
 28Decrease
2007
 614,621Increase 53.98Increase
273 / 405
 61Increase
2011
 654,368Increase 55.42Increase
301 / 412
 23Increase
2015
 788,389Increase 54.61Decrease
298 / 431
 6Decrease
2019 1,233,030Increase 42.06Decrease
62 / 452
 242Decrease

See also

References

  1. ^ Ma, Ngok (2007). Political Development in Hong Kong: State, Political Society, and Civil Society. Hong Kong University Press. p. 41.
  2. ^ Joseph Y. S. Cheng; Yushuo Zheng (2014). New Trends of Political Participation in Hong Kong. City University of Hong Kong Press. p. 193.
  3. ^ Edward Vickers (2004). In Search of an Identity: The Politics of History Teaching in Hong Kong, 1960s-2000. Routledge. p. 2.
  4. ^ Lee, Eliza Wing-Yee (2011). Gender and Change in Hong Kong: Globalization, Postcolonialism, and Chinese Patriarchy. UBC Press. p. 71.
  5. ^ "为"反对派"正名之"疑惑篇"". Ta Kung Pao. 13 January 2014. Archived from the original on 2 February 2017. Retrieved 21 January 2017.
  6. ^ Hackler, Darrene L. (2006). Crisis and Transformation in China's Hong Kong. M.E. Sharpe. p. 142.
  7. OCLC 607440705
    .
  8. ^ Davies, Stephen; Roberts, Elfed (1990). Political Dictionary for Hong Kong. Macmillan Publishers. pp. 181–2.
  9. OCLC 995322556. Archived
    from the original on 26 June 2020. Retrieved 26 June 2020.
  10. ^ Irwin, Lewis G. (2003). The Policy Analyst's Handbook: Rational Problem Solving in a Political World. M.E. Sharpe. p. 69.
  11. ^ Felber, Roland; Grigoriev, A.M.; Leutner, Mechthild; et al., eds. (2013). The Chinese Revolution in the 1920s: Between Triumph and Disaster. Routledge. pp. 213–5.
  12. ^ Chiu, Stephen Wing Kai; Lui, Tai Lok (2000). The Dynamics of Social Movements in Hong Kong: Real and Financial Linkages and the Prospects for Currency Union. Hong Kong University Press. p. 215.
  13. OCLC 995322556. Archived
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  14. ^ "Who is BPF?". The Business and Professionals Federation of Hong Kong. Archived from the original on 5 March 2016. Retrieved 29 May 2017.
  15. ^ Chan, Ming K. (1997). The Challenge of Hong Kong's Reintegration with China: Modern Diasporic Femininity. Hong Kong University Press. p. 58.
  16. ^ Cheng, Joseph Yu-shek; Brosseau, Maurice (1993). China Review 1993. Chinese University Press. p. 10.8.
  17. OCLC 995322556. Archived
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  18. ^ Chan, Ming K. (1997). The Challenge of the Reintegration with China. Hong Kong University Press. p. 51.
  19. ^ Ash, Robert (2003). Hong Kong in Transition: One Country, Two Systems. Routledge. p. 4.
  20. ^ South China Morning Post, 2 July 2003
  21. ^ "【蘋話當年】2003年民建聯區選大敗 曾鈺成辭任主席". Apple Daily. 24 November 2014. Archived from the original on 5 July 2017. Retrieved 29 May 2017.
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  23. ^ "Pro-Beijing Parties Sweep Hong Kong District Polls". Jakarta Globe. Archived from the original on 4 February 2013. Retrieved 20 November 2011.
  24. ^ "DAB fares best taking 13 seats thanks vote splitting tactic". South China Morning Post. 11 September 2012. Archived from the original on 13 September 2012. Retrieved 21 September 2012.
  25. ^ Yan, Cathy (8 January 2011). "Hong Kong's Ip Launches Political Party". Wall Street Journal. Archived from the original on 10 February 2020. Retrieved 17 January 2011. Joining Ms Ip as deputy chairmen are former Liberal Party member Michael Tien and Louis Shih, former chairman of the pro-democracy organization SynergyNet.
  26. ^ James Tien faces CPPCC expulsion Archived 28 October 2014 at the Wayback Machine, RTHK, 28 October 2014
  27. ^ Haas, Benjamin (9 December 2016). "Hong Kong's divisive leader to step down amid political crisis". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 24 January 2017. Retrieved 21 January 2017.
  28. ^ "2017 Chief Executive Election Results". Electoral Affairs Commission. Archived from the original on 29 April 2018. Retrieved 29 April 2018.
