Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
Bhagwa Dhwaj or saffron flag, an official symbol of RSS | |
Abbreviation | RSS |
---|---|
Formation | 27 September 1925 |
Founder | K. B. Hedgewar |
Type | Non-profit political organisation |
Legal status | Active |
Purpose | Promotion of Hindu nationalism and Hindutva[1][2] |
Headquarters | Dr. Hedgewar Bhawan, Sangh Building Road, Nagpur, Maharashtra – 440 032, India |
Coordinates | 21°08′46″N 79°06′40″E / 21.146°N 79.111°E |
Area served | India |
Membership | |
Sarsanghchalak (Chief) | Mohan Bhagwat |
Sarkaryawah (General Secretary) | Dattatreya Hosabale |
Affiliations | Sangh Parivar |
Website | www |
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (
Founded on 27 September 1925,
During the colonial period, the RSS collaborated with the
Founding
RSS was founded in 1925 by Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, a doctor in the city of Nagpur, British India.[27]
Hedgewar was a political protege of B. S. Moonje, a Tilakite Congressman, Hindu Mahasabha politician and social activist from Nagpur. Moonje had sent Hedgewar to Calcutta to pursue his medical studies and to learn combat techniques from the secret revolutionary societies of the Bengalis. Hedgewar became a member of the Anushilan Samiti, an anti-British revolutionary group, getting into its inner circle. The secretive methods of these societies were eventually used by him in organising the RSS.[28][29][30]
After returning to Nagpur, Hedgewar organised anti-British activities through the Kranti Dal (Party of Revolution) and participated in independence activist
Hedgewar believed that a handful of British were able to rule over the vast country of India because Hindus were disunited, lacked valour (pararkram) and lacked a civic character. He recruited energetic Hindu youth with revolutionary fervour, gave them a uniform of a black forage cap, khaki shirt (later white shirt) and khaki shorts—emulating the uniform of the
Two years into the life of the organisation, in 1927, Hedgewar organised an "Officers' Training Camp" with the objective of forming a corps of key workers, whom he called pracharaks (full-time functionaries or "propagators"). He asked the volunteers to first become "
Motivations
Scholars differ on Hedgewar's motivations for forming the RSS, especially because he never involved the RSS in fighting the British rule. French political scientist Christophe Jaffrelot says that the RSS was intended to propagate the ideology of Hindutva and to provide "new physical strength" to the majority community.[2][35]
After Tilak's demise in 1920, like other followers of Tilak in Nagpur, Hedgewar was opposed to some of the programmes adopted by Mahatma Gandhi. Gandhi's stance on the Indian Muslim Khilafat issue was a cause for concern to Hedgewar, and so was that the 'cow protection' was not on the Congress agenda. This led Hedgewar, along with other Tilakities, to part ways with Gandhi. In 1921, Hedgewar was arrested on the charges of 'sedition' over his speeches at Katol and Bharatwada. Ultimately, he was sentenced to 1 year in prison.[36]
He was released in July 1922. Hedgewar was distressed at the lack of organisation among volunteer organisations of Congress. Subsequently, he felt the need to create an independent organisation that was based on the country's traditions and history. He held meetings with prominent political figures in Nagpur between 1922–1924. He visited Gandhi's ashram in nearby Wardha in 1924 and discussed a number of things. After this meeting, he left Wardha to plan to unite the often antagonistic Hindu groups into a common nationalist movement.[36][37]
Hindu–Muslim relations
The 1920s witnessed a significant deterioration in the relations between Hindus and Muslims. The Muslim masses were mobilised by the
After acquiring about 100 swayamsevaks (volunteers) to the RSS in 1927, Hedgewar took the issue to the Muslim domain. He led the Hindu religious procession for Ganesha, beating the drums in defiance of the usual practice not to pass in front of a mosque with music.[43] On the day of Lakshmi Puja on 4 September, Muslims are said to have retaliated. When the Hindu procession reached a mosque in the Mahal area of Nagpur, Muslims blocked it. Later in the afternoon, they attacked the Hindu residences in the Mahal area. It is said that the RSS cadres were prepared for the attack and beat the Muslim rioters back. Riots continued for 3 days and the army had to be called in to quell the violence. RSS organised the Hindu resistance and protected the Hindu households while the Muslim households had to leave Nagpur en masse for safety.[44][45][32][46] Tapan Basu et al. note the accounts of "Muslim aggressiveness" and the "Hindu self-defence" in the RSS descriptions of the incident. The above incident vastly enhanced the prestige of the RSS and enabled its subsequent expansion.[45]
Stigmatisation and emulation
Christophe Jaffrelot points out the theme of "stigmatisation and emulation" in the ideology of the RSS along with other Hindu nationalist movements such as the Arya Samaj and the Hindu Mahasabha. Muslims, Christians and the British were thought of as "foreign bodies" implanted in the Hindu nation, who were able to exploit the disunity and absence of valour among the Hindus in order to subdue them. The solution lay in emulating the characteristics of these "Threatening Others" that were perceived to give them strength, such as paramilitary organisation, emphasis on unity and nationalism. The Hindu nationalists combined these emulatory aspects with a selective borrowing of traditions from the Hindu past to achieve a synthesis that was uniquely Indian and Hindu.[47]
Hindu Mahasabha influence
The
The initial meeting for the formation of the Sangh on the
History
Indian Independence movement
Since its formation the RSS opposed joining the independence movement against British rule in India.[22] Portraying itself as a social movement, Hedgewar also kept the organisation from having any direct affiliation with political organisations then fighting British rule.[50] RSS rejected Gandhi's willingness to co-operate with the Muslims.[51][52]
In accordance with Hedgewar's tradition of keeping the RSS away from the Indian Independence movement, any political activity that could be construed as being anti-British was carefully avoided. According to the RSS biographer C. P. Bhishikar, Hedgewar talked only about Hindu organisations and avoided any direct comment on the Government.
M. S. Golwalkar, who became the leader of the RSS in 1940, continued and further strengthened the isolation from the independence movement. In his view, the RSS had pledged to achieve freedom through "defending religion and culture", not by fighting the British.[60][61][62] Golwalkar lamented the anti-British nationalism, calling it a "reactionary view" that, he claimed, had disastrous effects upon the entire course of the freedom struggle.[63][64] It is believed that Golwalkar did not want to give the British an excuse to ban the RSS. He complied with all the strictures imposed by the Government during the Second World War, even announcing the termination of the RSS military department.[65][66] The British Government believed that the RSS was not supporting any civil disobedience against them, and their other political activities could thus be overlooked. The British Home Department took note of the fact that the speakers at the RSS meetings urged the members to keep aloof from the anti-British movements of the Indian National Congress, which was duly followed.[67] The Home Department did not see the RSS as a problem for law and order in British India.[65][66] The Bombay government appreciated the RSS by noting that the Sangh had scrupulously kept itself within the law and refrained from taking part in the disturbances (Quit India Movement) that broke out in August 1942.[68][69][70] It also reported that the RSS had not, in any way, infringed upon government orders and had always shown a willingness to comply with the law. The Bombay Government report further noted that in December 1940, orders had been issued to the provincial RSS leaders to desist from any activities that the British Government considered objectionable, and the RSS, in turn, had assured the British authorities that "it had no intentions of offending against the orders of the Government".[71][72]
Golwalkar later openly admitted the fact that the RSS did not participate in the Quit India Movement. He agreed that such a stance led to a perception of the RSS as an inactive organisation, whose statements had no substance in reality.[60][73] Similarly, RSS neither supported nor joined in the Royal Indian Navy mutiny against the British in 1946.[52]
Overall, the RSS opposed joining the independence movement, instead adopting a policy of collaboration with the British regime.[21][22]
Partition
The
First ban
The first ban on the RSS was imposed in
Opposition to the National Flag of India
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh initially did not recognise the Tricolor as the National
Opposition to the Constitution of India
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh initially did not recognise the
Our Constitution too is just a cumbersome and heterogeneous piecing together of various articles from various Constitutions of Western countries. It has absolutely nothing, which can be called our own. Is there a single word of reference in its guiding principles as to what our national mission is and what our keynote in life is? No![56][85]
Second ban and acquittal
In January 1948, Mahatma Gandhi was assassinated by a member of the RSS, Nathuram Godse.[96][24] Following the assassination, many prominent leaders of the RSS were arrested, and the RSS as an organisation was banned on 4 February 1948. During the court proceedings in relation to the assassination Godse began claiming that he had left the organisation in 1946.[26] A Commission of Inquiry into Conspiracy to the murder of Gandhi was set, and its report was published by India's Ministry of Home Affairs in the year 1970. Accordingly, the Justice Kapur Commission[97] noted that the "RSS as such were not responsible for the murder of Mahatma Gandhi, meaning thereby that one could not name the organisation as such as being responsible for that most diabolical crime, the murder of the apostle of peace. It has not been proved that they (the accused) were members of the RSS."[97]: 165 However, the then Indian Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel had remarked that the "RSS men expressed joy and distributed sweets after Gandhi's death".[98] The association with the incident also made the RSS "very unpopular and considerably dented its polarizing appeal".[99]
RSS leaders were acquitted of the conspiracy charge by the
On 11 July 1949 the Government of India lifted the ban on the RSS by issuing a communique stating that the decision to lift the ban on the RSS had been taken in view of the RSS leader Golwalkar's undertaking to make the group's loyalty towards the Constitution of India and acceptance and respect towards the National Flag of India more explicit in the Constitution of the RSS, which was to be worked out in a democratic manner.[27][103]
Decolonisation of Dadra and Nagar Haveli
After India had achieved independence, the RSS was one of the socio-political organisations that supported and participated in movements to decolonise
The capture of Dadra and Nagar Haveli gave a boost to the movement against Portuguese colonial rule in the Indian subcontinent.[105] In 1955, RSS leaders demanded the end of Portuguese rule in Goa and its integration into India. When Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru refused to provide an armed intervention, RSS leader Jagannath Rao Joshi led the Satyagraha agitation straight into Goa. He was imprisoned with his followers by the Portuguese police. The nonviolent protests continued but met with repression. On 15 August 1955, the Portuguese police opened fire on the satyagrahis, killing thirty or so civilians.[106]
Movement against the Emergency
In 1975 the Indira Gandhi government proclaimed
Deoras, the then chief of RSS, wrote letters to Indira Gandhi, promising her to extend the organisation's co-operation in return for the lifting of the ban, asserting that RSS had no connection with the movement in Bihar and that in Gujarat. He tried to persuade Vinoba Bhave to mediate between the RSS and the government and also sought the offices of Sanjay Gandhi, Indira Gandhi's son.[110][111] Later, when there was no response, volunteers of the RSS formed underground movements against the Emergency.[112] Literature that was censored in the media was clandestinely published and distributed on a large scale, and funds were collected for the movement. Networks were established between leaders of different political parties in the jail and outside for the co-ordination of the movement.[113] RSS claimed that the movement was "dominated by tens of thousands of RSS cadres, though more and more young recruits are coming". Talking about its objectives, RSS said, "its platform at the moment has only one plank: to bring democracy back to India".[114] The Emergency was lifted in 1977, and as a consequence the ban on the RSS was also lifted.
