Desegregation busing
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Desegregation busing (also known simply as busing or integrated busing or by its critics as forced busing) was a failed attempt to diversify the racial make-up of schools in the United States by sending students to school districts other than their own.
Busing met considerable opposition from both white and black people.
History
Before World War II
Prior to
After World War II
The origins of desegregation busing can be traced back to two major developments that occurred in the United States during the 1940s and 1950s.
Black population shift
Starting in 1940, the
Legal rulings
At the same time, the
The momentum continued with two additional Supreme Court decisions aimed at implementation. In 1968, the Warren Court in Green v. County School Board of New Kent County, rejected a freedom of choice plan. The Court ordered the county to desegregate immediately and eliminate racial discrimination "root and branch".[7] Then in 1971, the Burger Court in Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education ruled that the school district must achieve racial balance even if it meant redrawing school boundaries and the use of busing as a legal tool. The impact of Green and Swann served to end all remnants of de jure segregation in the South. However, the consequence of the Swann decision ushered in new forms of resistance in subsequent decades. The decision failed to address de facto segregation.
Consequently, despite being found "inherently unequal" in Brown v. Board of Education, by the late 1960s public schools remained de facto segregated in many cities because of demographic patterns, school district lines being intentionally drawn to segregate the schools racially, and, in some cases, due to conscious efforts to send black children to inferior schools.
A federal court found that in Boston, schools were constructed and school district lines drawn intentionally to segregate the schools racially. In the early 1970s, a series of court decisions found that the racially imbalanced schools trampled the rights of minority students. As a remedy, courts ordered the racial integration of school districts within individual cities, sometimes requiring the racial composition of each individual school in the district to reflect the composition of the district as a whole. This was generally achieved by transporting children by school bus to a school in a different area of the district.
The judge who instituted the Detroit busing plan said that busing "is a considerably safer, more reliable, healthful and efficient means of getting children to school than either carpools or walking, and this is especially true for younger children".[5] He, therefore, included kindergarten children in the busing scheme: "Transportation of kindergarten children for upwards of forty-five minutes, one-way, does not appear unreasonable, harmful, or unsafe in any way."[5] (Some research has shown however the deleterious effects of long bus rides on student health and academic achievement [10][11]). The resultant Supreme Court case, Milliken v. Bradley (1974), imposed limits on busing. The key issue was whether a district court could order a metropolitan-wide desegregation plan between urban Detroit and suburban school districts. Busing would play a key role in the implementation phase. The Court essentially declared that federal courts did not have the authority to order inter-district desegregation unless it could be proven that suburban school districts intentionally mandated segregation policies. The implication of the decision was that suburban school districts in the North were not affected by the principles established by Brown. De facto segregation was allowed to persist in the North. The courts could order desegregation where segregation patterns existed, but only within municipalities, not suburban areas. The lasting consequence of the Milliken decision is that it opened the door for whites to flee to the suburbs and not be concerned about compliance with mandatory integration policies.[7]
With waning public support, the courts began relaxing judicial supervision of school districts during the 1990s and 2000s, calling for voluntary efforts to achieve racial balance.
In the early 1990s, the Rehnquist Court ruled in three cases coming from Oklahoma City (in 1991), DeKalb County in Georgia (in 1992), and Kansas City (in 1995) that federal judges could ease their supervision of school districts "once legally enforced segregation had been eliminated to the extent practicable".[12] With these decisions, the Rehnquist Court opened the door for school districts throughout the country to get away from judicial supervision once they had achieved unitary status. Unitary Status meant that a school district had successfully eliminated segregation in dual school systems and thus was no longer bound to court-ordered desegregation policies.
Then in 2002, the Supreme Court declined to review a lower court decision in Belk v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education which declared that the school system had achieved desegregation status and that the method to achieve integration, like busing, was unnecessary. The refusal of the Court to hear the challenges to the lower court decision effectively overturned the earlier 1971 Swann ruling.
