Raymond III, Count of Tripoli
Raymond III | |
---|---|
King Baldwin IV | |
Count of Tripoli | |
Reign | 1152–1187 |
Predecessor | Raymond II |
Successor | Raymond IV |
Regents | See list
|
Born | 1140 |
Died | 1187 (aged 46–47) Catholicism |
Raymond III (1140 – September/October 1187) was
Raymond was released for a large ransom which he had to borrow from the
Baldwin V died suddenly in the summer of 1186, and Raymond convoked the barons of the realm to an assembly to Nablus. In his absence, Sibylla's supporters took possession of Jerusalem. Raymond tried to persuade Sybilla's half-sister, Isabella, and Isabella's husband, Humphrey IV of Toron, to claim the throne, but Humphrey swore fealty to Sybilla and Guy. Raymond refused to do homage to them and made an alliance with Saladin, allowing Saladin to cross Galilee during his campaigns against Jerusalem and to place a garrison in Galilee's capital Tiberias. In the summer of 1187, Saladin decided to launch a full-scale invasion against the crusaders, and only then was Raymond reconciled with Guy. Raymond commanded the vanguard of the crusaders' army in the Battle of Hattin, which ended with their catastrophic defeat. He was one of the few crusader commanders who were not killed or captured. He fled to Tyre and then to Tripoli, where he died (probably of pleurisy) after bequeathing Tripoli to his godson, Raymond of Antioch. The late 12th-century historian William of Tyre held Raymond III in high regard, and contemporaneous Muslim historians also praised his intelligence, but after the Battle of Hattin western historians tended to blame him for the crusaders' catastrophic defeat. In modern historiography, scholarly opinions are divided, with some historians accepting William of Tyre's assessment, and others emphasizing Raymond's selfishness and failures.
Early life
Born in 1140, Raymond was the only son of
Count
Minority
Baldwin held an assembly after Raymond II's burial at which the nobles of the
First years of majority
Raymond reached the age of majority in 1155.
An earthquake destroyed Tripoli, Arqa and Krak des Chevaliers in August 1157. Taking advantage of the arrival of Thierry, Count of Flanders (r. 1128–1168) at the head of a sizeable army in October, Baldwin III, Raynald of Châtillon and Raymond decided to launch a joint campaign against the Muslim towns of North Syria which had been ruined by the catastrophe.[15][16] The crusaders first attacked Chastel Rouge near the border of the County of Tripoli, but they could not force the defenders to surrender.[17][18] They could not seize Shaizar, either; Thierry of Flanders and Raynald of Châtillon claimed the town even before it was occupied, and they could not reach a compromise. The siege of Harenc (now Harem in Syria) was a success, but the crusading leaders finished the campaign after they captured it in January 1158.[19][20]
Seeking a wife from the crusader states, the widowed
Nur ad-Din raided Krak des Chevaliers and laid siege to Harenc in the summer of 1164.
Captivity
The crusader leaders captured at Harim were taken to Aleppo, where they were imprisoned. The chronicler
Amalric was the crusader states' supreme ruler but his position was fragile.