The Emergency is said to have legitimised the role of RSS in Indian politics, which had not been possible ever since the stain the organisation had acquired following the Mahatma Gandhi's assassination in 1948, thereby 'sowing the seeds' for the Hindutva politics of the following decade.[112]
Reception
India's first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru had been vigilant towards RSS since he had taken charge. When Golwalkar wrote to Nehru asking for the lifting of the ban on RSS after Gandhi's assassination, Nehru replied that the government had proof that RSS activities were 'anti-national' by virtue of being 'communalist'. In his letter to the heads of provincial governments in December 1947, Nehru wrote that "we have a great deal of evidence to show that RSS is an organisation which is in the nature of a private army and which is definitely proceeding on the strictest Nazi lines, even following the techniques of the organisation".[115]
Sardar Vallabhai Patel, the first Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister of India, said in early January 1948 that the RSS activists were "patriots who love their country". He asked the Congressmen to 'win over' the RSS by love, instead of trying to 'crush' them. He also appealed to the RSS to join the Congress instead of opposing it. Jaffrelot says that this attitude of Patel can be partly explained by the assistance the RSS gave the Indian administration in maintaining public order in September 1947, and that his expression of 'qualified sympathy' towards RSS reflected the long-standing inclination of several Hindu traditionalists in Congress. However, after Gandhi's assassination on 30 January 1948, Patel began to view that the activities of RSS were a danger to public security.[116][117] In his reply letter to Golwalkar on 11 September 1948 regarding the lifting of ban on RSS, Patel stated that though RSS did service to the Hindu society by helping and protecting the Hindus when in need during partition violence, they also began attacking Muslims with revenge and went against "innocent men, women and children". He said that the speeches of RSS were "full of communal poison", and as a result of that 'poison', he remarked, India had to lose Gandhi, noting that the RSS men had celebrated Gandhi's death. Patel was also apprehensive of the secrecy in the working manner of RSS and complained that all of its provincial heads were Maratha Brahmins. He criticised the RSS for having its own army inside India, which he said, cannot be permitted as "it was a potential danger to the State". He also remarked: "The members of RSS claimed to be the defenders of Hinduism. But they must understand that Hinduism would not be saved by rowdyism."[98]
Structure
RSS does not have any formal membership. According to the official website, men and boys can become members by joining the nearest shakha, which is the basic unit. Although the RSS claims not to keep membership records, it is estimated to have had 2.5 to 6.0 million members in 2001.[118]
Leadership and member positions
There are the following terms to describe RSS leaders and members:
- Sarsanghchalak: The Sarsanghchalak is the head of the RSS organisation; the position is decided through nomination by the predecessor.
- Sarkaryavah: equivalent to general secretary, executive head.Suresh Joshi preceded him; he had held the post for 12 years.[122]
- Sah-Sarkaryavah: Joint general secretary, of which there are four.[119][123] Notable Sah Sarkarayvahs include Dattatreya Hosabale.[124][125][126][127]
- Vicharak: A number of RSS leaders serve as Vicharak or ideologues for the organisation.[128][129][130]
- Pracharak: Active, full-time missionary who spreads RSS doctrine.[119] The system of pracharak or RSS missionaries has been called the life blood of the organisation. A number of these men devote themselves to lifetime of celibacy, poverty, and service to the organisation. The pracharaks were instrumental in spreading the organisation from its roots in Nagpur to the rest of the country.[131] There are about 2500 pracharaks in RSS.[132] The two most well known former Pracharaks are former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Narendra Modi, Prime Minister of India since May 2014[update].[133]
- Karyakarta: Active functionary. To become a karyakarta, swayamsevak members undergo four levels of ideological and physical training in Sangh Shiksha Varg camps. 95% of karyakartas are known as grahastha karyakartas, or householders, supporting the organisation part-time; while 5% are pracharaks, who support the organisation full-time.[134]
- Mukhya-Shikshak: The Head-teacher and chief of a Shakha[119]
- Karyawah: The Executive head of a Shakha[119]
- Gatanayak: Group leader[119]
- Swayamsevak (स्वयंसेवक): volunteer.[135] Svayam[136] can mean "one's self" or "voluntary," and sevaka[137] Atal Bihari Vajpayee described himself as Swayamsevak.[138] They attend the shakhas of the RSS.[134]
Shakhas
The term shakha is Hindi for "branch". Most of the organisational work of the RSS is done through the co-ordination of the various shakhas, or branches. These shakhas are run for one hour in public places. The number of shakhas increased from 8500 in 1975 to 11,000 in 1977, and became 20,000 by 1982.[110] In 2004 more than 51,000 shakhas were run throughout India. The number of shakas had fallen by over 10,000 after the fall of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government in 2004. However, by mid-2014, the number had again increased to about 40,000 after the return of BJP to power in the same year.[139][140][141] This number stood at 51,335 in August 2015.[142]
The shakhas conduct various activities for its volunteers such as physical fitness through yoga, exercises, and games, and activities that encourage civic awareness, social service, community living, and patriotism.[143] Volunteers are trained in first aid and in rescue and rehabilitation operations, and are encouraged to become involved in community development.[143][144]
Generally, shakhas involve the gathering of male RSS members to train in martial arts, exercise in other ways, and "recite nationalist stories" to outsiders.[145]
Most of the shakhas are located in the Hindi-speaking regions. As of 2016 Delhi had 1,898 shakhas.[146] There are more than 8,000 shakhas in UP, 6,845 shakhas in Kerala,[147] 4,000 in Maharashtra, and around 1,000 in Gujarat.[148] In northeast India, there are more than 1,000 shakhas, including 903 in Assam, 107 in Manipur, 36 in Arunachal, and 4 in Nagaland.[149][150] In Punjab, there are more than 900 shakhas as of 2016.[151] As of late 2015 there were a total of 1,421 shakhas in Bihar,[152] 4,870 in Rajasthan,[153] 1,252 in Uttarakhand,[154] 2,060 in Tamil Nadu,[155] and 1,492 in West Bengal.[156] There are close to 500 shakhas in Jammu and Kashmir,[157] 130 in Tripura, and 46 in Meghalaya.[158]
As per the RSS Annual Report of 2019, there were a total of 84,877 shakhas, of which 59,266 are being held daily; 17,229 are weekly shakhas (58,967 in 2018, 57,165 shakhas in 2017, and 56,569 in 2016)[159][160]
Uniform
In October 2016, the RSS replaced the uniform of khaki shorts its cadre had worn for 91 years with dark brown trousers.[161][162]
Anthem
The song Namastē Sadāvatsale Matrubhoomē is the anthem or prayer of the RSS, saluting the motherland.[163]
Affiliated organisations
Organisations that are inspired by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh's ideology refer to themselves as members of the Sangh Parivar.[118] In most cases, pracharaks (full-time volunteers of the RSS) were deputed to start up and manage these organisations in their initial years.
