Reactions to On the Origin of Species
The immediate reactions, from November 1859 to April 1861, to
Religious views were mixed, with the
The most famous confrontation took place at the public
Background
Darwin's ideas developed rapidly after returning from the Voyage of the Beagle in 1836. By December 1838, he had developed the basic principles of his theory. At that time, ideas about the transmutation of species were associated with radical political ideas of the Age of Enlightenment and the French Revolution, and some people, such as Darwin's old instructor Robert Edmond Grant had been ridiculed and marginalized by members of the scientific establishment such as Richard Owen for advocating them.[1] Darwin was conscious of the need to answer all likely objections before publishing. While he continued with research, he had an immense amount of work in hand analyzing and publishing findings from the Beagle expedition, and was repeatedly delayed by illness.
The Natural history, especially in Britain, at that time was dominated by proponents of
This was also a time of intense conflict over religious morality in England, where
By September 1854 Darwin's other books reached a stage where he was able to turn his attention fully to Species, and from this point he was working to publish his theory. On 18 June 1858 he received a parcel from Alfred Russel Wallace enclosing about twenty pages describing an evolutionary mechanism that was similar to Darwin's own theory. Darwin put matters in the hands of his friends Lyell and Hooker, who agreed on a joint presentation to the Linnean Society on 1 July 1858. Their papers were entitled, collectively, On the Tendency of Species to form Varieties; and on the Perpetuation of Varieties and Species by Natural Means of Selection.
Publication of The Origin of Species
Darwin now worked on an "abstract" trimmed from his Natural Selection manuscript. The publisher
First reviews
The reviewers were less encouraging. Four days before publication, a review in the authoritative
By 9 December when Darwin left Ilkley to come home, he had been told that Murray was organising a second run of 3,000 copies.[11] Hooker had been "converted", Lyell was "absolutely gloating" and Huxley wrote "with such tremendous praise", advising that he was sharpening his "beak and claws" to disembowel "the curs who will bark and yelp".[12][13]
First response
Richard Owen had been the first to respond to the complimentary copies, courteously claiming that he had long believed that "existing influences" were responsible for the "ordained" birth of species.[14] Darwin now had long talks with him, and told Lyell that "Under garb of great civility, he was inclined to be most bitter & sneering against me. Yet I infer from several expressions, that at bottom he goes immense way with us." Owen was furious at being included among those defending immutability of species, and in effect said that the book offered the best explanation "ever published of the manner of formation of species", though he did not agree with it in all respects.[15] He still had the gravest doubts that transmutation would bestialise man. It appears that Darwin had assured Owen that he was looking at everything as resulting from designed laws, which Owen interpreted as showing a shared belief in "Creative Power".
Darwin had already made his views clearer to others, telling Lyell that if each step in evolution was providentially planned, the whole procedure would be a miracle and natural selection superfluous.[16] He had also sent a copy to John Herschel, and on 10 December he told Lyell of having "heard by round about channel that Herschel says my Book "is the law of higgledy-piggledy".– What this exactly means I do not know, but it is evidently very contemptuous.– If true this is great blow & discouragement."[15] Darwin subsequently corresponded with Herschel, and in January 1861 Herschel added a footnote to the draft of his Physical Geography which, while disparaging "the principle of arbitrary and casual variation and natural selection" as insufficient without "intelligent direction", said that "with some demur as to the genesis of man, we are far from disposed to repudiate the view taken of this mysterious subject in Mr. Darwin's book."[17]
Geological time
It was known that the geologic time scale was "incomprehensibly vast", if unquantifiable. From 1848 Darwin discussed data with Andrew Ramsay, who had said "it is vain to attempt to measure the duration of even small portions of geological epochs." A chapter of Lyell's Principles of Geology described the enormous amount of erosion involved in forming the Weald.[18] To demonstrate the time available for natural selection to operate, Darwin drew on Lyell's example and Ramsay's data in chapter 9 of On the Origin of Species to estimate that erosion of the Weald's layered dome of Lower Cretaceous rocks "must have required 306,662,400 years; or say three hundred million years."[19]
The "necessary corrections" Darwin made to his drafts for the second edition of the Origin were based on comments from others, particularly Lyell, and added a caveat suggesting a faster rate of erosion of the Weald:[20] "perhaps it would be safer to allow two or three inches per century, and this would reduce the number of years to one hundred and fifty or one hundred million years."[21][22] Copies of the second edition were advertised as ready on 24 December, in advance of official publication on 7 January 1860.[23]
The
In the third edition published on 30 April 1861, Darwin cited the Saturday Review article as reason to remove his calculation altogether.[27][28]
Friendly reviews
The December 1859 review in the British Unitarian National Review was written by Darwin's old friend William Carpenter, who was clear that only a world of "order, continuity, and progress" befitted an Omnipotent Deity and that "any theological objection" to a species of slug or a breed of dog deriving from a previous one was "simply absurd" dogma.[29] He touched on human evolution, satisfied that the struggle for existence tended "inevitably... towards the progressive exaltation of the races engaged in it".