The date and the circumstances of Raymond's release are uncertain. According to William of Tyre, Raymond was set free after spending eight
William of Tyre reported that Raymond had to pay 80,000 pieces of gold as ransom, but could only pay 20,000. To guarantee payment of the arrears, Raymond surrendered hostages.[38] Muslim authors wrote that Raymond's ransom amounted to 150,000 Syrian dinars. Raymond borrowed money from the Knights Hospitaller to pay at least part of his ransom.[39]
Count and regent
First regency
Taking advantage of the seneschal's unpopularity, Raymond came to Jerusalem in August and laid claim to the regency on the grounds that he was the closest male relative and the most powerful vassal of the child king.[47][48] Raymond also emphasized that since he had appointed the King's father to administer Tripoli during his captivity, he was entitled to claim the same treatment.[49] Miles of Plancy postponed the decision about Raymond's claim, saying that only the plenary session of the High Court of Jerusalem could hear it.[50]
Raymond returned to Tripoli,
Saladin had expanded his rule to Damascus, Baalbek, Shaizar and Hama, taking advantage of the minority of Nur ad-Din's son as-Salih Ismail al-Malik.[55][56] Saladin occupied Homs in early December 1174, but the garrison at the citadel resisted.[45] Without forcing the garrison to surrender, Saladin left Homs for Aleppo (the seat of the Zengids in Syria) and left a small army in Homs' lower town.[56]
Saladin's fierce determination to unite Egypt and Syria threatened the crusader states. Raymond mustered the troops of Jerusalem and Tripoli at Arqa in early 1175, but did not intervene in the conflict between Saladin and the Zengids. The defenders of the Homs citadel offered to set their Christian prisoners free if Raymond provided military assistance for them; the prisoners included the hostages who were surety for the arrears of his ransom. Raymond was willing to assist the defenders of Homs only if they immediately released their prisoners, but they refused his demand. William of Tyre later emphasized that the commanders of the crusader army doubted if the defenders of the Homs citadel actually wanted to release their prisoners.[57][56] Saladin returned to Homs soon after he was informed about the negotiations between the crusaders and the garrison. Instead of attacking him, the crusader army retreated to Krak des Chevaliers;[58] this enabled Saladin to capture the citadel on 17 March 1175.[59] He sent envoys to the crusaders' camp to secure their neutrality in his conflict with the Zengids.[58] After Saladin agreed to release the hostages, the crusader army withdrew to Tripoli.[58] William of Tyre blamed Humphrey II of Toron for the crusaders' inactivity during the siege of Homs.[60]
Saladin defeated the united Zengid armies of Aleppo and
Campaigns
Baldwin IV came of age at his fifteenth birthday on 15 July 1176. With the end of his regency, Raymond returned to Tripoli.
Philip came to Tripoli in late October.
Raymond attacked a group of
According to the chronicle
Dynastic factions
Raymond and Bohemond III mustered their troops and marched to Jerusalem in April 1180. Although they ostensibly came to celebrate Easter in the Holy City, the ailing Baldwin IV feared that they wanted to depose him. He hastily married his sister and heir presumptive,
[T]he lord Prince Bohemond of Antioch and the lord Count Raymond of Tripoli, entering the kingdom with an army, terrified the lord king who feared lest they should attempt to organize a revolution by deposing the king and laying claim to the kingdom for themselves. For the king was afflicted more grievously than usual by his illness and day by day the symptoms of leprosy became more and more evident. The sister of the king ... was awaiting the arrival of [Hugh III of Burgundy] ... When the king knew that these noblemen had come, although both of them were his kinsmen, he viewed them with suspicion and hastened his sister's marriage. ... [B]ecause certain things had happened, she was unexpectedly married to a certain young man called Guy of Lusignan.
— William of Tyre: History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea[83]
Since Raymond and Bohemond lost the King's favour, they left Jerusalem shortly after Easter.[84] They were crossing Galilee when Saladin invaded the region, and their arrival forced him to retreat. Saladin and Baldwin signed a two-year truce. The truce did not cover Tripoli, enabling Saladin to launch a sudden raid on the county. Since the surprise attack prevented Raymond from mustering his troops, he fled to the fortress of Arqa. Saladin's army pillaged the northern plains of the county, and his fleet captured the island of Ruad at Tortosa (now Arwad in Lebanon). He withdrew his troops only after Raymond signed a truce. Over the following years, Raymond strengthened the county's defence by granting new territories to the Knights Hospitaller or confirming his vassals' grants to them.[85]
After a two-year absence, Raymond decided to again visit Galilee in April 1182 but Agnes of Courtenay and Joscelin III persuaded Baldwin IV to forbid his entrance to the Jerusalemite kingdom.
New conflicts
Raymond accompanied the royal army to Oultrejordain.
Saladin seized Aleppo, the Zengids' last important stronghold in Syria, on 12 June 1183; he soon decided to invade the Kingdom of Jerusalem and bring the crusaders to a pitched battle. At Baldwin's order, more than 1,000 knights and about 15,000 foot soldiers gathered at Saffuriya.[96][97] Raymond hurried to the mustering point.[90] Baldwin developed a fever, which forced him to appoint Guy of Lusignan bailiff.[98] Saladin crossed the Jordan and pillaged Bethsan on 29 September.[99] Although he continued his campaign for nine days, the crusaders refrained from attacking his troops.[100] William of Tyre reported that most common soldiers accused Guy's opponents of refusing to attack the invaders because they feared that a victory would strengthen Guy's position.[90]
Relations between Guy and the King became tense during the following months. Baldwin summoned the realm's barons to an assembly to discuss the future of the kingdom's administration.