The affiliated organisations include:[164]
- Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), literally, Indian People's Party (23m)[165]
- Bharatiya Kisan Sangh, literally, Indian Farmers' Association (8m)[165]
- Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, literally, Indian Labour Association (10 million as of 2009)[165]
- Seva Bharti, Organisation for service of the needy.
- Rashtra Sevika Samiti, literally, National Volunteer Association for Women (1.8m)[165]
- Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, literally, All India Students' Forum (2.8m)[165]
- Shiksha Bharati (2.1m)[165]
- Vishwa Hindu Parishad, World Hindu Council (2.8m)[165]
- Bhartiya Baudh Sangh, Indian Buddhist Association[166]
- Bharatiya Yuva Seva Sangh (BYSS), Youth Awakening Front[citation needed]
- Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh, literally, Hindu Volunteer Association – overseas wing
- Swadeshi Jagaran Manch, Nativist Awakening Front[167]
- Saraswati Shishu Mandir, Nursery
- Vidya Bharati, Educational Institutes
- tribals; and Friends of Tribals Society
- Muslim Rashtriya Manch (Muslim National Forum), Organisation for the improvement of Muslims
- Bajrang Dal, Army of Hanuman (2m)
- Anusuchit Jati-Jamati Arakshan Bachao Parishad, Organisation for the improvement of Dalits
- Laghu Udyog Bharati, an extensive network of small industries.[168][169]
- Bharatiya Vichara Kendra, Think Tank
- Vishwa Samvad Kendra, Communication Wing, spread all over India for media related work, having a team of IT professionals (samvada.org)
- Rashtriya Sikh Sangat, National Sikh Association, a sociocultural organisation with the aim to spread the knowledge of Gurbani to the Indian society.[170]
- Vivekananda Kendra, promotion of Swami Vivekananda's ideas with Vivekananda International Foundation in New Delhi as a public policy think tank with six centres of study
Although RSS generally endorses the BJP, it has at times refused to do so due to the difference of opinion with the party.[171][172]
Ideology
Mission
Golwalkar describes the mission of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh as the revitalisation of the Indian value system based on universalism and peace and prosperity to all.[173] Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, the worldview that the whole world is one family, propounded by the ancient thinkers of India, is considered one of the ideologies of the organisation.[174]
But the immediate focus, the leaders believe, is on the Hindu renaissance, which would build an egalitarian society and a strong India that could propound this philosophy. Hence, the focus is on social reform, economic upliftment of the downtrodden, and the protection of the cultural diversity of the natives in India.[174] The organisation says it aspires to unite all Hindus and build a strong India that can contribute to the welfare of the world. In the words of RSS ideologue and the second head of the RSS, Golwalkar, "in order to be able to contribute our unique knowledge to mankind, in order to be able to live and strive for the unity and welfare of the world, we stand before the world as a self-confident, resurgent and mighty nation".[173]
In Vichardhara (ideology), Golwalkar affirms the RSS mission of integration as:[173]
RSS has been making determined efforts to inculcate in our people the burning devotion for Bharat and its national ethos; kindle in them the spirit of dedication and sterling qualities and character; rouse social consciousness, mutual good-will, love and cooperation among them all; to make them realise that casts, creeds, and languages are secondary and that service to the nation is the supreme end and to mold their behaviour accordingly; instill in them a sense of true humility and discipline and train their bodies to be strong and robust so as to shoulder any social responsibility; and thus to create all-round Anushasana (Discipline) in all walks of life and build together all our people into a unified harmonious national whole, extending from Himalayas to Kanyakumari.
Golwalkar and Balasaheb Deoras, the second and third supreme leaders of the RSS, spoke against the caste system, though they did not support its abolition.[175]
Comparisons with Fascism
Jaffrelot observes that although the RSS with its paramilitary style of functioning and its emphasis on discipline has sometimes been seen by some as "an Indian version of fascism",[176] he argues that "RSS's ideology treats society as an organism with a secular spirit, which is implanted not so much in the race as in a socio-cultural system and which will be regenerated over the course of time by patient work at the grassroots". He writes that "ideology of the RSS did not develop a theory of the state and the race, a crucial element in European nationalisms: Nazism and Fascism"[176] and that the RSS leaders were interested in culture as opposed to racial sameness.[177]
The likening of the Sangh Parivar to fascism by Western critics has also been countered by Jyotirmaya Sharma, who labelled it as an attempt by them to "make sense of the growth of extremist politics and intolerance within their society", and that such "simplistic transference" has done great injustice to knowledge of Hindu nationalist politics.[178]
Stance on non-Hindu communities
When it came to non-Hindu religions, the view of Golwalkar (who once supported Hitler's creation of a supreme race by suppression of minorities)[179] on minorities was that of extreme intolerance. In a 1998 magazine article, some RSS and BJP members were said to have distanced themselves from Golwalkar's views, though not entirely:[180]
The non-Hindu people of Hindustan must either adopt Hindu culture and languages, must learn and respect and hold in reverence the Hindu religion, must entertain no idea but of those of glorification of the Hindu race and culture ... in a word they must cease to be foreigners; or may stay in the country, wholly subordinated to the Hindu nation, claiming nothing, deserving no privileges, far less any preferential treatment—not even citizens' rights.
Golwalkar also explains that RSS does not intend to compete in electioneering politics or share power. The movement considers Hindus as inclusive of
In spite of the organisation's hostile rhetoric against their religions, the RSS also has Muslim and Christian members. According to the party's official documents, Indian Muslims and Christians are still descendants of Hindus that happened to be converted to foreign faiths, so as long as they agree with its beliefs they can also be members. They are still required to attend the shakhas, and recite Hindu hymns, even by breaking
In January 2020, the RSS along with other right-wing political parties and religious organisations such as BJP,
LGBT issues
Historically, the RSS has expressed a negative view of homosexuality,[190] though it has moderated this position in recent years, expressing support for the decriminalization of homosexuality but opposition to the recognition of same-sex unions in India.[191] In 2016, RSS member Rakesh Sinha claimed that efforts to decriminalize homosexuality in India were the product of a "European mindset".[192] In 2018, the RSS expressed suport for Navtej Singh Johar v. Union of India, which decriminalized homosexual activity in India, while simultaneously condemning efforts to legalize gay marriage and referring to homosexuality as "unnatural".[193]
Similarly, in a book published in 2019, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat stated that homosexuality should remain a "private matter", while also arguing that "gay marriages should not be institutionalised for it will institutionalise homosexuality".[194] In January 2023, Mohan Bhagwat again stated that LGBT individuals "should have their own private and social space as they are humans and have the right to live as others". However, some critics have alleged these remarks are "insincere".[192][195]
In March 2023, RSS general secretary
Attitude towards Jews
Before World War II, the RSS leaders admired
This prewar sympathy did not imply any antipathy towards Jews. The RSS leaders were supportive of the formation of Jewish State of Israel.[201] Golwalkar admired the Jews for maintaining their "religion, culture and language".[202]
Social service and reform
Participation in land reforms
The RSS volunteers participated in the
Reform in 'caste'
The RSS has advocated the training of Dalits and other backward classes as temple high priests (a position traditionally reserved for
Jaffrelot says that "there is insufficient data available to carry out a statistical analysis of social origins of the early RSS leaders" but goes on to conclude that, based on some known profiles, most of the RSS founders and its leading organisers, with a few exceptions, were Maharashtrian Brahmins from the middle or lower class[206] and argues that the pervasiveness of the Brahminical ethic in the organisation was probably the main reason why it failed to attract support from the low castes. He argues that the "RSS resorted to instrumentalist techniques of ethnoreligious mobilisation—in which its Brahminism was diluted—to overcome this handicap".[207] However, Anderson and Damle (1987) find that members of all castes have been welcomed into the organisation and are treated as equals.[12]
During a visit in 1934 to an RSS camp at Wardha accompanied by Mahadev Desai and Mirabehn, Mahatma Gandhi said, "When I visited the RSS Camp, I was very much surprised by your discipline and absence of untouchablity." He personally inquired about this to Swayamsevaks and found that volunteers were living and eating together in the camp without bothering to know each other's castes.[208]
Relief and rehabilitation
The RSS was instrumental in relief efforts after the
During the
In 2006 RSS participated in relief efforts to provide basic necessities such as food, milk, and potable water to the people of Surat, Gujarat, who were affected by floods in the region.[citation needed] The RSS volunteers carried out relief and rehabilitation work after the floods affected North Karnataka and some districts of the state of Andhra Pradesh.[224] In 2013, following the Uttarakhand floods, RSS volunteers were involved in flood relief work through its offices set up at affected areas.[225][226]
Backing the
Publications
Two prominent publications of the RSS are Panchajanya (Hindi) and Organiser (English). The first magazines published were Rashtra Dharma (Hindi) and Organiser (English). Later in 1948 new publications were launched, Panchajanya from Lucknow, Akashwani from Jalandhar and Chetana from Varanasi. Until 1977 the publications were published by Rashtra Dharma Prakashan the responsibility of which was later taken over by Bharat Prakashan Ltd. The governing board of the publications has been appointing editors for the publications. Prominent leaders like Pandit Deendayal Upadhyay, former PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee have been the editors of these publications.[232][233] In 2013, the number of subscriptions to Panchajanya was around 60,000 and around 15,000 for Organiser. Subscriptions have increased substantially after 2014 election of Narendra Modi as the Prime minister. As of 2017[update], Panchajanya had more than 1 lakh subscribers and Organiser had 25,000.[234]
Reception
The RSS has been criticised as an extremist organisation and as a paramilitary group.[27][235][236] It has also been criticised when its members have participated in anti-Muslim violence;[237] it has since formed in 1984, a militant wing called the Bajrang Dal.[17][238] Along with Shiv Sena, the RSS has been involved in riots, often inciting and organising violence against Christians and Muslims.[239][10] Thus, there is a common consensus among the academia and intellectuals that RSS spreads hatred.[240][241][242][243][244][245]
Involvement with riots
The RSS has been censured for its involvement in communal riots.