Finally, in 2007, the Roberts Court produced a contentious 5–4 ruling in Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1 (PICS). The decision prohibited the use of racial classifications in student assignment plans to maintain racial balance. Whereas the Brown case ruled that racial segregation violated the Constitution, now the use of racial classifications violated the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment. Writing for the minority, Justice Breyer said the "ruling contradicted previous decisions upholding race-conscious pupil assignments and would hamper local school boards' efforts to prevent 'resegregation' in individual schools".[13]
Civil rights movement
The struggle to desegregate the schools received impetus from the
One argument against the
Sociological study
Another catalyst for the development of busing was an influential
Reaction
Before 2007
The impact of the Brown v. Board of Education ruling was limited because whites and blacks tended to live in all-white or all-black communities. Initial integration in the South tended to be symbolic: for example, the integration of Clinton High School, the first public school in Tennessee to be integrated, amounted to the admission of twelve black students to a formerly all-white school.
"Forced busing" was a term used by many to describe the mandates that generally came from the courts. Court-ordered busing to achieve school desegregation was used mainly in large, ethnically segregated school systems, including Boston, Massachusetts; Cleveland and Columbus, Ohio; Kansas City, Missouri; Pasadena and San Francisco, California; Richmond, Virginia; Detroit, Michigan; and Wilmington, Delaware. From 1972 to 1980, despite busing, the percentage of blacks attending mostly-minority schools barely changed, moving from 63.6 percent to 63.3 percent.[5] Forced busing was implemented starting in the 1971 school year, and from 1970 to 1980 the percentage of blacks attending mostly-minority schools decreased from 66.9 percent to 62.9 percent. The South saw the largest percentage change from 1968 to 1980 with a 23.8 percent decrease in blacks attending mostly-minority schools and a 54.8 percent decrease in blacks attending 90%–100% minority schools.[16][17]
In some southern states in the 1960s and 1970s, parents opposed to busing created new private schools. The schools, called
For the 1975–76 school year, the Louisville, Kentucky school district, which was not integrated due to whites largely moving to the suburbs, was forced to start a busing program.[5] The first day, 1,000 protestors rallied against the busing, and a few days into the process, 8,000 to 10,000 whites from Jefferson County, Kentucky, many teenagers, rallied at the district's high schools and fought with police trying to break up the crowds.[5] Police cars were vandalized, 200 were arrested, and people were hurt in the melee, but despite further rallies being banned the next day by Louisville's mayor, demonstrators showed up to the schools the following day.[5] Kentucky Governor Julian Carroll sent 1,800 members of the Kentucky National Guard and stationed them on every bus.[5] On September 26, 1975, 400 protestors held a rally at Southern High School, which was broken up by police tear gas, followed by a rally of 8,000 the next day, who marched led by a woman in a wheelchair to prevent police reprisals while cameras were running.[5] Despite the protests, Louisville's busing program continued.[5]
Congressional opposition to busing continued. Delaware senator (and future 46th US President) Joe Biden said "I don't feel responsible for the sins of my father and grandfather,"[19] and that busing was "a liberal train wreck."[20] In 1977, senators William Roth and Biden proposed the "Biden-Roth" amendment. This amendment "prevented judges from ordering wider busing to achieve actually-integrated districts."[21] Despite Biden's lobbying of other senators[22] and getting the support of Judiciary Committee Chairman James Eastland,[23][24] "Biden-Roth" narrowly lost.