Second regency
In October 1184, Guy of Lusignan raided the Bedouin tribes who grazed their herds in the royal domain of Deir al-Balah. This action enraged the King, who (according to William of Tyre) soon assembled the realm's barons and handed over "the government of the kingdom and its general administration" to Raymond.[90] In contrast, Ernoul's chronicle and the Estoire de Eracles state that Baldwin IV decided to appoint a regent only after the members of the High Court had warned him that Guy (who was the stepfather of Baldwin's minor heir) was still entitled to govern the kingdom after his death. The dying king asked them to name their candidate, and they unanimously nominated Raymond. According to Ernoul's chronicle, Baldwin IV accepted their choice and asked Raymond "to act as regent of the kingdom and of the child for ten years until the child came of age".[106] Although most sources failed to mention the date of these events, one version of the Estoire de Eracles states that Raymond was made regent in 1185.[107][108]
Ernoul and the Estoire de Eracles recorded that the High Court passed specific rules about the regency before Raymond was installed: the barons chose Joscelin III as the child king's guardian, also stipulating that the military orders would hold all royal fortresses during the King's minority, but
The date of Baldwin IV's death is unknown, but it is certain that he died before 16 May 1185.
Last years
Towards Hattin
Baldwin V died unexpectedly in Acre during the summer of 1186.[110] The cause of the child king's death is unknown.[114] Joscelin III convinced Raymond to go to Tiberias to make preparations for a general assembly and let the Templars deliver the young king's body to Jerusalem.[115][116] Taking advantage of Raymond's absence, Joscelin took control of Acre and Beirut.[117][118] Raymond summoned the barons to Nablus, the fief of Balian of Ibelin (one of his main supporters).[115] According to the contemporaneous German chronicler Arnold of Lübeck and Ibn al-Athir, Raymond tried to seize the throne at the assembly.[116] The reports are clear evidence of a widespread belief in Raymond's ambitions to seize the crown, but their reliability is questionable according to Hamilton.[116][119]
While most of the barons were assembling at Nablus, Sibylla and Guy of Lusignan attended the King's funeral in Jerusalem.[116] The patriarch of Jerusalem, the grand masters of the Templars and Hospitallers, and Raynald of Châtillon were also present. Staunch supporters of Sybilla, they decided to offer her the crown without waiting for the decision of the four Western monarchs (as the High Court had stipulated in early 1185).[120] Although she invited the barons at Nablus to attend her coronation, they did not acknowledge her right to rule, forbade the ceremony, and sent two Cistercian abbots to Jerusalem to inform her of their veto.[121][122][123] Raymond dispatched one of his retainers to accompany the abbots in disguise, to spy in the capital.[123]
Sibylla's supporters ignored the barons' opposition, and Patriarch Heraclius crowned her before the end of September.[110] She soon put the crown on Guy's head, and the patriarch anointed him.[122] According to the Estoire de Eracles, Ridefort proudly declared "this crown well worth the marriage of Botrun" in reference to Raymond's betrayal. Raymond and his supporters decided to elect Sibylla's half-sister Isabella and her husband, Humphrey IV of Toron, queen and king, but Humphrey—who was Châtillon's stepson—secretly left Nablus for Jerusalem and paid homage to Guy. Most barons followed Humphrey's example, swearing fealty to the royal couple before the end of October.[123][124] After his former partisans abandoned him, Raymond returned to Tiberias without paying homage to Sibylla and Guy.[125][126]
Guy accused Raymond of betrayal, and invaded Galilee in October.[110][125] The King demanded an accounting of Raymond's regency, but Raymond answered that he had spent all royal income on state administration.[127] Raymond decided to resist, and sought assistance from Saladin. The sultan sent troops to Tiberias, forcing Guy to withdraw. According to Ibn al-Athir, Saladin offered to make Raymond "an independent king for the Franks one and all".[128] Arnold of Lübeck wrote that Raymond pledged to allow Saladin's army to invade the kingdom across Galilee in exchange for the sultan's assistance in seizing the throne.[129]
Lewis suggests that the Occitanian troubadour Peire Vidal visited Raymond's court in Tiberias around the time of the conflict between Raymond and the royal couple. Raymond provided patronage to Vidal, who dedicated a eulogy to him in one of his poems. Lewis notes that it was around that time that Raymond offered to appoint a member of the House of Toulouse his heir if he was willing to settle in the County of Tripoli. Since Raymond's offer is only recorded in a version of a late source, the Lignages d'Outremer, it may have been invented by its author.[130]
But upon Tripoli I rely
Because whereas the other barons
Chase away glory, he retains it
And does not let it depart from him— Peire Vidal[131]
Saladin decided to launch a full-scale invasion against the kingdom, and began mustering forces from his whole empire in early 1187. The barons convinced Guy to seek reconciliation with Raymond. The masters of the two military orders,
Balian of Ibelin and the archbishops of Tyre and Nazareth arrived at Tiberias the following day.