After giving careful and serious consideration to all the materials that are on record, the Commission is of the view that the RSS with its extensive organisation in Jamshedpur and which had close links with the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh had a positive hand in creating a climate which was most propitious for the outbreak of communal disturbances.
In the first instance, the speech of Shri Deoras (delivered just five days before the Ram Navami festival) tended to encourage the Hindu extremists to be unyielding in their demands regarding Road No. 14. Secondly, his speech amounted to communal propaganda. Thirdly, the shakhas and the camps that were held during the divisional conference presented a militant atmosphere to the Hindu public. In the circumstances, the commission cannot but hold the RSS responsible for creating a climate for the disturbances that took place on 11 April 1979.
Jitendra Narayan Commission report on Jamshedpur riots of 1979[246][relevant? ]
Religious violence in Odisha
Christian groups accuse the RSS alongside its close affiliates, the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), the Bajrang Dal (BD), and the Hindu Jagaran Sammukhya (HJS), of participation in the 2008 religious violence in Odisha.[251]
Involvement in the Babri Masjid demolition
According to the 2009 report of the
Involvement in politics
Several Sangh Parivar politicians such as
Under pressure from other swayamsevaks, Golwalkar gradually changed his mind after independence under unusual circumstances during the ban on RSS in 1948 after the assassination of Gandhi. After the first wave of arrests of RSS activists at that time, some of its members who had gone underground recommended that their movement be involved in politics, seeing that no political force was present to advocate the cause of RSS in parliament or anywhere else. One such member who significantly suggested this cause was K. R. Malkani, who wrote in 1949:[256]
Sangh must take part in politics not only to protect itself against the greedy design of politicians, but to stop the un-Bharatiya and anti-Bharatiya policies of the Government and to advance and expedite the cause of Bharatiya through state machinery side by side with official effort in the same direction. ... Sangh must continue as it is, an ashram for the national cultural education of the entire citizenry, but it must develop a political wing for the more effective and early achievement of its ideals.
Golwalkar approved of Malkani's and others' views regarding the formation of a new party in 1950. Jaffrelot says that the death of Sardar Patel influenced this change since Golwalkar opined that Patel could have transformed the Congress party by emphasising its affinities with Hindu nationalism, while after Patel, Nehru became strong enough to impose his 'anti-communal' line within his party. Accordingly, Golwalkar met Syama Prasad Mukherjee and agreed for endorsing senior swayamsevaks, who included Deendayal Upadhyaya, Balraj Madhok and Atal Bihari Vajpayee, to the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, a newly formed political party by Mukherjee. These men, who took their orders from RSS, captured power in the party after Mukherjee's death.[256]
As soon as the RSS men took over the Jana Sangh party, the Hindu traditionalists who previously joined the party because of S. P. Mukherjee were sidelined.[
The Jana Sangh started making alliances by entering the anti-Congress coalitions since 1960s. It became part of the 1971 Grand Alliance and finally merged itself with the
The former Jana Sangh elements formed a new party, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), in 1980. However, BJP originated more as a successor to the Janata Party and did not return to the beginning stages of the Hindu nationalist identity and Jana Sangh doctrines. The RSS resented this dilution of ideology – the new slogans promoted by the then BJP president Vajpayee like 'Gandhian socialism' and 'positive secularism'. By early 1980s, RSS is said to have established its political strategy of "never keeping all its eggs in one basket". It even decided to support Congress in some states, for instance, to create the Hindu Munnani in Tamil Nadu in the backdrop of the 1981 Meenakshipuram mass conversion to Islam, and to support one of its offshoots, Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), to launch an enthno-religious movement on the Ayodhya dispute. BJP did not have much electoral success in its initial years and was able to win only two seats in the 1984 elections. After L. K. Advani replaced Vajpayee as party president in 1986, the BJP also began to rally around the Ayodhya campaign. In 1990, the party organised the Ram Rath Yatra to advance this campaign in large-scale.[256][110] Advani also attacked the then ruling Congress party with the slogans such as 'pseudo-secularism', accusing Congress of misusing secularism for the political appeasement of minorities, and established an explicit and unambiguous path of Hindu revival.[112]
The 'instrumentalisation' of the Ayodhya issue and the related communal riots which polarised the electorate along religious lines helped the BJP make good progress in the subsequent elections of
After the end of Vajpayee's tenure in 2004, BJP remained as a major opposition party in the subsequent years; and again in the year 2014, the NDA came to power after BJP gained an overwhelming majority in the 2014 general elections, with Narendra Modi, a former RSS member who previously served as Gujarat's chief minister for three tenures, as their prime ministerial candidate. Modi was able to project himself as a person who could bring about "development", without focus on any specific policies,[261] through the "Gujarat development model" which was frequently used to counter the allegations of communalism.[262] Voter dissatisfaction with the Congress, as well as the support from RSS are also stated as reasons for the BJP's success in the 2014 elections.[261]
See also
References
- ISBN 0804750858.
- ^ ISBN 9789380607047.
- DNA India. Retrieved 1 December 2014.
- ^ "Hindus to the fore". Archived from the original on 7 September 2017. Retrieved 10 September 2017.
- ^ "Glorious 87: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh turns 87 on today on Vijayadashami". Samvada. 24 October 2012. Archived from the original on 11 January 2015. Retrieved 1 December 2014.
- ^ "Highest growth ever: RSS adds 5,000 new shakhas in last 12 months". The Indian Express. 16 March 2016. Archived from the original on 24 August 2016. Retrieved 30 August 2016.
- ^ "Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)". Archived from the original on 26 October 2009. Retrieved 10 February 2010.
(Hindi: "National Volunteer Organisation") also called Rashtriya Seva Sangh
- ^ ISBN 978-1-317-52899-9, retrieved 25 March 2021,
A couple of years later, India was ruled by the Janata coalition, which consisted also of Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS), the then-political arm of the extreme right-wing Hindu nationalist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS – National Volunteers Organisation).
- ^ S2CID 257565310.
- ^ ISBN 978-0520224476.
- ISBN 978-1-134-54184-3. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2017. Retrieved 25 September 2016.
- ^ a b c Andersen & Damle 1987, p. 111.
- ISBN 978-0-313-31459-9. Archivedfrom the original on 24 April 2017. Retrieved 11 June 2010.
- ^ Jain, Rupam; Chaturvedi, Arpan (11 January 2023). "Leader of influential Hindu group backs LGBT rights in India". Reuters. Retrieved 12 January 2023.
- ^ Chitkara, National Upsurge 2004, p. 362.
- ^ Andersen & Damle 1987, p. 2.
- ^ ISBN 978-0-313-32485-7. Retrieved 26 May 2010.
- ISBN 978-0706910209.