After 2007
Civil rights advocates[
Criticism
Popular opinion
Support for the practice is influenced by the methodology of the study conducted. In a
Ultimately, many black leaders, from Wisconsin State Rep. Annette Polly Williams, a Milwaukee Democrat, to Cleveland Mayor Michael R. White led efforts to end busing.[31]
White flight and private schools
Busing is claimed to have accelerated a trend of middle-class relocation to the suburbs of metropolitan areas.[5] Many opponents of busing claimed the existence of "white flight" based on the court decisions to integrate schools.[5] Such stresses led white middle-class families in many communities to desert the public schools and create a network of private schools.[5]
During the 1970s,
Distance
Some critics of busing cited increases in distance to schools. However, segregation of schools often entailed far more distant busing. For example, in Tampa, Florida, the longest bus ride was 9 miles (14 km) under desegregation whereas it was 25 miles (40 km) during segregation.[32]
Effect on already-integrated schools
Critics point out that children in the Northeast were often bused from integrated schools to less integrated schools.[5] The percentage of Northeastern black children who attended a predominantly black school increased from 67 percent in 1968 to 80 percent in 1980 (a higher percentage than in 1954).[5]
Effect on academic performance
In 1978, a proponent of busing, Nancy St. John, studied 100 cases of urban busing from the North and did not find what she had been looking for;[5] she found no cases in which significant black academic improvement occurred, but many cases where race relations suffered due to busing, as those in forced-integrated schools had worse relations with those of the opposite race than those in non-integrated schools.[5] Researcher David Armour, also looking for hopeful signs, found that busing "heightens racial identity" and "reduces opportunities for actual contact between the races".[5] A 1992 study led by Harvard University Professor Gary Orfield, who supports busing, found black and Hispanic students lacked "even modest overall improvement" as a result of court-ordered busing.[33]
Economist Thomas Sowell wrote that the stated premise for school busing was flawed, as de facto racial segregation in schools did not necessarily lead to poor education for black students.[34]
Effects
Busing integrated school age ethnic minorities with the larger community.[clarification needed] The Milliken v. Bradley Supreme Court decision that busing children across districts is unconstitutional limited the extent of busing to within metropolitan areas. This decision made suburbs attractive to those who wished to evade busing.[35]
Some metropolitan areas in which land values and property-tax structures were less favorable to relocation saw significant declines in enrollment of whites in public schools as white parents chose to enroll their children in private schools. Currently, most segregation occurs across school districts as large cities have moved significantly toward racial balance among their schools.[36]
Recent research by Eric Hanushek, John Kain, and Steven Rivkin has shown that the level of achievement by black students is adversely affected by higher concentrations of black students in their schools.[37] Additionally, the impact of racial concentration appears to be greatest for high-achieving black students.[38]
Historical examples
Boston, Massachusetts
In 1965 Massachusetts passed into law the Racial Imbalance Act, which ordered school districts to desegregate or risk losing state educational funding. The first law of its kind in the nation, it was opposed by many in Boston, especially less-well-off white ethnic areas, such as the Irish-American neighborhoods of South Boston and Charlestown, Boston.[39]
Springfield, Massachusetts
Unlike Boston, which experienced a large degree of racial violence following Judge
Charlotte, North Carolina
Charlotte operated under "freedom of choice" plans until the Supreme Court upheld Judge McMillan's decision in Swann v. Mecklenburg 1971. The NAACP won the Swann case by producing evidence that Charlotte schools placed over 10,000 white and black students in schools that were not the closest to their homes. Importantly, the Swann v. Mecklenburg case illustrated that segregation was the product of local policies and legislation rather than a natural outcome.[41] In response, an anti-busing organization titled Concerned Parents Association (CPA) was formed in Charlotte. Ultimately, the CPA failed to prevent busing. In 1974, West Charlotte High school even hosted students from Boston to demonstrate the benefits of peaceful integration. Since Capacchione v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Schools in 1999, however, Charlotte has once again become segregated.[42] A report in 2019 shows that Charlotte-Mecklenburg schools are as segregated as they were before the Brown v. Board of Education decision in 1954.[43]
Kansas City, Missouri
In 1985, a federal court took partial control of the
Las Vegas, Nevada
In May 1968, the
The case initially entered the Eighth Judicial District Court of Nevada, but quickly found its way to the
Los Angeles, California
In 1963, a lawsuit, Crawford v. Board of Education of the City of Los Angeles,
Nashville, Tennessee
In comparison with many other cities in the nation,
The result of that lawsuit was what came to be known as the "Nashville Plan", an attempt to integrate the public schools of Nashville (and later all of Davidson County when the district was consolidated in 1963). The plan, beginning in 1957, involved the gradual integration of schools by working up through the grades each year starting in the fall of 1957 with first graders. Very few black children who had been zoned for white schools showed up at their assigned campus on the first day of school, and those who did met with angry mobs outside several city elementary schools. No white children assigned to black schools showed up to their assigned campuses.