Hattin and its consequences
The King ordered the assembly of the kingdom's troops at Saffuriya. Raymond joined the royal army with all the knights from Galilee, leaving his wife in Tiberias at the head of a small garrison. Knights from the County of Tripoli also came to Saffuriya. On 2 July 1187, Saladin invaded Galilee and besieged Tiberias. The news about the siege of Tiberias aroused fresh conflict among the crusaders, because Raymond and Ridefort proposed opposite strategies. Emphasizing that the town could resist even a prolonged siege, Raymond wanted to avoid a pitched battle[141] and proposed that Guy send envoys to Antioch asking Bohemond III for reinforcements.[142] Ridefort and Châtillon accused him of cowardice, adding that passivity would cost the King his kingdom. Since the King was obviously willing to accept Raymond's proposal, Ridefort reminded him of Raymond's previous alliance with Saladin. The King finally decided to attack, and ordered his army to march towards Tiberias.[142][143]
As lord of the region, Raymond was appointed to guide the army across Galilee. After Saladin's troops began attacking the rear held by the Templars, the crusaders halted at Maskana although the local well could not provide enough water for a large army.
The rest of the crusader army was annihilated;[151][152] Raymond's many Tripolitan vassals—Plivain of Botrun, Hugh II Embriaco and Melioret of Maraqiyya—were captured.[150] The towns of the kingdom, left nearly defenceless, could not resist, and Saladin captured almost all of them over the following month.[153] Eschiva of Bures surrendered Tiberias to Saladin, and joined Raymond in Tyre. After Saladin occupied Beirut on 6 August, Raymond fled to Tripoli because he thought that Saladin could easily capture Tyre. His old allies, Balian of Ibelin and Raynald of Sidon, soon joined him.[154]
Raymond fell seriously ill in Tripoli. The contemporaneous chronicler
Legacy
William of Tyre, who held Raymond in high regard,[159] described him as a man with "much foresight" in politics and warfare.[158] His praise was tempered with criticism,[159] and he called Raymond's 1179 escape from the battlefield at Marj Ayyun "disgraceful".[70] Although William (who was made chancellor and archbishop during Raymond's first regency) cannot be regarded as a neutral observer,[42] his chronicle strongly influenced the works of Runciman, Baldwin and other 20th-century historians. According to Baldwin, William's account of Raymond's political and military talents should be regarded "more a statement of fact than an expression of opinion". Lewis refutes Raymond's positive assessment, saying that his "career reads as a veritable litany of inconsequential, misguided, or downright disastrous endeavours".[158] Barber emphasizes that Raymond's "actions were usually driven by his own personal ambitions and needs".[42]
[Raymond] was a slight-built, thin man. He was not very tall and he had a dark skin. He had straight hair of a medium colour and piercing eyes. He carried himself stiffly. He had an orderly mind, was cautious, but acted with vigour. He was more than averagely abstemious in his eating and drinking habits, and although he was liberal to strangers he was not so affable towards his own men.
— William of Tyre: History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea[159]
Contemporary Muslim authors described Raymond as an intelligent, astute politician.[160] Ibn al-Athir wrote that the crusaders "had nobody more influential than him, none braver and none more excellent in counsel".[161][162] Ibn al-Athir emphasized Raymond's bad reputation among the Muslims, saying that Raymond was "the devil among the Franks and the most unyieldingly hostile to the Muslims".[163][164] The 13th-century Arab historian Abu Shama records that some Muslims also regarded Raymond as one of the principal enemies of the Muslim world, and urged Saladin to capture (and kill) him and Raynald of Châtillon.[163]
Baldwin, Runciman and other historians, who based their works primarily on the chronicles of William of Tyre and Ernoul, regard Raymond as a leader of the pullani (natives) who wanted to keep peace with Saladin because they wanted to ensure the survival of the crusader states. These scholars see Raymond's opponents as newcomers whose aggressive policy led to the fall of the kingdom.