- ^ Singh, Amit (31 October 2022). "🌊 Hindutva fascism threatens the world's largest democracy". The Loop. Retrieved 9 September 2023.
- ^ Ellis-Petersen, Hannah (20 September 2022). "What is Hindu nationalism and how does it relate to trouble in Leicester?". The Guardian. Retrieved 9 September 2023.
- ^ ISBN 978-0-19-566465-2.
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the paramilitary organization which advocates a militant Hinduism and a Hindu polity in modern India, not only played no role in the anti-colonial struggle but actively collaborated with the British.
- ^ ISBN 978-1-000-18104-3.
RSS was not considered an adversary by the British. On the contrary, it gave loyal consent to the British to be part of the Civic Guard.
- ^ Krant M. L. Verma Swadhinta Sangram Ke Krantikari Sahitya Ka Itihas (Part 3) p. 766
- ^ ISBN 978-1-4020-8660-1.. The Economic Times.
—Venugopal, Vasudha (8 September 2016). "Nathuram Godse never left RSS, says his family" - ^ "RSS releases 'proof' of its innocence". The Hindu. Chennai, India. 18 August 2004. Archived from the original on 23 May 2010. Retrieved 26 January 2011.
- ^ a b
Gerald James Larson (1995). India's Agony Over Religion. ISBN 0-7914-2412-X.
- ^ JSTOR 3023941.
- ^ a b c Goodrick-Clarke 1998, p. 59.
- ^ a b c Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalist Movement 1996, pp. 33–39.
- ^ a b c Kelkar 2011, pp. 2–3.
- ^ Bhishikar 1979.
- ^ a b c Kelkar 1950, p. 138.
- ^ Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalist Movement 1996, pp. 40–41.
- ^ Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalist Movement 1996, pp. 65–67.
- ^ Chitkara, National Upsurge 2004, p. 249.
- ^ a b c Andersen, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh: Early Concerns 1972.
- ISBN 978-93-5322-265-9. Retrieved 15 March 2023.
- ISBN 978-0-415-20112-4.
Khilafat movement which was primarily designed to prevent the allied dismemberment of Turkey after World War One.
- ^ Stern, Democracy and Dictatorship in South Asia (2001), p. 27. Quote: '... mobilizaiton[verify spelling] of Indian Muslims in the name of Islam and in defense of the Ottoman khalifa was inherently "communal", no less than the Islamic movements of opposition to British imperialism which preceded it.... All defined a Hindu no less than a British "other".'
- ^ Stern, Democracy and Dictatorship in South Asia (2001); Misra, Identity and Religion: Foundations of Anti-Islamism in India (2004)
- ^ Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalist Movement 1996, pp. 19–20.
- ^ Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalist Movement 1996, p. 34.
- ^ Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalist Movement 1996, p. 40.
- ^ Chitkara, National Upsurge 2004, p. 250.
- ^ a b Basu & Sarkar, Khaki Shorts and Saffron Flags 1993, pp. 19–20.
- ^ Frykenberg 1996, p. 241.
- ^ Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalist Movement 1996, Chapter 1.
- ^ Bapu 2013, pp. 97–100.
- ^ Goyal 1979, pp. 59–76.
- ^ "RSS aims for a Hindu nation". BBC News. 10 March 2003. Archived from the original on 24 November 2010. Retrieved 26 January 2011.
- ^ Nussbaum, The Clash Within 2008, p. 156.
- ^ a b Bhatt, Hindu Nationalism 2001, p. 115.
- ^ Shamsul Islam, Religious Dimensions 2006, p. 188.
- ^ a b Chitkara, National Upsurge 2004, pp. 251–254.
- ^ Tapan Basu, Khaki Shorts 1993, p. 21.
- ^ ISBN 978-1-134-16727-2. Archivedfrom the original on 18 January 2017. Retrieved 13 February 2016.
- ^ Puniyani, Religion, Power and Violence 2005, p. 141.
- ^ Puniyani, Religion, Power and Violence 2005, p. 129.
- ^ Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalist Movement 1996, p. 74.
- ^ a b M. S. Golwalkar (1974). Shri Guruji Samgra Darshan, Volume 4. Bharatiya Vichar Sadhana.
- ^ Shamsul Islam, Religious Dimensions 2006, p. 191.
- ^ Puniyani, Religion, Power and Violence 2005, p. 135.
- ^ Tapan Basu, Khaki Shorts 1993, p. 29.
- ISBN 0-8122-1585-0. Archivedfrom the original on 18 January 2017. Retrieved 13 February 2016.
- ^ a b Andersen & Damle 1987.
- ^ a b Noorani, RSS and the BJP 2000, p. 46.
- ^ Bipan Chandra, Communalism 2008, p. 140.
- ^ ISBN 978-81-250-2596-2. Archivedfrom the original on 3 January 2016. Retrieved 13 February 2016.
- ^ Bipan Chandra, Communalism 2008, p. 141.
- ^ Noorani, RSS and the BJP 2000, p. 60.
- ISBN 978-81-7824-086-2. Archivedfrom the original on 12 March 2017. Retrieved 25 September 2016.
- ISBN 978-0195638684.
- ^ Shamsul Islam, Religious Dimensions 2006, p. 187.
- ^ "India". Users.erols.com. Archived from the original on 6 May 2009. Retrieved 26 January 2011.
- ISBN 9780674728196.
- ISBN 1400823056.
- ISBN 9781400878413.
- ^ ISBN 978-1-56858-503-1. Archivedfrom the original on 18 January 2017. Retrieved 13 February 2016.
- ISBN 978-1-136-79029-4. Archivedfrom the original on 14 January 2017. Retrieved 13 February 2016.
- ^ Kumar, Krishna (22 July 2015). "Double Standards? RSS chiefs used to relish chicken, mutton dishes". The Economic Times.
- ^ Shamsul Islam, Religious Dimensions 2006, p. 56.
- ^ Shamsul Islam, Religious Dimensions 2006, p. 57.
- ISBN 978-81-7221-039-7. Archivedfrom the original on 14 January 2017. Retrieved 13 February 2016.
- ^ Golwalkar; Bunch of Thoughts 1966, pp. 237–238.
- ^ ISBN 978-81-7221-039-7.
- ^ Shamsul Islam, Religious Dimensions 2006, p. 186.
- ^ Puniyani, Religion, Power and Violence 2005, p. 142.
- ^ a b "Tri-colour hoisted at RSS center after 52 yrs". The Times of India. Nagpur. 26 January 2002. Retrieved 26 January 2002.
- ^ "Activists, who forcibly hoisted flag at RSS premises, freed". Business Standard. Nagpur. 14 August 2013. Retrieved 14 August 2013.
- ^ "Trio, who forcibly hoisted tri-colour at RSS premises, set free by court". Nagpur Today. Nagpur. 14 August 2013. Retrieved 14 August 2013.[dead link]
- ^ "rediff.com Special: Naveen Jindal battles for his right to fly the Tricolour". Rediff.com. Retrieved 3 April 2018.
- ^ "Hoisting tricolour a fundamental right: SC". The Times of India. 24 January 2004. Retrieved 3 April 2018.
- ^ "Mohan Bhagwat defies restraint, hoists flag in Kerala school: Why RSS did not fly Tricolour for 52 years – Firstpost". firstpost.com. 15 August 2017. Retrieved 3 April 2018.
- ^ Hadiz, Vedi. Empire and Neoliberalism in Asia. Routledge. p. 252.
- ISBN 978-81-7495-142-7.
- ^ Jha, Dhirendra K. (1 January 2020). "Historical records expose the lie that Nathuram Godse left the RSS". The Caravan.
- ^ a b Jeevan Lal Kapur (1970). Report of Commission of Inquiry into Conspiracy to murder Mahatma Gandhi, By India (Republic). Commission of Inquiry into Conspiracy to murder Mahatma Gandhi. Ministry of Home affairs.
- ^ a b Patel, Prasad and Rajaji: Myth of the Indian Right 2015, pp. 82.
- ^ Sahoo, N. (2020). "Mounting majoritarianism and political polarization in India". In Carothers, Thomas; O’Donohue, Andrew (eds.). Political Polarization in South and Southeast Asia: Old Divisions, New Dangers (Report). Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. pp. 9–24.
- ^ Panicker, P L John. Gandhian approach to communalism in contemporary India (PDF). p. 100. Archived from the original (PDF) on 21 September 2020. Retrieved 6 November 2019.
- ^ Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalist Movement 1996, pp. 88, 89.
- ^ Graham; Hindu Nationalism and Indian Politics 2007, p. 14.
- ^ ISBN 978-81-87496-13-7.
- ^ Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalist Movement 1996, p. 89.