After a decade of this gradual integration strategy, it became evident that the schools still lacked full integration. Many argued that
What followed were mixed emotions from both the black and white communities. Many whites did not want their children to share schools with black children, arguing that it would decrease the quality of their education. While a triumph for some, many blacks believed that the new plan would enforce the closure of neighborhood schools such as Pearl High School, which brought the community together. Parents from both sides did not like the plan because they had no control over where their children were going to be sent to school, a problem that many other cities had during the 1970s when busing was mandated across the country. Despite the judge's decision and the subsequent implementation of the new busing plan, the city stood divided.
As in many other cities across the country at this time, many white citizens took action against the desegregation laws. Organized protests against the busing plan began before the order was even official, led by future mayoral candidate Casey Jenkins. While some protested, many other white parents began pulling their children out of the public schools and enrolling them in the numerous private schools that began to spring up almost overnight in Nashville in the 1960s and 1970s. Many of these schools continued to be segregated through the 1970s. Other white parents moved outside of the city limits and eventually outside the Davidson County line so as not to be part of the Metropolitan District and thus not part of the busing plan.
In 1979 and 1980, the Kelley case was again brought back to the courts because of the busing plan's failure to fully integrate the Metropolitan Nashville Public Schools (MNPS). The plan was reexamined and reconfigured to include some concessions made by the school board and the Kelley plaintiffs and in 1983 the new plan, which still included busing, was introduced. However, problems with "white flight" and private schools continued to segregate MNPS to a certain degree, a problem that has never fully been solved.[49]
Pasadena, California
In 1970 a federal court ordered the desegregation of the public schools in Pasadena, California. At that time, the proportion of white students in those schools reflected the proportion of whites in the community, 54 percent and 53 percent, respectively. After the desegregation process began, large numbers of whites in the upper and middle classes who could afford it pulled their children from the integrated public school system and placed them into private schools instead. As a result, by 2004 Pasadena became home to 63 private schools, which educated one-third of all school-aged children in the city, and the proportion of white students in the public schools had fallen to 16 percent. In the meantime, the proportion of whites in the community has declined somewhat as well, to 37 percent in 2006. The superintendent of Pasadena's public schools characterized them as being to whites "like the bogey-man", and mounted policy changes, including a curtailment of busing, and a publicity drive to induce affluent whites to put their children back into public schools.[50]
Prince George's County, Maryland
In 1974,
The transition was very traumatic as the court ordered that the plan be administered with "all due haste". This happened during the middle of the school term, and students, except those in their senior year in high school, were transferred to different schools to achieve racial balance. Many high school sports teams' seasons and other typical school activities were disrupted. Life in general for families in the county was disrupted by things such as the changes in daily times to get children ready and receive them after school, transportation logistics for extracurricular activities, and parental participation activities such as volunteer work in the schools and
The federal case and the school busing order was officially ended in 2001, as the "remaining vestiges of segregation" had been erased to the court's satisfaction. Unfortunately, the ultimate result has been resegregation through changes to county demographics, as the percentage of white county residents dropped from over 80% in 1974 to 27% in 2010.[52] Neighborhood-based school boundaries were restored. The Prince George's County Public Schools was ordered to pay the NAACP more than $2 million in closing attorney fees and is estimated to have paid the NAACP over $20 million over the course of the case.[53]
Richmond, Virginia
In April 1971, in the case Bradley v. Richmond School Board, Federal District Judge
Wilmington, Delaware
In
In 1976, the U.S. District Court, in Evans v. Buchanan, ordered that the school districts of New Castle County all be combined into a single district governed by the New Castle County Board of Education.[56] The District Court ordered the Board to implement a desegregation plan in which the students from the predominantly black Wilmington and De La Warr districts were required to attend school in the predominantly white suburb districts, while students from the predominantly white districts were required to attend school in Wilmington or De La Warr districts for three years (usually 4th through 6th grade). In many cases, this required students to be bused a considerable distance (12–18 miles in the Christina School District) because of the distance between Wilmington and some of the major communities of the suburban area (such as Newark).