On Boxing Day (26 December) The Times carried an anonymous review.[30] The staff reviewer, "as innocent of any knowledge of science as a babe", gave the task to Huxley, leading Darwin to ask his friend how "did you influence Jupiter Olympus and make him give three and a half columns to pure science? The old fogies will think the world will come to an end." Darwin treasured the piece more than "a dozen reviews in common periodicals", but noted "Upon my life I am sorry for Owen... he will be so d—d savage, for credit given to any other man, I strongly suspect, is in his eyes so much credit robbed from him. Science is so narrow a field, it is clear there ought to be only one cock of the walk!".[31]
Hooker also wrote a favourable review, which appeared at the end of December in the Gardener's Chronicle and treated the theory as an extension of horticultural lore.[32]
Clerical concern, atheist enthusiasm
In his lofty position at the head of
The most enthusiastic response came from atheists, with
Widespread interest
In January 1860, Darwin told Lyell of a reported incident at Waterloo Bridge Station: "I never till to day realised that it was getting widely distributed; for in a letter from a lady today to Emma, she says she heard a man enquiring for it at Railway Station!!! at Waterloo Bridge; & the Bookseller said that he had none till new Edit. was out.— The Bookseller said he had not read it but had heard it was a very remarkable book!!!"[35]
Asa Gray in the United States
In December 1859 the botanist Asa Gray negotiated with a Boston publisher for publication of an authorised American version, however, he learnt that two New York publishing firms were already planning to exploit the absence of international copyright to print Origin.[36] Darwin wrote in January, "I never dreamed of my Book being so successful with general readers: I believe I should have laughed at the idea of sending the sheets to America." and asked Gray to keep any profits.[37] Gray managed to negotiate a 5 per cent royalty with Appleton's of New York,[38] who got their edition out in mid January, and the other two withdrew. In a May letter Darwin mentioned a print run of 2,500 copies, but it is not clear if this was the first printing alone as there were four that year.[39][40]
When sending his Historical preface and corrections for the American edition in February, Darwin thanked Asa Gray for his comments, as "a Review from a man, who is not an entire convert, if fair & moderately favourable, is in all respects the best kind of Review. About weak points I agree. The eye to this day gives me a cold shudder, but when I think of the fine known gradations, my reason tells me I ought to conquer the cold shudder."[41] In April he continued, "It is curious that I remember well time when the thought of the eye made me cold all over, but I have got over this stage of the complaint, & now small trifling particulars of structure often make me very uncomfortable. The sight of a feather in a peacock's tail, whenever I gaze at it, makes me sick!"[42] A month later Darwin emphasised that he was bewildered by the theological aspects and "had no intention to write atheistically, but could not see, as plainly as others do, & as I shd wish to do, evidence of design & beneficence on all sides of us. There seems to me too much misery in the world. I cannot persuade myself that a beneficent and omnipotent God would have designedly created the Ichneumonidae with the express intention of their feeding within the living bodies of caterpillars" – expressing his particular revulsion at the Ichneumonidae family of parasitic wasps that lay their eggs in the larvae and pupae of other insects so that their parasitoid young have a ready source of food. He therefore could not believe in the necessity of design, but rather than attributing the wonders of the universe to brute force was "inclined to look at everything as resulting from designed laws, with the details, whether good or bad, left to the working out of what we may call chance. Not that this notion at all satisfies me. I feel most deeply that the whole subject is too profound for the human intellect. A dog might as well speculate on the mind of Newton" – referring to Isaac Newton.[43]
Erasmus and Martineau
Darwin's brother Erasmus reported on 23 November that their cousin Henry Holland was reading the book and in "a dreadful state of indecision", sure that explaining the eye would be "utterly impossible", but after reading it "he hummed & hawed & perhaps it was partly conceivable". Erasmus himself thought it "the most interesting book I ever read",[44] and sent a copy to his old flame Miss Harriet Martineau who, at 58, was still reviewing from her home in the Lake District. Martineau sent her thanks, adding that she had previously praised "the quality & conduct of your brother's mind, but it is an unspeakable satisfaction to see here the full manifestation of its earnestness & simplicity, its sagacity, its industry, & the patient power by wh. it has collected such a mass of facts, to transmute them by such sagacious treatment into such portentious knowledge. I shd. much like to know how large a proportion of our scientific men believe he has found a sound road."[45]
Writing to her fellow
Clerical reaction
The Revd. Adam Sedgwick had received his copy "with more pain than pleasure."[46] Without Creation showing divine love, "humanity, to my mind, would suffer a damage that might brutalise it, and sink the human race..." He indicated that unless Darwin accepted God's revelation in nature and scripture, Sedgwick would not meet Darwin in heaven, a sentiment that upset Emma. The Revd. John Stevens Henslow, the botany professor whose natural history course Charles had joined thirty years earlier, gave faint praise to the Origin as "a stumble in the right direction" but distanced himself from its conclusions, "a question past our finding out..."[47]
The
There was no official comment from the
Huxley and Owen
On 10 February 1860 Huxley gave a lecture titled On Species and Races, and their Origin at the
The position of Richard Owen was unknown: when emphasising to a Parliamentary committee the need for a new Natural History museum, he pointed out that "The whole intellectual world this year has been excited by a book on the origin of species; and what is the consequence? Visitors come to the British Museum, and they say, 'Let us see all these varieties of pigeons: where is the tumbler, where is the pouter?' and I am obliged with shame to say, I can show you none of them..." As to showing you the varieties of those species, or of any of those phenomena that would aid one in getting at that mystery of mysteries, the origin of species, our space does not permit; but surely there ought to be a space somewhere, and, if not in the British Museum, where is it to be obtained?"