- ^ a b c Purushottam Shripad Lele, Dadra and Nagar Haveli: past and present, published by Usha P. Lele, 1987
- ^ Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalist Movement 1996, p. 130.
- ^ ISBN 978-81-7824-066-4
- ^ Nussbaum, The Clash Within 2008.
- ^ Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalism Reader 2007, p. 297.
- ^ a b c d e f Tapan Basu, Khaki Shorts 1993, pp. 51–54.
- ^ Noorani, RSS and the BJP 2000, p. 31.
- ^ ISBN 9781136705113.
- ISBN 978-81-7488-865-5
- ^ page 238, Encyclopedia of Political parties, Volumes 33–50 https://books.google.com/books?id=QCh_yd357iIC&pg=PA238
- ^ Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalist Movement 1996, pp. 87, 88.
- ^ Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalist Movement 1996, pp. 86-.
- ^ Graham; Hindu Nationalism and Indian Politics 2007, p. 12.
- ^ a b Bhatt, Hindu Nationalism 2001, p. 113.
- ^ a b c d e f "Basic FAQ on RSS".
- ^ Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. The Constitution Of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh – via archive.org.
- ^ Paranjape, Makarand R. (21 March 2021). "Progressive and pan-Indian — Dattatreya Hosabale is new face of RSS". ThePrint. Retrieved 22 March 2021.
- ^ Ramachandran, Smriti Kak (16 February 2021). "RSS may decide on new general secretary in March meet". Hindustan Times. Retrieved 14 March 2021.
- ^ "Manmohan Vaidya, Mukunda CR appointed new RSS Sah Sarkaryavahs". 11 March 2018.
- ^ "Dr. Manmohan Vaidya and Shri. Mukund are new Sah-Sarkaryavah". rss.org. Retrieved 12 March 2018.
- ^ "Hindu rashtra stands for the way of life in India: Manmohan Vaidya". rss.org.
- ^ "RSS' work is expanding consistently across the nation – Dr. Manmohan Vaidya". rss.org.
- ^ "Sarsanghchalak Ji Interacted with foreign media". rss.org.
- ^ "Understand the RSS". 17 September 2018.
- ^ Pillai, Manu S. (14 July 2017). "Decoding RSS ideologue M.S. Golwalkar's nationalism". livemint.com.
- ^ "The person who is doing most to undermine the Reserve Bank of India". The Economist. 24 November 2018.
- ISBN 978-0-88706-662-7.
- ^ "The low-profile RSS apparatchik is the new face of power in the NDA".
- ISBN 0-7914-6367-2.
- ^ a b Venugopal, Vasudha (30 May 2018). "What does it take to be an RSS karyakarta?". The Economic Times.
- ^ "Sanskrit Dictionary for Spoken Sanskrit".
- ^ "Sanskrit Dictionary for Spoken Sanskrit".
- ^ Sanskrit Dictionary for Spoken Sanskrit. Sevaka can be explained as "attendant", "worshiper", "follower" or "servant".
- ^ Perapaddan, Bindu Shajan (16 August 2018). "Atal Bihari Vajpayee, BJP's gentle colossus, fades away". The Hindu.
- ^ "Modi effect: 2,000-odd RSS shakas sprout in 3 months". The Times of India. 13 April 2014. Archived from the original on 27 December 2014. Retrieved 29 November 2014.
- ^ Kaushik, Narendra (5 June 2010). "RSS shakhas fight for survival". The Times of India. Archived from the original on 11 August 2011. Retrieved 11 June 2010.
- ^ Bagchi, Suvojit (10 October 2014). "Shakhas have grown by 13% across the country: RSS". The Hindu. Retrieved 28 December 2019.
- ^ "RSS is on a roll: Number of shakhas up 61% in 5 years". The Times of India. 16 August 2015.
- ^ a b K. R. Malkani, The RSS story, Published by Impex India, 1980
- ^ Chitkara, National Upsurge 2004.
- ISBN 978-1-4000-7977-3.
- ^ "Highest growth ever: RSS adds 5,000 new shakhas in last 12 months". 16 March 2016.
- ^ "Kerala RSS: RSS added 8000 new members in Kerala last year: State chief | Kozhikode News – Times of India". The Times of India. 16 March 2018. Retrieved 28 December 2019.
- ^ "Kerala Accounts For Over 5000 RSS Shakhas Per Day, Says Sangh". TimesNow. 1 January 2000. Archived from the original on 14 March 2017. Retrieved 6 April 2017.
- ^ "Sowing saffron, reaping lotus". 22 May 2016. Archived from the original on 13 March 2017. Retrieved 6 April 2017.
- ^ "Rise of Hindutva in North East: RSS, BJP score in Assam, Manipur but still untested in Arunachal". Firstpost. 20 April 2017. Archived from the original on 30 April 2017. Retrieved 4 May 2017.
- ^ "Rising RSS clout in rural Punjab took Gagneja down". The New Indian Express. Archived from the original on 13 March 2017. Retrieved 6 April 2017.
- ^ "We will reach each Bihar hamlet in 3 years: RSS". The Times of India. Archived from the original on 8 November 2017. Retrieved 6 April 2017.
- ^ "66% of RSS shakhas consists of school, college students: Sanghachalak Ramesh Agrawal". The Indian Express. 4 November 2015. Archived from the original on 7 April 2017. Retrieved 6 April 2017.
- ^ "उत्तराखंडमेंबढ़ीआरएसएसकीशाखाएं". jagran. Archived from the original on 7 April 2017. Retrieved 6 April 2017.
- ^ Mayilvaganan; J, Shanmughasundarm (23 December 2020). "RSS bets on small shakhas in hinterland to make it big in Tamil Nadu | Chennai News – Times of India". The Times of India. Retrieved 9 January 2021.
- ^ "RSS in Bengal has grown threefold in five years, says report". The New Indian Express. Archived from the original on 7 April 2017. Retrieved 6 April 2017.
- ^ "जम्मूऔरकश्मीरमें 500 शाखाएंचलारहाहै – Navabharat Times". Navbharat Times (in Hindi). 20 July 2015.
- ^ "Rise of Hindutva in North East: Christians in Nagaland, Mizoram may weaken BJP despite RSS' gains in Tripura, Meghalaya". Firstpost. 21 April 2017. Archived from the original on 25 April 2017. Retrieved 2 May 2017.
- ^ arisebharat (10 March 2018). "Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh Annual Report 2018". Archived from the original on 2 April 2019. Retrieved 9 December 2018.
- ^ Panigrahi, Saswat (9 March 2019). "How Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh is spreading its footprint across the nation". DNA. Archived from the original on 2 April 2019. Retrieved 18 March 2019.
- ^ "The evolution of the RSS uniform". Livemint. 11 October 2016. Retrieved 21 November 2019.
- ^ Dahat, Pavan (30 August 2016). "New RSS uniform is a long stretch over khaki shorts". The Hindu. Retrieved 21 November 2019.
- ^ Tripathi, Anurag (17 August 2016). "RSS and patriotism: Saffron over tricolour". Newslaundry. Retrieved 21 June 2022.
- ^ Bhatt, Hindu Nationalism 2001, p. 114.
- ^ a b c d e f g Jelen 2002, p. 253.
- ^ Singh, Ravi S (23 October 2019). "RSS-linked Buddhist group backs temple construction". Tribune India. Archived from the original on 7 December 2022. Retrieved 7 December 2022.
- ^ Chitkara, National Upsurge 2004, p. 169.
- ^ "Ministers, not group, to scan scams". Archived from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 20 December 2014.
- ^ "Parivar's diversity in unity". Archived from the original on 3 June 2015. Retrieved 20 December 2014.
- ^ Chitkara, National Upsurge 2004, p. 168.
- ^ "'Unlike 2014, RSS won't involve itself in 2019 elections'". Rediff. 24 September 2018. Retrieved 2 November 2019.
- ^ Ramachandran, Smriti Kak (13 December 2018). "Differences crop up between BJP, RSS over Ram temple". Hindustan Times. Retrieved 2 November 2019.
- ^ a b c d Golwalkar; Bunch of Thoughts 1966.
- ^ a b H. V. Seshadri, Hindu renaissance under way, Published in 1984, Jagarana Prakashana, Distributors, Rashtrotthana Sahitya (Bangalore)
- ^ Partha Banerjee. "RSS – THE SANGH: What is it, and what is it not?". SACW. Archived from the original on 23 May 2017. Retrieved 7 May 2017.
- ^ a b Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalist Movement 1996, p. 51.
- ^ Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalist Movement 1996, pp. 57–58.
- ^ Hindu Nationalist Movement Archived 27 May 2006 at the Wayback Machine The Hindu – 24 September 2005
- ^ Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalist Movement 1996, p. 55.
- ^ "A balancing act" Archived 13 April 2014 at the Wayback Machine, Hindu.com (12 March 1993). Retrieved 18 July 2013.