  29. ^ "Hong Kong democrats to rely on legal appeals after failing to win back Legco veto foothold". South China Morning Post. 12 March 2018. Archived from the original on 16 March 2018. Retrieved 17 March 2018.
  30. ^ 陳嘉洛, 林劍 (21 September 2020). "專訪｜建制派的局限與矛盾 廖長江：不盲撐政府 但總不能割席". 香港01 (in Chinese (Hong Kong)). Retrieved 10 February 2022.
  31. ^ 頭條日報 (5 January 2022). "專欄｜立會正副班長或成「大佬會」統籌決定". 頭條日報 Headline Daily (in Chinese). Retrieved 10 February 2022.
  32. ^ a b "建制派「班長」 為何廖長江接任？ - 香港經濟日報 - 報章 - 政治". paper.hket.com. Retrieved 10 February 2022.
  33. ^ "葉國謙留任建制派「班長」 - 東方日報". orientaldaily.on.cc. Retrieved 10 February 2022.
  34. ^ 香港01記者 (13 March 2016). "【政情】「班長」一職懸空多時 重複投票暴露建制派欠隊型". 香港01 (in Chinese (Hong Kong)). Retrieved 10 February 2022.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  35. ^ 評論編輯室 (30 October 2019). "【區選前瞻】西貢區山頭林立 「撞區」全因無大台？". 香港01 (in Chinese (Hong Kong)). Archived from the original on 9 December 2019. Retrieved 19 November 2019.
  36. ^ "LIHKG". LIHKG 討論區. Archived from the original on 9 December 2019. Retrieved 19 November 2019.
  37. ^ "區議會選舉候選人及區議員資料庫 - 選區事實處". hkfactcheck.io. Archived from the original on 9 December 2019. Retrieved 19 November 2019.
  38. ^ "Group files donation complaint to ICAC". RTHK. 24 July 2014. Archived from the original on 17 December 2014. Retrieved 17 December 2014.
  39. ^ "Hecklers disrupt democracy forum". RTHK. 7 April 2014. Archived from the original on 9 October 2014. Retrieved 6 October 2014.
  40. ^ Torode, Greg; Pomfret, james; Lim, Benjamin (4 July 2014). "The battle for Hong Kong's soul". Taipei Times. Archived from the original on 14 October 2014. Retrieved 9 October 2014.
  41. ^ "Who asked Mr Kwok to dinner?". South China Morning Post. 11 March 2012. Archived from the original on 29 April 2018. Retrieved 5 July 2017.
  42. ^ "Hong Kong legislator says government using triads against protesters". The Guardian. 4 October 2014. Archived from the original on 8 February 2015. Retrieved 5 July 2017.
  43. ^ "'Where were the police?' Hong Kong outcry after masked thugs launch attack". The Guardian. 22 July 2019. Archived from the original on 22 July 2019. Retrieved 23 July 2019.
  44. Channel NewsAsia. 22 July 2019. Archived
    from the original on 23 July 2019. Retrieved 23 July 2019.
  45. ^ "How marauding gang dressed in white struck fear into Yuen Long". South China Morning Post. Hong Kong. 23 July 2019. Archived from the original on 23 July 2019. Retrieved 23 July 2019.
  46. ^ Leung, Christy; Ting, Victor (22 July 2019). "Police chief defends 'late' force response to mob violence in Yuen Long". South China Morning Post. Hong Kong. Archived from the original on 22 July 2019. Retrieved 23 July 2019.
  47. ^ Cheng, Kris (22 July 2019). "Chaos and bloodshed in Hong Kong district as hundreds of masked men assault protesters, journalists, residents". Hong Kong Free Press (HKFP). Archived from the original on 22 July 2019. Retrieved 23 July 2019.
  48. ^ At least 45 injured as rod-wielding mob dressed in white rampages through Yuen Long MTR station, beating screaming protesters Archived 22 July 2019 at the Wayback Machine – South China Morning Post
  49. ^ 【元朗襲擊】白裙女懷孕不足3個月沒通知醫院 診所求醫證胎平安 (22:46). online "instant news". Ming Pao. Hong Kong: Media Chinese International. 23 July 2019. Archived from the original on 24 July 2019. Retrieved 23 July 2019.
  50. ^ 【無警時份】何君堯向元朗白衣人鼓掌豎拇指：你哋係我嘅英雄. "real time news" section. Apple Daily (in Chinese (Hong Kong)). Hong Kong: Next Digital. 21 July 2019. Archived from the original on 21 July 2019. Retrieved 21 July 2019.
  51. ^ Cheng, Kris (22 July 2019). "Chaos and bloodshed in Hong Kong district as hundreds of masked men assault protesters, journalists, residents". Hong Kong Free Press. Archived from the original on 22 July 2019. Retrieved 21 July 2019.
  52. ^ Note: Most of the nominees and support are pro-democrats.
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