However, the process of handling an entire metropolitan area as a single school district resulted in a revision to the plan in 1981, in which the New Castle County schools were again divided into four separate districts (
The requirements for maintaining racial balance in the schools of each of the districts was ended by the District Court in 1994, but the process of busing students to and from the suburbs for schooling continued largely unchanged until 2001, when the Delaware state government passed House Bill 300, mandating that the districts convert to sending students to the schools closest to them, a process that continues as of 2007[update]. In the 1990s, Delaware schools would utilize the Choice program, which would allow children to apply to schools in other school districts based on space.
Wilmington High, which, many felt, was a victim of the busing order, closed in 1998 due to dropping enrollment. The campus would become home to Cab Calloway School of the Arts, a magnet school focused on the arts that was established in 1992. It would also house Charter School of Wilmington, which focuses on math and science, and opened up in 1996.
Delaware currently has some of the highest rates in the nation of children who attend private schools, magnet schools, and charter schools, due to the perceived weaknesses of the public school system.[citation needed]
Indianapolis, Indiana
Institutional
Re-segregation
According to the Civil Rights Project at Harvard University, the desegregation of U.S. public schools peaked in 1988; since then, schools have become more segregated because of changes in demographic residential patterns with continuing growth in suburbs and new communities. Jonathan Kozol has found that as of 2005, the proportion of black students at majority-white schools was at "a level lower than in any year since 1968".[59] Changing population patterns, with dramatically increased growth in the South and Southwest, decreases in old industrial cities, and much increased immigration of new ethnic groups, have altered school populations in many areas.
School districts continue to try various programs to improve student and school performance, including magnet schools and special programs related to the economic standing of families. Omaha proposed incorporating some suburban districts within city limits to enlarge its school-system catchment area. It wanted to create a "one tax, one school" system that would also allow it to create magnet programs to increase diversity in now predominantly white schools. Ernest Chambers, a 34-year-serving black state senator from North Omaha, Nebraska, believed a different solution was needed. Some observers said that in practical terms, public schools in Omaha had been re-segregated since the end of busing in 1999.[60]
In 2006, Chambers offered an amendment to the Omaha school reform bill in the
The authors of a 2003 Harvard study on re-segregation believe current trends in the South of white teachers leaving predominantly black schools is an inevitable result of federal court decisions limiting former methods of civil rights-era protections, such as busing and affirmative action in school admissions. Teachers and principals cite other issues, such as economic and cultural barriers in schools with high rates of poverty, as well as teachers' choices to work closer to home or in higher-performing schools. In some areas black teachers are also leaving the profession, resulting in teacher shortages.[62]
Education conservatives argue that any apparent separation of races is due to patterns of residential demographics not due to court decisions. They argue that the Brown decision has been achieved and that there is no segregation in the way that existed before the ruling. They further argue that employing race to impose desegregation policies discriminates and violates Brown's central warning of using racial preferences.[28]
See also
References
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- ^ Theoharis, George (October 23, 2015). "'Forced busing' didn't fail. Desegregation is the best way to improve our schools". The Washington Post. Retrieved January 15, 2019.
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- ^ Jost, K (April 23, 2004). "School Desegregation". CQ Researcher. 14 (15): 345–372.
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- ^ Morgan v. Hennigan 1974
- ^ "Walking into History: The Beginning of School Desegregation in Nashville".