Huxley's April review in the
Overflowing the narrow bounds of purely scientific circles, the "species question" divides with Italy and the Volunteers the attention of general society. Everybody has read Mr. Darwin's book, or, at least, has given an opinion upon its merits or demerits; pietists, whether lay or ecclesiastic, decry it with the mild railing which sounds so charitable; bigots denounce it with ignorant invective; old ladies of both sexes consider it a decidedly dangerous book, and even savants, who have no better mud to throw, quote antiquated writers to show that its author is no better than an ape himself; while every philosophical thinker hails it as a veritable Whitworth gun in the armoury of liberalism; and all competent naturalists and physiologists, whatever their opinions as to the ultimate fate of the doctrines put forth, acknowledge that the work in which they are embodied is a solid contribution to knowledge and inaugurates a new epoch in natural history. – Thomas Huxley, 1860[53]
When Owen's own anonymous review of the Origin appeared in the April Edinburgh Review he praised himself and his own axiom of the continuous operation of the ordained becoming of living things, and showed his anger at what he saw as Darwin's caricature of the creationist position and ignoring Owen's pre-eminence. To him, new species appeared at birth, not through natural selection. As well as attacking Darwin's "disciples" Hooker and Huxley, he thought that the book symbolised the sort of "abuse of science to which a neighbouring nation, some seventy years since, owed its temporary degradation."[55] Darwin had Huxley and Hooker staying with him when he read it, and he wrote telling Lyell that it was "extremely malignant, clever & I fear will be very damaging. He is atrociously severe on Huxley's lecture, & very bitter against Hooker. So we three enjoyed it together: not that I really enjoyed it, for it made me uncomfortable for one night; but I have got quite over it today. It requires much study to appreciate all the bitter spite of many of the remarks against me; indeed I did not discover all myself.– It scandalously misrepresents many parts. .... It is painful to be hated in the intense degree with which Owen hates me."[54] He commented to Henslow that "Owen is indeed very spiteful. He misrepresents & alters what I say very unfairly. .... The Londoners says he is mad with envy because my book has been talked about: what a strange man to be envious of a naturalist like myself, immeasurably his inferior!"[56]
Geological time and Phillips
Darwin's had estimated that erosion of the Weald would take 300 million years, but in the second edition of On the Origin of Species published on 7 January 1860 he accepted that it would be safer to allow 150 million to 200 million years.[57]
Geologists knew the earth was ancient, but had felt unable to put realistic figures on the duration of past geological changes. Darwin's book provided a new impetus to quantifying geological time. His most prominent critic, John Phillips, had investigated how temperatures increased with depth in the 1830s, and was convinced that, contrary to Lyell and Darwin's uniformitarianism, the Earth was cooling over the long term. Between 1838 and 1855 he tried various ways of quantifying the timing of stratified deposits, without success.[58] On 17 February 1860, Phillips used his presidential address to the Geological Society of London to accuse Darwin of "abuse of arithmetic". He said 300 million years was an "inconceivable number" and that, depending on assumptions, erosion of the Weald could have taken anything from 12,000 years to at most 1,332,000 years, well below Darwin's estimate. When giving the May 1860 Rede Lecture, Phillips produced his own first published estimates of the duration of the whole stratigraphic record,[18] using rates of sedimentation to calculate it at around 96 million years.[59]
Natural persecution
Most reviewers wrote with great respect, deferring to Darwin's eminent position in science though finding it hard to understand how natural selection could work without a divine selector. There were hostile comments, at the start of May he commented to Lyell that he had "received in a Manchester Newspaper a rather a good squib, showing that I have proved 'might is right', & therefore that Napoleon is right & every cheating Tradesman is also right".