- ISBN 9780330396110.
- ISBN 978-0-226-50888-7
- ^ Koenraad Elst, 2002, Who is a Hindu?: Hindu revivalist views of Animism, Buddhism, Sikhism, and other offshoots of Hinduism
- ^ "Constitution of India: Article 25" Archived 7 October 2011 at the Wayback Machine, quote: "Explanation II: In sub-Clause (b) of clause (2), the reference to Hindus shall be construed as including a reference to persons professing the Sikh, Jaina or Buddhist religion".
- ^ Agha, Eram; Munshi, Suhas. "Minority Report: Meet the Non-Hindus in the RSS". News18. Retrieved 27 October 2021.
- ^ "Basic FAQ on RSS". Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Retrieved 27 October 2021.
- ^ "A person is not a Hindu if he says Muslims should not live in India: RSS chief". Scroll.in. 5 July 2021. Retrieved 28 October 2021.
- ^ "BJP, RSS protest against proposed statue of Jesus in Karnataka's Kanakapura". Hindustan Times. 13 January 2020. Retrieved 16 September 2020.
- ^ "114-ft Christ statue planned in Shivakumar bastion sparks BJP, RSS protest". India Today.
- ^ Ramachandran, Smriti Kak (6 September 2018). "'Same sex marriage not compatible with norms of nature,' says RSS". Hindustan Times. Retrieved 10 March 2024.
- ^ "RSS supports gay sex showing the sign of relief to LGBT community". GOA PRISM. 19 March 2016. Retrieved 8 November 2019.
- ^ a b Rao, R. Raj (17 January 2023). "Why the RSS chief's remarks on the acceptance of the queer community are insincere". Scroll.in. Retrieved 10 March 2024.
- ^ "Homosexuality not a crime, but unnatural: RSS". The Times of India. 6 September 2018. Retrieved 10 March 2024.
- ^ Standard, Business (20 September 2019). "RSS supports homosexual and transgender rights, frowns on live-in relationships". business-standard.com. Retrieved 10 March 2024.
{{cite web}}
:|first=
has generic name (help) - ^ "RSS Chief Endorses LGBTQ Rights. Here's Why It Rings Hollow". The Swaddle. 11 January 2023. Retrieved 10 March 2024.
- ^ "Marriage in Hinduism is 'Sanskar', not contract or enjoyment: RSS backs Centre's stand against same-sex marriage". The Times of India. 14 March 2023. Retrieved 10 March 2024.
- ^ "Marriage is 'sanskar', not instrument for enjoyment: RSS general secretary". Hindustan Times. 14 March 2023. Retrieved 10 March 2024.
- ^ Mishra, Ishita (17 October 2023). "RSS, affiliate welcome Supreme Court verdict on same sex marriage". The Hindu. Retrieved 10 March 2024.
- ^ "Hindu Nationalist's Historical Links to Nazism and Fascism". International Business Times. 6 March 2012. Archived from the original on 18 May 2016. Retrieved 17 May 2016.
- ISBN 9780415951470. Retrieved 14 June 2010.
- ^ Quraiza, Jai Banu (January 2004). Hindu Pro-Zionism and Philo-Semitism (PDF) (Report). p. 84. Archived from the original (PDF) on 23 April 2006. Retrieved 11 April 2014.
- ^ Shamsul Islam (2006). Golwalkar's We or our nationhood defined: a critique. Pharos Media & Pub. p. 30.
- ^ Suresh Ramabhai, Vinoba and his mission, published by Akhil Bharat Sarv Seva Sangh, 1954
- ^ "RSS for Dalit head priests in temples", The Times of India
- ^ "RSS rips into ban on Dalits entering temples" Archived 3 December 2013 at the Wayback Machine, Times of India, 9 January 2007
- ^ Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalist Movement 1996, p. 45.
- ^ Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalist Movement 1996, p. 50.
- ^ K S Bharati, Encyclopedia of Eminent Thinkers, Volume 7, 1998
- ^ a b "Ensuring transparency" Archived 2 November 2007 at the Wayback Machine, The Hindu, 18 February 2001
- ^ "Enigma of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh". Mainstream weekly. India. 18 August 2012. Archived from the original on 13 April 2014.
- ^ Arvind Lavakare (13 February 2001). "The saffron flutters high, yet again". Rediff-News. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 10 April 2014.
- ^ "Goa rebuilds quake-hit Gujarat village". The Times of India. 19 June 2002. Archived from the original on 9 April 2008. Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ Saba Naqvi Bhaumik, Outlook, 12 February 2001
- ^ India-Today, 12 February 2001 issue
- ^ "Relief missions from Delhi". The Hindu. 27 December 2004. Archived from the original on 19 January 2005. Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ PTI (29 December 2004). "Tsunami toll in TN, Pondy touches 7,000". Rediff. Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ Pawan Bali & Aswathy Kumar (28 June 2006). "Jammu kids get home away from guns". IBN live. Archived from the original on 25 October 2012. Retrieved 26 January 2011.
- ^ "JK: RSS adopts militancy hit Muslim children". News.oneindia.in. 25 June 2006. Archived from the original on 28 September 2011. Retrieved 26 January 2011.
- ^ "Fund of Controversy". The Times of India. 14 December 2002. Archived from the original on 3 November 2013. Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ "Minorities panel chief lauds RSS". Zee News. 26 July 2003.
- ^ Singh, Khushwant (22 August 2005). "1984 Anti-Sikh Riots: Victory To The Mob". Outlook.
- ^ Tiwana, Jagpal Singh (15 February 2003). "Khushwant Singh: "Japji Sahib is Based on the Upanishads"". Sikh Times.
- ISBN 9781482841633.
- ^ "RSS volunteers fan out to do relief work". The New Indian Express. Archived from the original on 6 November 2013. Retrieved 26 May 2013.
- ^ "RSS help for Uttarakhand flood victims" Archived 29 June 2013 at the Wayback Machine, The Hindu, 26 June 2013.
- ^ "RSS swings into action in flood-ravaged Uttarakhand" Archived 30 June 2013 at the Wayback Machine, Niti Central. Retrieved 18 July 2013.
- ^ Kaushika, Pragya (4 April 2020). "Backing Modi govt on lockdown, RSS doles out a bouquet of services for those stranded". ANI. Retrieved 7 April 2020.
- ^ Anand, Arun (24 March 2020). "RSS gets ready to fight coronavirus with awareness campaign, masks, soaps & food packets". Printline Media Pvt. Ltd. Retrieved 8 April 2020.
- ^ "RSS provides food to needy; operates 52 kitchens across Delhi amid COVID-19 lockdown". Business Standard India. Business Standard. 29 March 2020. Retrieved 7 April 2020.
- ^ Press Trust of India (30 March 2020). "Coronavirus: Impressed with welfare work, Muslim woman donates savings for Hajj to RSS-affiliate". India Today. Retrieved 31 October 2020.
- ^ Dixit, Kapil (21 February 2020). "Muslim students in UP's RSS schools rise 30% in 3 years". The Times of India. Retrieved 31 October 2020.
- ^ "Links between RSS, journals Organiser and Panchjanya". The Indian Express. 20 October 2015. Retrieved 18 April 2022.
- ^ Jha, Dhirendra (27 December 2015). "Staff of 'Panchajanya' and 'Organiser' sacked for writing to RSS chief". Scroll.in. Retrieved 18 April 2022.
- ^ "Circulation of RSS journals up by 40% since BJP came to power". Hindustan Times. 3 June 2017. Retrieved 18 April 2022.
- ^ Bhatt, Chetan (2013). "Democracy and Hindu nationalism". In John Anderson (ed.). Religion, Democracy and Democratization. Routledge. p. 140.
- ^
Eric S. Margolis (2000). War at the Top of the World: The Struggle for Afghanistan, Kashmir and Tibet. Taylor & Francis Group. p. 95. ISBN 978-0-415-93062-8. Retrieved 12 November 2012.
- ^ a b "How the BJP, RSS mobilised kar sevaks". The Indian Express. 25 November 2009. Archived from the original on 19 December 2010. Retrieved 26 January 2011.
- ^
Breker, Torkel (2012). Chris Seiple; Dennis R. Hoover; Pauletta Otis (eds.). The Routledge Handbook of Religion and Security. Routledge. pp. 86–87. ISBN 978-0415667449.
- ^
Parashar, Swati (2014). Women and Militant Wars: The Politics of Injury. Routledge. p. 77. ISBN 978-0415827966.
- JSTOR 4414900.