- ^ Yeung, R., & Nguyen-Hoang, P. (2020). It’s the journey, not the destination: the effect of school travel mode on student achievement. Journal of Urbanism: International Research on Placemaking and Urban Sustainability, 13(2), 170–186.
- ^ Austin, W., Heutel, G., & Kreisman, D. (2019). School bus emissions, student health and academic performance. Economics of Education Review, 70, 109–126.
- ^ Jost, K. (April 23, 2004). "School Desegregation". CQ Researcher. 14 (15): 345–372.
- ^ Jost, Kenneth (2007). "Racial Diversity in Public Schools". CQ Researcher. 17 (32): 745–767.
- ^ Kiviat, Barbara J. (2000) "The Social Side of Schooling", Johns Hopkins Magazine, April 2000. Retrieved 30 December 2008.
- ^ Hanushek, Eric A. (1998), "Conclusions and Controversies about the Effectiveness of School Resources", Economic Policy Review, Federal Reserve Bank of New York, 4(1): pp. 11–27. Retrieved 30 December 2008
- ^ Orfield, Gary. "Public School Desegregation in the United States, 1968–1980". UCLA Civil Rights Project. Joint Center for Political Studies. Retrieved 2 June 2020.
- ^ Wooten, James T. (15 August 1971). "Busing for Desegregation to Affect 350,000 Pupils in the South". The New York Times. Retrieved 2 June 2020.
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- ^ Viser, Matt (7 March 2019). "Biden's tough talk on 1970s school desegregation plan could get new scrutiny in today's Democratic Party". The Washington Post. Retrieved 12 April 2019.
[Biden] added, "I don't feel responsible for the sins of my father and grandfather. I feel responsible for what the situation is today, for the sins of my own generation. And I'll be damned if I feel responsible to pay for what happened 300 years ago."
- ^ Sokol, Jasin (4 August 2015). "How a Young Joe Biden Turned Liberals Against Integration". Politico. Retrieved 12 April 2019.
Biden called busing "a liberal train wreck."
- ^ Smith, Asher (11 April 2019). "Joe Biden's Record on Racial Integration is Indefensible". Current Affairs. Retrieved 12 April 2019.
the bill required judges to tailor their court orders to remedy only the adverse effects of existing segregation, i.e. it prevented judges from ordering wider busing to achieve actually-integrated districts
- ^ Zeleny, Jeff (11 April 2019). "Letters from Joe Biden reveal how he sought support of segregationists in fight against busing". CNN. Retrieved 12 April 2019.
My bill strikes at the heart of the injustice of court-ordered busing. It prohibits the federal courts from disrupting our educational system in the name of the constitution where there is no evidence that the governmental officials intended to discriminate," Biden wrote to fellow senators on March 25, 1977. "I believe there is a growing sentiment in the Congress to curb unnecessary busing.
- ^ Jeff Zeleny (11 April 2019). "Joe Biden: Letters reveal how he sought support of segregationists in fight against busing". MSN News. Retrieved 12 April 2019.
Two weeks later, Biden followed up with a note to Eastland "to thank you again for your efforts in support of my bill to limit court ordered busing."
- ^ Ben Mathis-Lilley (11 April 2019). "Biden Praises Jeb Bush as Old Letters Show He Sought Support From Famous Segregationist". Slate. Retrieved 12 April 2019.
Wrote Biden to Eastland: "My bill strikes at the heart of the injustice of court-ordered busing."
- ^ Orfield, G. & Lee, C. (2007). Historic reversals, accelerating resegregation, and the need for new integration strategies. Los Angeles: The Civil Rights Project.
- ^ "Brennan Center for Justice".
- ^ a b Orfield, G (2009). Reviving the goal of an integrated society: A 21st century challenge. Los Angeles: The Civil Rights Project. p. 4.
- ^ a b Jost, Kenneth (April 23, 2004). "School Desegregation". CQ Researcher. 14 (15): 345–372.