The older generation of Darwin's tutors were rather negative, and later in May he told his cousin Fox that "the attacks have been falling thick & heavy on my now case-hardened hide.— Sedgwick & Clarke opened regular battery on me lately at Cambridge Phil. Socy. & dear old Henslow defended me in grand style, saying that my investigations were perfectly legitimate."[62] While defending Darwin's honest motives and belief that "he was exalting & not debasing our views of a Creator, in attributing to him a power of imposing laws on the Organic World by which to do his work, as effectually as his laws imposed upon the inorganic had done it in the Mineral Kingdom", Henslow had not disguised his own opinion that "Darwin has pressed his hypothesis too far".[63]
In June, Karl Marx saw the book as a "bitter satire" that showed "a basis in natural science for class struggle in history", in which "Darwin recognizes among beasts and plants his English society".[64]
Darwin remarked to Lyell, "I must be a very bad explainer... Several Reviews, & several letters have shown me too clearly how little I am understood. I suppose natural selection was bad term; but to change it now, I think, would make confusion worse confounded. Nor can I think of better; Natural preservation would not imply a preservation of particular varieties & would seem a truism; & would not bring man's & nature's selection under one point of view. I can only hope by reiterated explanations finally to make matter clearer."[65] It was too illegible for Lyell, and Darwin later apologised "I am utterly ashamed & groan over my hand-writing. It was Natural Preservation. Natural persecution is what the author ought to suffer."[66]
Debate
Essays and Reviews
Around February 1860
The most scientific of the seven was the Reverend
The British Association debate
The most famous confrontation took place at a meeting of the
in Surrey.From Hooker's account, Draper "droned on for an hour", then for half an hour "Soapy Sam" Wilberforce replied with the eloquence that had earned him his nickname. This time the climate of opinion had changed and the ensuing debate was more evenly matched, with Hooker being particularly successful in defence of Darwin's ideas. In response to what Huxley took as a jibe from Wilberforce as to whether it was on Huxley's grandfather's or grandmother's side that he was descended from an ape, Huxley made a reply which he later recalled as being that "[if asked] would I rather have a miserable ape for a grandfather or a man highly endowed by nature and possessed of great means and influence and yet who employs these faculties and that influence for the mere purpose of introducing ridicule into a grave scientific discussion I unhesitatingly affirm my preference for the ape". No verbatim record was taken: eyewitness accounts exist, and vary somewhat.[68][69][70]
Robert FitzRoy, who had been the captain of HMS Beagle during Darwin's voyage, was there to present a paper on storms. During the debate FitzRoy, seen by Hooker as "a grey haired Roman nosed elderly gentleman", stood in the centre of the audience and "lifting an immense Bible first with both and afterwards with one hand over his head, solemnly implored the audience to believe God rather than man". As he admitted that the Origin of Species had given him "acutest pain" the crowd shouted him down.
Hooker's "blood boiled, I felt myself a dastard; now I saw my advantage–I swore to myself I would smite that Amalekite Sam hip and thigh", (he was invited up to the platform and) "there and then I smacked him amid rounds of applause... proceeded to demonstrate... that he could never have read your book... wound up with a very few observations on the...old and new hypotheses... Sam was shut up... and the meeting was dissolved forthwith leaving you [Darwin] master of the field after 4 hours battle."[71]
Both sides came away claiming victory, with Hooker and Huxley each sending Darwin rather contradictory triumphant accounts. Supporters of Darwinism seized on this meeting as a sign that the idea of evolution could not be suppressed by authority, and would be defended vigorously by its advocates. Liberal clerics were also satisfied that literal belief in all aspects of the Bible was now questioned by science; they were sympathetic to some of the ideas in Essays and Reviews.[72][73] William Whewell wrote to his friend James David Forbes that "Perhaps the Bishop was not prudent to venture into a field where no eloquence can supersede the need for precise knowledge. The young naturalists declared themselves in favour of Darwin’s views which tendency I saw already at Leeds two years ago. I am sorry for it, for I reckon Darwin’s book to be an utterly unphilosophical one."[74]
Wilberforce's Quarterly review
In late July Darwin read Wilberforce's review in the Quarterly.[67] It used a 60-year-old parody from the Anti-Jacobin of the prose of Darwin's grandfather Erasmus, implying old revolutionary sympathies. It argued that if "transmutations were actually occurring" this would be seen in rapidly reproducing invertebrates, and since it isn't, why think that "the favourite varieties of turnips are tending to become men". Darwin pencilled "rubbish" in the margin. To the statement about classification that "all creation is the transcript in matter of ideas eternally existing in the mind of the Most High!!", Darwin scribbled "mere words". At the same time, Darwin was willing to grant that Wilberforce's review was clever: he wrote to Hooker that "it picks out with skill all the most conjectural parts, and brings forward well all the difficulties. It quizzes me quite splendidly by quoting the 'Anti-Jacobin' against my Grandfather."[75]
Wilberforce also attacked Essays and Reviews in the Quarterly Review,[76] and in a letter to The Times, signed by the Archbishop of Canterbury and 25 bishops, which threatened the theologians with the ecclesiastical courts.[77] Darwin quoted a proverb: "A bench of bishops is the devil's flower garden", and joined others including Lyell, though not Hooker and Huxley, in signing a counter-letter supporting Essays and Reviews for trying to "establish religious teachings on a firmer and broader foundation". Despite this alignment of pro-evolution scientists and Unitarians with liberal churchmen, two of the authors were indicted for heresy and lost their jobs by 1862.[77]
Geological time, Phillips and third edition
In October 1860, John Phillips published Life on the Earth, its origin and succession, reiterating points from his Rede Lecture and disputing Darwin's arguments.[78] He sent a copy to Darwin, who thanked him, though "sorry, but not surprised, to see that you are dead against me".[79]
On 20 November, Darwin told Lyell of his revisions for a third edition of the Origin, including removing his estimate of the time it took for the Weald to erode: "The confounded Wealden calculation, to be struck out. & a note to be inserted to effect that I am convinced of its inaccuracy from Review in Saturday R. & from Phillips, as I see in Table of Contents that he attacks it."[80] He later told Lyell that "Having burnt my own fingers so consumedly with the Wealden, I am fearful for you", and advised caution: "for Heaven-sake take care of your fingers; to burn them severely, as I have done, is very unpleasant."[81] The third edition, as published on 30 April 1861, stated "The computation of time required for the denudation of the Weald omitted. I have been convinced of its inaccuracy in several respects by an excellent article in the 'Saturday Review,' Dec. 24, 1859."[28]
Natural History Review
The Natural History Review was bought and refurbished by Huxley, Lubbock, Busk and other "plastically minded young men" – supporters of Darwin. The first issue in January 1861 carried Huxley's paper on man's relationship to apes, "showing up" Owen. Huxley cheekily sent a copy to Wilberforce.