The fall of Jerusalem and nearly the entire
Genealogical table
Raymond's close family and relationship with neighbouring rulers[170][171] | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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See also
Notes
References
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 168.
- ^ Lewis 2017, pp. 13, 104.
- ^ Barber 2012, p. 199.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 185.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 167.
- ^ Runciman 1989, pp. 332–333.
- ^ a b Lewis 2017, p. 170.
- ^ Barber 2012, p. 157.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 184.
- ^ Runciman 1989, p. 333.
- ^ Baldwin 1969, p. 536.
- ^ Lewis 2017, pp. 184–187.
- ^ a b Lewis 2017, p. 186.
- ^ Barber 2012, pp. 210–211.
- ^ a b Lewis 2017, p. 187.
- ^ Lock 2006, p. 54.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 188.
- ^ Baldwin 1969, p. 541.
- ^ Barber 2012, p. 212.
- ^ Lewis 2017, pp. 188–189.
- ^ Lilie 2004, p. 183.
- ^ a b c Lewis 2017, p. 197.
- ^ Lock 2006, p. 55.
- ^ Lewis 2017, pp. 199–201.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 199.
- ^ Lock 2006, p. 56.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 203.
- ^ a b Lewis 2017, p. 204.
- ^ Barber 2012, p. 240.
- ^ Lewis 2017, pp. 204–205.
- ^ Runciman 1989, pp. 369–370.
- ^ a b Lewis 2017, p. 208.
- ^ Lewis 2017, pp. 208–209.
- ^ a b Lewis 2017, p. 219.
- ^ Lock 2006, p. 60.
- ^ Baldwin 1969, p. 561.
- ^ Lewis 2017, pp. 219, 221.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 221.
- ^ Lewis 2017, pp. 220–221.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, p. 33.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 222.
- ^ a b c Barber 2012, p. 266.
- ^ a b Riley-Smith 1973, p. 102.
- ^ Runciman 1989, pp. 399, 404.
- ^ a b c d e Lock 2006, p. 61.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, p. 88.
- ^ Lewis 2017, pp. 222, 235.
- ^ Riley-Smith 1973, pp. 102–103.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 235.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, p. 89.
- ^ a b c Lewis 2017, p. 236.
- ^ a b Hamilton 2000, p. 93.
- ^ a b Lewis 2017, p. 237.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, pp. 26, 95–96.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 239.
- ^ a b c Hamilton 2000, p. 98.
- ^ Lewis 2017, pp. 239–240.
- ^ a b c d Hamilton 2000, p. 99.
- ^ a b c Lock 2006, p. 62.
- ^ a b c Lewis 2017, p. 241.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, p. 103.
- ^ Runciman 1989, p. 414.
- ^ Lock 2006, p. 64.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, pp. 122–128.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, p. 128.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 242.
- ^ Runciman 1989, p. 415.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 243.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, pp. 132–137.
- ^ a b Lewis 2017, p. 244.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, p. 143.
- ^ Barber 2012, p. 273.
- ^ a b c Barber 2012, p. 294.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 250.
- ^ Runciman 1989, p. 404.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, p. 147.
- ^ Barber 2012, pp. 274–275.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, pp. 150–154.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, p. 154.
- ^ Runciman 1989, pp. 423–424.
- ^ Baldwin 1969, pp. 596–597.
- ^ Baldwin 1969, p. 597.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, pp. 151–152.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 247.
- ^ Lewis 2017, pp. 245–247.
- ^ a b c Lewis 2017, p. 253.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, pp. 167–168.
- ^ Riley-Smith 1973, p. 104.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, p. 172.
- ^ a b c d e f Lewis 2017, p. 255.
- ^ a b Barber 2012, p. 278.
- ^ a b c d Lewis 2017, p. 254.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, p. 173.
- ^ a b Hamilton 2000, p. 174.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, p. 179.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, pp. 187–188.
- ^ Barber 2012, p. 281.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, pp. 188–189.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, p. 190.
- ^ Barber 2012, pp. 281–282.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, pp. 192–193.
- ^ a b c Barber 2012, p. 282.
- ^ Baldwin 1969, p. 601.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, p. 195.
- ^ Barber 2012, pp. 284–285.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, pp. 205–206.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, p. 204.