As against the mere silencing of the diverse cultures and contributions of women, minorities or workers found in conservative visions of education, the fascist school curriculum involves active manipulation of historical evidence in order to foster hatred for and violence against minorities................ Indeed, the fact that Pakistan and Indian Muslims are never explicitly named but referred to only as 'the neighbouring country' or terrorists paradoxically serves to strengthen the message - since the RSS can then take recourse to the claim of pure 'nationalism'. Students claim they are taught only about 'Indian' culture and deny that they are taught to hate other communities. They don't realise that the version of Indian culture they are taught is such a strongly Hindu and anti-minority one
- ISBN 978-1-107-55623-2.
The RSS had promoted a campaign of hatred against Gandhi, accusing him of being a traitor because of his willingness to negotiate with the Muslim community.
- ISBN 978-1-139-50429-4.
Through its strict, centralized, and authoritarian organiza-tion, the RSS controls a host of sister organizations devoted to the infusion of Hindu culture and values in different spheres of Indian society. The other side of this strategy of Hinduization is the aggressive stance against minorities who do not fit into the vision of Hindu society. The RSS and its leaders have always been motivated by hatred against Muslims and Christians, and they have created several terrorist organizations devoted to attacking members of these minority groups in different parts of India. Best known among the terrorist groups controlled by the RSS is the Bajrang Dal, the youth wing of the VHP, which specializes in violence against Muslims and Christians and has been involved in large-scale atrocities in India.
- ISBN 978-1-107-08963-1.
However, the RSS has planned these attacks while denying responsibility for them to generate fear and hatred of Muslims while claiming that Hindus are victims.
- ISBN 978-1-4008-2305-5.
The "significant other" of the RSS's alternative civil society in Pune remains, nonetheless, the anglicized establishment from which it has been excluded, while the immediate cause of fear and object of hatred, as always, is the Muslim community
- ISBN 978-0-521-85920-2.
Another main-tained that from its very origins, Hindu nationalism looked to Fascist Italy and National Socialist Germany for inspiration, and yet another identified the RSS, its affiliated organizations, and the BJP (its "political front"), as fascist — by identifying its essential traits as nothing other than "intolerance, hatred, brutality, and [the] urge for ethnic cleansing."
- ISBN 978-81-7370-102-3. Retrieved 26 January 2011.
- ISBN 978-0415351188.
- ^ "India: Gujarat Officials Took Part in Anti-Muslim Violence". Human Rights Watch. 30 April 2002. Archived from the original on 13 October 2010. Retrieved 26 January 2011.
- ^ "rediff.com: RSS, VHP appeal for peace in Gujarat". www.rediff.com. Archived from the original on 13 October 2010.
- ^ Dipankan Bandopadhyay (December 2016). "Illusory Nationalism and its woes". Politics Now. Retrieved 4 December 2016.
- ^ Blakely, Rhys (20 November 2008). "Hindu extremists reward to kill Christians as Britain refuses to bar members". The Times. London. Archived from the original on 20 September 2018. Retrieved 22 May 2010.
- ^ "Excerpts from the Liberhan Commission report". Hindustan Times. 25 November 2009. Archived from the original on 6 June 2011. Retrieved 26 January 2011.
- ^ "Liberhan comes down heavily on Vajpayee, Advani". rediff News. 24 November 2009. Archived from the original on 24 February 2011. Retrieved 26 January 2011.
- ^ "Liberhan Takes Suspicions As Proof". The New Indian Express. Bengalooru Edition. 7 December 2009. Archived from the original on 29 June 2013.
- ISBN 9788187496137.)
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link - ^ a b c d e f g h Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalism Reader 2007, p. 175–179.
- ^ Graham; Hindu Nationalism and Indian Politics 2007, p. 253.
- ^ Graham; Hindu Nationalism and Indian Politics 2007, p. 42.
- ISBN 9788131734650.
- ^ Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalism Reader 2007, p. 175-179.
- ^ S2CID 142912068.
- S2CID 154422056.
Bibliography
- Sources
- Bakaya, Akshay (2004), Anne Vaugier-Chatterjee (ed.), "Lessons from Kurukshetra the RSS Education Project", Education and Democracy in India, New Delhi: Manohar, ISBN 8173046042
- Bapu, Prabhu (2013), Hindu Mahasabha in Colonial North India, 1915–1930: Construction Nation and History, Routledge, ISBN 978-0415671651
- Basu, Tapan; Sarkar, Tanika (1993), Khaki Shorts and Saffron Flags: A Critique of the Hindu Right, Orient Longman, ISBN 0863113834
- Bhatt, Chetan (2001), Hindu Nationalism: Origins, Ideologies and Modern Myths, Berg Publishers, ISBN 1859733484
- Chitkara, M. G. (2004), Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh: National Upsurge, APH Publishing, ISBN 8176484652
- Curran, Jean Alonzo (1951), Militant Hinduism in Indian Politics: A Study of the R.S.S., International Secretariat, Institute of Pacific Relations, retrieved 27 October 2014
- Frykenberg, Robert Eric (1996), Martin E. Marty; R. Scott Appleby (eds.), "Hindu fundamentalism and the structural stability of India", Fundamentalisms and the State: Remaking Polities, Economies and Militance, University of Chicago Press, pp. 233–235, ISBN 0226508846
- Graham, Bruce Desmond (3 December 2007), Hindu Nationalism and Indian Politics: The Origins and Development of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-05374-7
- ISBN 0-8147-3110-4
- ISBN 0836405668
- ISBN 978-1850653011
- ISBN 978-0-691-13097-2
- Kelkar, D. V. (4 February 1950), "The R.S.S." (PDF), Economic Weekly, retrieved 26 October 2014
- Kelkar, Sanjeev (2011), Lost Years of the RSS, SAGE, ISBN 978-81-321-0590-9
- Misra, Amalendu (2004), Identity and Religion: Foundations of Anti-Islamism in India, SAGE Publications, ISBN 978-81-321-0323-3
- Sirsikar, V. M. (1988), Eleanor Zelliott; Maxine Bernsten (eds.), "My Years in the RSS", The Experience of Hinduism: Essays on Religion in Maharastra, SUNY Press, pp. 190–203, ISBN 0887066623
- Stern, Robert W. (2001), Democracy and Dictatorship in South Asia: Dominant Classes and Political Outcomes in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, Greenwood Publishing Group, ISBN 978-0-275-97041-3
- Venkatesan, V. (13 October 2001). "A pracharak as Chief Minister". Frontline. Archived from the original on 17 May 2017. Retrieved 23 September 2014.
- Anand, Adeesh (2007), Shree Guruji And His R.S.S., Delhi: M.D. Publication Pvt. Ltd.
- JSTOR 4361126
- ISBN 9788170360537
- Basu, Tapan (1993), Khaki Shorts and Saffron Flags: A Critique of the Hindu Right, Orient Blackswan, ISBN 978-0-86311-383-3
- Bipan Chandra (2008), Communalism in Modern India, Har-Anand, ISBN 978-81-241-1416-2
- Chitkara, M. G. (1997), Hindutva, APH Publishing, ISBN 81-7024-798-5
- Shamsul Islam (2006), Religious Dimensions of Indian Nationalism: A Study of RSS, Media House, ISBN 978-81-7495-236-3
- Jelen, Ted Gerard (2002), Religion and Politics in Comparative Perspective: The One, The Few, and The Many, Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-65031-3
- Noorani, Abdul Gafoor (2000), The RSS and the BJP: A Division of Labour, LeftWord Books, ISBN 978-81-87496-13-7
- ISBN 978-0-674-03059-6
- ISBN 978-81-321-0206-9
- Neerja Singh (28 July 2015), Patel, Prasad and Rajaji: Myth of the Indian Right, SAGE Publications, ISBN 978-93-5150-266-1
- Books
- Bhishikar, C. P. (1979), Keshave: Sangh Nirmata, New Delhi: Suruchi Sahitya Prakashan
- Golwalkar, M. S., Shri Guruji Samagra, New Delhi: Suruchi Prakashan
- Golwalkar, M. S. (1966), Bunch of Thoughts, Bangalore: Sahitya Sindhu Prakashana, ISBN 81-86595-19-8
- Sinha, Rakesh (2003), Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, New Delhi: Publication Division Ministry of Information & Broadcasting Government of India
- Mehrotra, N.C.; Manisha, Tandon (1995), Swatantrata Andolan Mein Shahjahanpur Ka Yogdan, Shahjahanpur, India: Shaheed-E-Aazam Pt. Ram Prasad Bismil Trust
- Publications
- "Panchajanya" (in Hindi). RSS weekly publication.
- "Organiser". RSS weekly publication.
- "Weekly Swastika". (A Nationalist Bengali News Weekly)
- Biographies of Dr. Hedgewar The founder of RSS (in Hindi and English)
External links
- Official website
- Quotations related to Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh at Wikiquote