Darwin at home
As the battles raged, Darwin returned home from the spa to proceed with experiments on chloroforming carnivorous sundew plants, looking over his Natural Selection manuscript and drafting two chapters on pigeon breeding that would eventually form part of The Variation of Animals and Plants Under Domestication.[27] He wrote to Asa Gray and used the example of fantail pigeons to argue against Gray's belief "that variation has been led along certain beneficial lines", with the implication of Creationism rather than Natural Selection.[82]
Over the winter he organised a third edition of the Origin, adding an introductory historical sketch. Asa Gray had published three supportive articles in the
The Huxleys became close family friends, frequently visiting Down House. When their 3-year-old son died of scarlet fever they were badly affected. Henrietta Huxley brought their three infants to Down in March 1861 where Emma helped to console her, while Huxley continued with his working-men's lectures at the Royal School of Mines, writing that "My working men stick with me wonderfully, the house fuller than ever, By next Friday evening they will all be convinced that they are monkeys."[83]
Arguments with Owen
Huxley's arguments with Owen continued in the
Their campaign ran over two years and was devastatingly successful, with each "slaying" being followed by a recruiting drive for the Darwinian cause. The spite lingered. When Huxley joined the Zoological Society Council in 1861, Owen left, and in the following year Huxley moved to stop Owen from being elected to the Royal Society Council as "no body of gentlemen" should admit a member "guilty of wilful & deliberate falsehood."
Lyell was troubled both by Huxley's belligerence and by the question of ape ancestry, but got little sympathy from Darwin who teased him that "Our ancestor was an animal which breathed water, had a swim bladder, a great swimming tail, an imperfect skull, and undoubtedly was a hermaphrodite! Here is a pleasant genealogy for mankind."[86][87] Lyell began work on a book examining human origins.
Geological time: William Thomson (Lord Kelvin)
Like the geologist
In June 1861 Thomson asked Phillips how geologists felt about Darwin's "prodigious durations for geological epochs". and mentioned his own preliminary calculation that the Sun was 20 million years old, with the Earth at most 200 to 1,000 million years old. Phillips discussed his own published view that stratified rocks went back 96 million years, and dismissed Darwin's original estimate that the Weald had taken 300 million years to erode. In September 1861 Thomson produced a paper "On the age of the Sun's heat" which estimated that the Sun was between 100 and 500 million years old,[88] and in 1862 he used assumptions on the rate of cooling from a molten condition to estimate the age of the Earth at 98 million years. The dispute continued for the rest of Darwin's life.[89]
Continued debate
The reception of Darwin's ideas continued to arouse scientific and religious debates, and wide public interest. Satirical cartoonists seized on animal ancestry in relation to other topical issues, drawing on a long tradition of identifying animal traits in humans. In Britain mass circulation magazines were droll rather than cruel, and thus presented Darwin's theory in an unthreatening way. Due to illness, Darwin began growing a beard in 1862, and when he reappeared in public in 1866 with a bushy beard, caricatures centred on Darwin and his new look contributed to a trend in which all forms of evolutionism were identified with Darwinism.[90][91]
See also
- Darwin from Orchids to Variation, Darwin's life, work and influences in the following period.
References
- ^ Larson 2004, pp. 44–45
- ^ Bowler 2003, p. 149
- ^ Desmond & Moore 1991, pp. 313–320, 325–326
- ^ Desmond & Moore 1991, pp. 403–404
- ^ Altholz 1976
- ^ Letter 2534 – Kingsley, Charles to Darwin, C. R., 18 Nov 1859, Darwin Correspondence Project, archived from the original on 29 June 2009
- ^ "LITERATURE". 19 November 1859.