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- ^ 'When Chief Justice Warren said that "separate educational facilities are inherently unequal," he was within walking distance of an all-black public high school that sent a higher percentage of its graduates on to college than any white public high school in Washington. As far back as 1899, that school's students scored higher on tests than two of the city's three white academic public high schools.'Thomas Sowell (June 30, 2015) Supreme Court Disasters, Jewish World Review. Retrieved 22 September 2019
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- ^ Rivkin, Steven G., and Finis Welch. 2006. "Has school desegregation improved academic and economic outcomes for blacks?" In Handbook of the Economics of Education, edited by Eric A. Hanushek and Finis Welch. Amsterdam: North Holland: 1019–1049.
- ^ Eric A. Hanushek, John F. Kain, and Steve G. Rivkin. 2009. "New evidence about Brown v. Board of Education: The complex effects of school racial composition on achievement", Journal of Labor Economics, 27, no. 3 (July): 349–383.
- ^ Eric A. Hanushek, and Steven G. Rivkin. 2009. "Harming the best: How schools affect the black-white achievement gap", Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 28, no. 3 (Summer): 366–393.
- ^ Fox, Margalite (January 27, 2012). "Kevin H. White, Mayor Who Led Boston in Busing Crisis, Dies at 82". The New York Times. Retrieved January 29, 2010.
- ^ Massachusetts Commission on Civil Rights, "The Six-District Plan: Integration of the Springfield, Mass., Elementary Schools", University of Maryland Law School Library, pp. 1–50.
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- ^ "Charlotte Talks: Segregation In Charlotte Education". WFAE 90.7 – Charlotte's NPR News Source. Retrieved 2021-04-13.
- ^ Nordstrom, Kris. "Stymied by Segregation: How Integration can Transform North Carolina Schools and the Lives of its Students" (PDF). North Carolina Justice Center. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2020-11-29.
- ^ a b Matthew, Ronan, A History of the Las Vegas School Desegregation Case: Kelly et al. v. Clark County School District (Las Vegas: UNLV, 1998), pp. 28, 33, 94.
- ^ Crawford v. Board of Ed. of Los Angeles 458 U.S. 527 (1982)
- ^ Crawford v. Board of Educ. of the City of Los Angeles, 200 Cal. App. 3d 1397, 1402 (1988).
- ^ Bustop, Inc. v. Los Angeles Bd. of Ed., 439 U.S. 1380 (1978)
- ^ David S. Ettinger, "The Quest to DESEGREGATE Los Angeles Schools Archived 2008-02-28 at the Wayback Machine", Los Angeles Lawyer, March 2003
- ^ Richard A. Pride and J. David Woodard, The Burden of Busing: The Politics of Desegregation in Nashville, Tennessee, University of Tennessee Press, Knoxville: 1985.
- ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2007-06-16. Retrieved 2007-01-07.
{{cite web}}
: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - ISBN 978-1-4129-5664-2.)
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link - ^ "U.S. Census Bureau QuickFacts: Prince George's County, Maryland". www.census.gov. Archived from the original on 2020-03-01.
- ISBN 978-1-4129-5664-2. Retrieved 26 December 2019.
- ^ "Report: Schools segregation by race, income worsening". 14 March 2013.
- ^ "School Busing – The Civil Rights Movement in Virginia Archived 2007-10-20 at the Wayback Machine", Virginia Historical Society
- ^ Samuel B. Hoff, "Delaware's Constitution and Its Impact on Education Archived 2008-11-20 at the Wayback Machine"
- ^ "iccjournal.biz". Archived from the original on 2008-11-20. Retrieved 2007-09-24.
- ^ "Inequality Remade: Residential Segregation, Indianapolis Public Schools, and Forced Busing". 16 February 2017.
- The Nation, December 19, 2005. Retrieved April 11, 2017
- ^ Johnson, T. A. (2009-02-03) "African American Administration of Predominately Black Schools: Segregation or Emancipation in Omaha, Nebraska", Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association for the Study of Black Life and History in Charlotte, NC.