- ^ Lock 2006, p. 69.
- ^ a b Lewis 2017, p. 256.
- ^ a b c d e f Lock 2006, p. 70.
- ^ a b Hamilton 2000, p. 211.
- ^ Barber 2012, pp. 290–291.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, p. 214.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, p. 216.
- ^ a b Barber 2012, p. 293.
- ^ a b c d Hamilton 2000, p. 217.
- ^ Riley-Smith 1973, p. 109.
- ^ Baldwin 1969, p. 604.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 259.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, p. 218.
- ^ Barber 2012, pp. 293–294.
- ^ a b Hamilton 2000, p. 220.
- ^ a b c Lewis 2017, p. 260.
- ^ Riley-Smith 1973, p. 111.
- ^ a b Lewis 2017, p. 264.
- ^ Baldwin 1969, p. 605.
- ^ Barber 2012, p. 296.
- ^ Lewis 2017, pp. 264–265.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, p. 224.
- ^ Lewis 2017, pp. 261, 263.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 261.
- ^ Barber 2012, pp. 297–298.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 267.
- ^ a b c d Hamilton 2000, p. 228.
- ^ a b Barber 2012, p. 298.
- ^ Runciman 1989, pp. 453–454.
- ^ a b Runciman 1989, p. 454.
- ^ Hamilton 2000, p. 229.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 207.
- ^ Barber 2012, p. 299.
- ^ Lewis 2017, pp. 267–269.
- ^ a b Barber 2012, p. 300.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 268.
- ^ Runciman 1989, p. 457.
- ^ Barber 2012, p. 302.
- ^ Barber 2012, pp. 295, 302.
- ^ Barber 2012, pp. 302–303.
- ^ a b c Runciman 1989, p. 458.
- ^ Barber 2012, p. 303.
- ^ a b Lewis 2017, p. 270.
- ^ Lock 2006, p. 71.
- ^ Riley-Smith 1973, p. 112.
- ^ Barber 2012, pp. 307–308.
- ^ Lewis 2017, pp. 271–272.
- ^ Barber 2012, p. 312.
- ^ a b c Lewis 2017, p. 273.
- ^ Barber 2012, p. 424 (note 118).
- ^ a b c Lewis 2017, p. 275.
- ^ a b c Hamilton 2000, p. 94.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 205.
- ^ The Chronicle of Ibn Al-Athīr for the Crusading Period from Al-Kāmil Fī'l-ta'rīkh (The Year 582, ch. 326), p. 315.
- ^ Lewis 2017, pp. 205, 228 (144).
- ^ a b c Lewis 2017, p. 274.
- ^ The Chronicle of Ibn Al-Athīr for the Crusading Period from Al-Kāmil Fī'l-ta'rīkh (The Year 559, ch. 303), p. 148.
- ^ a b Hamilton 2000, pp. 1–2.
- ^ Runciman 1989, p. 405.
- ^ Baldwin 1969, p. 598.
- ^ Lewis 2017, pp. 273–274.
- ^ Lewis 2017, pp. 274, 283.
- ^ Lewis 2017, p. 13.
- ^ Runciman 1989, Appendix III.
Sources
Primary sources
- The Chronicle of Ibn Al-Athīr for the Crusading Period from Al-Kāmil Fī'l-ta'rīkh, Part 2: The years 541–589/1146–1193: The Age of Nur al-Din and Saladin (Translated by D.S. Richards) (2007). Ashgate. ISBN 978-0-7546-4078-3.
Secondary sources
- Baldwin, Marshall W. (1969) [1955]. "The Latin States under Baldwin III and Amalric I, 1143–1174; The Decline and Fall of Jerusalem, 1174–1189". In Baldwin, Marshall W. (ed.). The First Hundred Years. ISBN 978-0-299-04834-1.
- ISBN 978-0-300-11312-9.
- Hamilton, Bernard (2000). The Leper King and His Heirs: Baldwin IV and the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem. ISBN 978-0-521-64187-6.
- Lewis, Kevin James (2017). The Counts of Tripoli and Lebanon in the Twelfth Century: Sons of Saint-Gilles. Rulers of the Latin East. ISBN 978-1-4724-5890-2.
- ISBN 978-0-19-820407-7.
- Lock, Peter (2006). The Routledge Companion to the Crusades. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-39312-6.
- ISBN 978-0-333-06379-8.
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