- ^ a b Browne 2002, p. 87
- ^ Leifchild 1859
- ^ Letter 2542 – Darwin, C. R. to Hooker, J. D., 22 Nov 1859, Darwin Correspondence Project
- ^ Letter 2570 – Darwin, C. R. to Murray, John (b), 4 Dec (1859), Darwin Correspondence Project
- ^ Letter 2544 – Huxley, T. H. to Darwin, C. R., 23 Nov (1859), Darwin Correspondence Project
- ^ Darwin 1887, pp. 228–232
- ^ Letter 2526 – Owen, Richard to Darwin, C. R., 12 Nov (1859), Darwin Correspondence Project
- ^ a b Letter 2575 – Darwin, C. R. to Lyell, Charles, (10 Dec 1859), Darwin Correspondence Project
- ^ Letter 2507 – Darwin, C. R. to Lyell, Charles, 20 Oct (1859), Darwin Correspondence Project
- ^ Darwin & Seward 1903, pp. 190–191
Darwin, Charles (23 May 1861). "Darwin, C. R. to Herschel, J. F. W." Darwin Correspondence Project. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Library. Letter 3154. Retrieved 28 January 2016. - ^ a b Herbert 2005, pp. 350–351.
- ^ Darwin & Costa 2009, pp. 284–287.
- ^ Burchfield 1974, pp. 303–304.
- ^ Darwin & Costa 2009, p. 287.
- ^ Darwin 1860, p. 287.
- ^ Freeman 1977a.
- Saturday Review, pp. 775–776.
- ^ "Letter no. 2635; Darwin, C.R. to Hooker, J.D." Darwin Correspondence Project. 3 January 1860. Retrieved 1 May 2017.
- ^ "Letter no. 2637; Darwin, C.R. to Lyell, C". Darwin Correspondence Project. 4 January 1860. Retrieved 1 May 2017.
- ^ a b Charles Darwin's journal for 1860, Darwin Online
- ^ a b Darwin 1861, p. xii
- ^ Carpenter 1859
- ^ Huxley 1859
- ^ Letter 2611 – Darwin, C. R. to Huxley, T. H., 28 Dec (1859), Darwin Correspondence Project
- ^ Hooker 1859
- ^ Letter 2540 – Watson, H. C. to Darwin, C. R., 21 Nov (1859), Darwin Correspondence Project
- ^ Letter 3150 – Grant, R. E. to Darwin, C. R., 16 May 1861, Darwin Correspondence Project
- ^ Letter 2650 – Darwin, C. R. to Lyell, Charles, 14 Jan (1860), Darwin Correspondence Project
- ^ Letter 2592 – Darwin, C. R. to Gray, Asa, 21 Dec (1859), Darwin Correspondence Project, archived from the original on 13 February 2009, retrieved 6 December 2008
- ^ Letter 2665 – Darwin, C. R. to Gray, Asa, 28 Jan (1860), Darwin Correspondence Project, archived from the original on 13 February 2009, retrieved 6 December 2008
- ^ Letter 2706 – Gray, Asa to Darwin, C. R., 20 Feb 1860, Darwin Correspondence Project, archived from the original on 13 February 2009, retrieved 6 December 2008
- ^ Desmond & Moore 1991, p. 492
- ^ Darwin Online: On the Origin of Species, retrieved 6 December 2008
- ^ Letter 2701 – Darwin, C. R. to Gray, Asa, (8–9 Feb 1860), Darwin Correspondence Project, retrieved 5 December 2008
- ^ Letter 2743 – Darwin, C. R. to Gray, Asa, 3 Apr (1860), Darwin Correspondence Project, retrieved 5 December 2008
- ^ Letter 2814 – Darwin, C. R. to Gray, Asa, 22 May (1860), Darwin Correspondence Project
- ^ "Letter no. 2545; Darwin, E.A., to Darwin, C.R." Darwin Correspondence Project. 23 November 1859. Retrieved 3 May 2017.
- ^ Spelling and abbreviations as Desmond & Moore 1991, p. 486.
- ^ Letter 2548 – Sedgwick, Adam to Darwin, C. R., 24 Nov 1859, Darwin Correspondence Project
- ^ Henslow 1861
- ^ Desmond & Moore 1991, p. 488.
- ISBN 0-8018-8389-X, 9780801883897, Google books
- ^ a b Letter 2696 – Darwin, C. R. to Hooker, J. D., 14 Feb (1860), Darwin Correspondence Project, retrieved 22 March 2009
- ^ Charles Blinderman; David Joyce (1998), The Huxley File § 4 Darwin's Bulldog, Clark University, retrieved 22 March 2009
Thomas Henry Huxley, On Species and Races, and Their Origin (1860), retrieved 22 March 2009 - ^ Darwin 1887, p. 331
Letter 2893 – Darwin, C. R. to Huxley, T. H., 8 Aug (1860), Darwin Correspondence Project, retrieved 14 August 2009 - ^ a b Huxley 1860
- ^ a b Letter 2754 – Darwin, C. R. to Lyell, Charles, 10 Apr (1860), Darwin Correspondence Project, retrieved 14 August 2009
- ^ Owen 1860
- ^ Letter 2791 – Darwin, C. R. to Henslow, J. S., 8 May (1860), Darwin Correspondence Project, retrieved 14 August 2009
- ^ Darwin & Costa 2009, p. 286.