- ^ "Law to Segregate Omaha Schools Divides Nebraska", The New York Times. April 15, 2006. Retrieved April 12, 2009.
- ^ Jonnson, P. (January 21, 2003) "White teachers flee black schools", The Christian Science Monitor. Retrieved 4/12/09.
Further reading
- Baugh, Joyce A. The Detroit school busing case: Milliken v. Bradley and the controversy over desegregation (University Press of Kansas, 2011) online.
- Burkholder, Zoë. An African American dilemma: A history of school integration and civil rights in the North (Oxford University Press, 2021) online.
- Daugherity, Brian, and Charles Bolton (eds.), With All Deliberate Speed: Implementing Brown v. Board of Education. Fayetteville, AR: University of Arkansas Press, 2008. ISBN 1-557-28868-2.
- Delmont, Matthew F. Why Busing Failed: Race, Media, and the National Resistance to School Desegregation (2016) online
- Domina, Thurston, et al. "The Kids on the Bus: The Academic Consequences of Diversity‐Driven School Reassignments." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 40.4 (2021): 1197–1229. online
- Ettinger, David S. "The Quest to Desegregate Los Angeles Schools," Los Angeles Lawyer, vol. 26 (March 2003).
- Jones, Nathaniel R. "Milliken v. Bradley: Brown's Troubled Journey North." Fordham Law Review 61 (1992): 49+ Online.
- Kelley, Jonathan. "The politics of school busing." Public Opinion Quarterly 38.1 (1974): 23–39. online
- K'Meyer, Tracy E. From Brown to Meredith: The Long Struggle in School Desegregation in Louisville, Kentucky, 1954–2007. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2013. ISBN 1-469-60708-5.
- Lassiter, Matthew. The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005. ISBN 0-691-09255-9.
- Lord, J. Dennis. "School busing and white abandonment of public schools." Southeastern Geographer 15.2 (1975): 81–92. [2]
- ISBN 0-394-41150-1.
- McAndrews, Lawrence J. "Missing the bus: Gerald Ford and school desegregation." Presidential Studies Quarterly 27.4 (1997): 791–804 Online.
- ISBN 0-520-02198-3.
- Siegel-Hawley, Genevieve, Sarah Diem, and Erica Frankenberg. "The disintegration of Memphis-Shelby County, Tennessee: School district secession and local control in the 21st century." American Educational Research Journal 55.4 (2018): 651–692. online
- Wells, Amy Stuart. Both Sides Now: The Story of School Desegregation's Graduates. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2009. ISBN 0-520-25677-8.
External links
- The Legacy of School Busing NPR
- Money And School Performance: Lessons from the Kansas City Desegregation Experiment by Paul Ciotti. Policy Analysis, CATO Institute.
- A Boston judge's experiment in social engineering has unraveled neighborhoods and frustrated black achievement. Hoover Institution.
- 25 Years of Forced Busing. Good Riddance to a Bad Idea, at Adversity.net
- John Joseph Moakley Oral History Project Archived 2008-05-16 at the Wayback Machine, Garrity Decision Oral History Interviews. Suffolk University Archives; Boston, MA.
- The Freedom House, Inc. records 1941–1996 (M16) are available at Northeastern University Libraries, Archives and Special Collections Department.
- The Metropolitan Council for Educational Opportunity records 1961–2005 (M101) are available at Northeastern University Libraries, Archives and Special Collections Department.
- Digitized primary sources related to busing for school desegregation in Boston from various libraries and archives are available via Digital Commonwealth.
- Busing in Boston: A research guide Archived 2015-08-15 at the Wayback Machine. Moakley Archive & Institute, Suffolk University.
- Image of students from South Central Los Angeles riding a school bus to Van Nuys, California, 1977. Los Angeles Times Photographic Archive (Collection 1429). UCLA Library Special Collections, Charles E. Young Research Library, University of California, Los Angeles.