- ^ a b Morrell 2001, pp. 87–88.
- ^ Morrell 2001, p. 88.
- ^ "Letter 2782 – Darwin, C. R. to Lyell, Charles, 4 May (1860)". Darwin Correspondence Project. Retrieved 17 February 2011.
- Saturday Review, London, p. 579.
- ^ Letter 2809 – Darwin, C. R. to Fox, W. D., 18 May (1860), Darwin Correspondence Project, retrieved 7 December 2008
- ^ Letter 2794 – Henslow, J. S. to Hooker, J. D., 10 May 1860, Darwin Correspondence Project, retrieved 7 December 2008
- ^ Letter from Karl Marx to Engels dated 18 June 1862 cited in Browne (2002, pp. 187–188).
- ^ Letter 2822 – Darwin, C. R. to Lyell, Charles, 6 June (1860), Darwin Correspondence Project, retrieved 6 December 2008
- ^ Letter 2935 – Darwin, C. R. to Lyell, Charles, 3 Oct (1860), Darwin Correaspondence Project, retrieved 6 December 2008
- ^ a b Wilberforce 1860
- ^ Jenson, J. Vernon 1991. Thomas Henry Huxley: communicating for science. U. of Delaware Press, Newark. [Chapter 3 is an excellent survey, and its notes gives references to all the eyewitness accounts except Newton]
- ^ Wollaston 1921, pp. 118–120
- ^ Lucas 1979
- ^ Letter 2852 – Hooker, J. D. to Darwin, C. R., 2 July (1860), Darwin Correspondence Project
- ^ Jenson, J. Vernon 1991. Thomas Henry Huxley: communicating for science. U. of Delaware Press, Newark.
- ^ See also: Alfred Newton#Reception of the Origin of Species and Thomas Henry Huxley#Debate with Wilberforce
- , Letter to James D, Forbes (24 Jul 1860)
- ^ Darwin 1887, pp. 324–325, Vol. 2
- ^ Wilberforce 1861
- ^ a b Desmond & Moore 1991, pp. 500–501
- ^ Phillips, John (October 1860). Life on the Earth, its origin and succession. p. 130.
- ^ "Letter no. 2983: Darwin, C. R. to Phillips, John". Darwin Correspondence Project. 14 November 1860. Retrieved 25 April 2017.
- ^ "Letter no. 2989: Darwin, C. R. to Lyell, Charles". Darwin Correspondence Project. 20 November 1860. Retrieved 25 April 2017.
- ^ "Letter no. 2997: Darwin, C. R. to Lyell, Charles". Darwin Correspondence Project. 25 November 1860. Retrieved 25 April 2017.
- ^ Letter 2998 – Darwin, C. R. to Gray, Asa, 26 Nov (1860), Darwin Correspondence Project
- ^ Huxley 1903, p. 276, Vol. 1. Page 190 in the first edition.
- ^ Desmond & Moore 1991, p. 504
- ^ Letter 3107 – Darwin, C. R. to Huxley, T. H., 1 Apr (1861), Darwin Correspondence Project
- ^ Desmond & Moore 1991, p. 505
- ^ Letter 2647 – Darwin, C. R. to Lyell, Charles, 10 Jan (1860), Darwin Correspondence Project, retrieved 13 April 2009
- ^ Morrell 2001, pp. 88–89.
- ^ Thomson, William. (1864). "On the secular cooling of the earth", read 28 April 1862. Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, 23, 157–170.
- ^ Browne 2002, pp. 373–379
- ^ Freeman 2007, p. 76
Bibliography
- Altholz, Josef L. (1976), "The warfare of conscience with theology", in Altholz, Josef L. (ed.), The Mind and Art of Victorian England, University of Minnesota Press, pp. 58–77, ISBN 0-8166-5693-2
- Bowler, Peter J. (2003), Evolution: The History of an Idea (3rd ed.), University of California Press, ISBN 0-520-23693-9
- ISBN 0-7126-6837-3
- Burchfield, Joe D. (1974). "Darwin and the Dilemma of Geological Time". Isis. 65 (3). University of Chicago Press: 301–321.
- Carpenter, William Benjamin (December 1859), "Darwin on the Origin of Species", National Review, vol. 10, pp. 188–214. Published anonymously.
- Darwin, Charles; Costa, James T. (2009). The Annotated Origin: A Facsimile of the First Edition of On the Origin of Species. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-03281-1.
- Darwin, Charles (1859), "On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life", Nature, 5 (121) (Full image view 1st ed.), London: John Murray: 318–319, )
- Darwin, Charles (1860), "On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life", Nature, 5 (121) (2nd ed.), London: John Murray: 318–319, PMC 5184128, retrieved 9 January 2009
- Darwin, Charles (1861), "On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life", Nature, 5 (121) (3rd ed.), London: John Murray: 318–319, PMC 5184128, retrieved 9 January 2009
- Darwin, Francis (1887), The Life and Letters of Charles Darwin, including an autobiographical chapter (3 Volumes), London: John Murray, retrieved 7 March 2008
- Darwin, Francis; Seward, A. C (1903), More letters of Charles Darwin (2 Volumes), London: John Murray, retrieved 28 January 2016
- ISBN 0-7181-3430-3
- Freeman, R.B. (2007), Charles Darwin: A companion (2d online edition, compiled by Sue Asscher and edited by John van Wyhe ed.), The Complete Works of Charles Darwin Online, retrieved 26 November 2010
- Freeman, Richard B. (1977a), "On the Origin of Species", The Works of Charles Darwin: An Annotated Bibliographical Handlist (2nd ed.), Folkestone, England: Dawson, ISBN 0-7129-0740-8
- Henslow, John Stevens (1861), "Letter from Professor Henslow", Macmillan's Magazine, 3: 336. Letter dated January 1861.
- Herbert, Sandra (January 2005). Charles Darwin, Geologist. Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-8014-4348-2.
- Hooker, Joseph D. (31 December 1859), "(Review of) On the origin of species", The Gardeners' Chronicle (1052)
- Huxley, Leonard (1903), Life and letters of Thomas Henry Huxley (2 Volumes) (2nd ed.), London: Macmillan. The first edition was published in 1900.
- Huxley, Thomas H. (26 December 1859), "Darwin on the Origin of Species", The Times: 8–9. Published anonymously.
- Huxley, Thomas H. (April 1860), "Darwin on the Origin of Species", Westminster Review, 17: 541–570. Published anonymously.
- ISBN 0-8129-6849-2
- Leifchild, John R. (19 November 1859), "Literature", Athenaeum, no. 1673, retrieved 22 November 2008
- Lucas, J. R. (1979), "Wilberforce and Huxley: A Legendary Encounter", The Historical Journal, vol. 22, no. 2, pp. 313–330, PMID 11617072, retrieved 22 November 2008
- Morrell, Jack (2001), "Genesis and geochronology: the case of John Phillips (1800–1874)", Geological Society, London, Special Publications, 190 (1), Geological Society of London: 85–90, S2CID 129792582
- Owen, Richard (1860), "Review of Darwin's Origin of Species", Edinburgh Review, 3 (April 1860): 487–532. Published anonymously.
- Wilberforce, Samuel (July 1860), "(Review of) On the Origin of Species", Quarterly Review, 108 (215): 225–264. Published anonymously.
- Wilberforce, Samuel (1861), "(Review of) Essays and Reviews", Quarterly Review, 109: 248–301. Published anonymously.
- Wollaston, A.F.R. (1921), Life of Alfred Newton: late Professor of Comparative Anatomy, Cambridge University 1866–1907, with a Preface by Sir Archibald Geikie, New York: Dutton.
Further reading
- Darwin, Charles (1837–1838), Notebook B: [Transmutation of species], Darwin Online, CUL-DAR121, retrieved 20 December 2008
- Darwin, Charles (1859), On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life (1st ed.), London: John Murray, retrieved 24 October 2008
- Darwin, Charles (1958), Barlow, Nora (ed.), The Autobiography of Charles Darwin 1809–1882. With the original omissions restored. Edited and with appendix and notes by his granddaughter Nora Barlow, London: Collins, retrieved 4 November 2008
- Darwin, Charles (2006), "Journal", in van Wyhe, John (ed.), [Darwin's personal 'Journal' (1809–1881)], Darwin Online, CUL-DAR158.1–76, retrieved 20 December 2008
- Freeman, R.B. (1977), The Works of Charles Darwin: An Annotated Bibliographical Handlist (2nd ed.), Folkestone, Kent, England: Wm Dawson & Sons, retrieved 15 December 2006
- Huxley, Thomas H. (1863), Six Lectures to Working Men "On Our Knowledge of the Causes of the Phenomena of Organic Nature" (Republished in Volume II of his Collected Essays, Darwiniana), retrieved 15 December 2006
External links
- The Complete Works of Charles Darwin Online – Darwin Online; Darwin's publications, private papers and bibliography, supplementary works including biographies, obituaries and reviews. For a comprehensive set of reviews of On the Origin of Species see Reviews & Responses to Darwin.
- Works by Charles Darwin at Project Gutenberg
- Darwin Correspondence Project Text and notes for most of his letters.
- Charles Darwin in the British horticultural press - Occasional Papers from RHS Lindley Library, volume 3 July 2010