Redlining

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v t e

Redlining is a

Reverse redlining occurs when a lender or insurer targets majority-minority neighborhood residents with inflated interest rates by taking advantage of the lack of lending competition relative to non-redlined neighborhoods.^[5][6] The effect also emerges when service providers artificially restrict the supply of real estate available for loanable funds to nonwhites, thus providing alternative pretext for higher rates. Neighborhoods which were targeted for blockbusting were also subject to reverse redlining.^[7]

In the 1960s, sociologist John McKnight originally coined the term to describe the discriminatory practice in

In 1935, the

Redlining maps even became prominent under private organizations, such as appraiser J. M. Brewer's 1934 map of Philadelphia.[23] Private organizations created maps designed to meet the requirements of the Federal Housing Administration's underwriting manual. The lenders had to consider FHA standards if they wanted to receive FHA insurance for their loans. FHA appraisal manuals instructed banks to steer clear of areas with "inharmonious racial groups", and recommended that municipalities enact racially restrictive zoning ordinances.^[24][25] Between 1945 and 1959, African Americans received less than 2 percent of all federally insured home loans.^[26][27][28]

Banks and mortgage lenders were not the only private entities to develop redlining practices. Property insurance companies also instituted rigid redlining policies in the post-World War II period. According to urban historian Bench Ansfield, the postwar advent of comprehensive homeowners' insurance was limited to the suburbs and withheld from neighborhoods of color in U.S. cities. One Aetna bulletin from 1964 advised underwriters to "use a red line around questionable areas on territorial maps." The New York Urban Coalition warned in 1978, "A neighborhood without insurance is a neighborhood doomed to death."^[29]

Following a

For many years, urban community organizations had battled neighborhood decay by attacking blockbusting (deceptive encouragement of white flight from neighborhoods in order to buy up real estate at a huge discount and then rent to low-income, usually black tenants), forcing landlords to maintain properties, and requiring cities to board up and tear down abandoned properties. These actions addressed the short-term issues of neighborhood decline. Neighborhood leaders began to learn that these issues and conditions were symptoms of disinvestment that was the true, though hidden, underlying cause of these problems. They changed their strategy as more data was gathered.^[31]

With the help of NPA, a coalition of loosely affiliated community organizations began to form. At the Third Annual Housing Conference held in Chicago in 1974, eight hundred delegates representing 25 states and 35 cities attended. The strategy focused on the Federal Home Loan Bank Board (FHLBB), which oversaw S&Ls in cities all over the country.

In 1974, Chicago's Metropolitan Area Housing Association (MAHA), made up of representatives of local organizations, succeeded in having the Illinois State Legislature pass laws mandating disclosure and outlawing redlining. In Massachusetts, organizers allied with NPA confronted a unique situation. Over 90% of home mortgages were held by state-chartered savings banks. A Jamaica Plain neighborhood organization pushed the disinvestment issue into the statewide gubernatorial race. The Jamaica Plain Banking & Mortgage Committee and its citywide affiliate, The Boston Anti-redlining Coalition (BARC), won a commitment from Democratic candidate

NPA and its affiliates achieved disclosure of lending practices with the passage of The Home Mortgage Disclosure Act of 1975. The required transparency and review of loan practices began to change lending practices. NPA began to work on reinvestment in areas that had been neglected. Their support helped gain passage in 1977 of the Community Reinvestment Act.

Redlining was prevalent in Canada from the 1930s to 1950s in Ontario, with intergenerational consequences that persist to the present day.^[34]

Efforts to end

Legislation

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In the United States, the

The Equal Credit Opportunity Act (ECOA) is a United States law (codified at 15 U.S.C. § 1691 et seq.), enacted 28 October 1974,^[citation needed] that makes it unlawful for any creditor to discriminate against any applicant, with respect to any aspect of a credit transaction, on the basis of race, color, religion, national origin, sex, marital status, or age (provided the applicant has the capacity to contract);^{[citation needed]} to the fact that all or part of the applicant's income derives from a public assistance program; or to the fact that the applicant has in good faith exercised any right under the Consumer Credit Protection Act. The law applies to any person who, in the ordinary course of business, regularly participates in a credit decision,^{[citation needed]} including banks, retailers, bankcard companies, finance companies, and credit unions.

The part of the law that defines its authority and scope is known as Regulation B,^{[citation needed]} from the (b) that appears in Title 12 part 1002's official identifier: 12 C.F.R. § 1002.1(b) (2017).^{[citation needed]} Failure to comply with Regulation B can subject a financial institution to civil liability for actual and punitive damages in individual or class actions. Liability for punitive damages can be as much as $10,000 in individual actions and the lesser of $500,000 or 1% of the creditor's net worth in class actions.^{[citation needed]}

The Community Reinvestment Act, passed by Congress in 1977 required banks to apply the same lending criteria in all communities.^[36]

Regulatory lawsuits

In May 2015, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development announced that Associated Bank had agreed to a $200 million settlement over redlining in Chicago and Milwaukee. The three-year HUD observation led to the complaint that the bank purposely rejected mortgage applications from black and Latino applicants.^[35] The final settlement required AB to open branches in non-white neighborhoods.^[37]

New York Attorney General Eric Schneiderman announced a settlement with Evans Bank for $825,000 on September 10, 2015. An investigation had uncovered the erasure of black neighborhoods from mortgage lending maps.^[38] According to Schneiderman, of the over 1,100 mortgage applications the bank received between 2009 and 2012, only four were from African Americans.^[39] Following this investigation, The Buffalo News reported that more banks could be investigated for the same reasons in the near future. The most notable examples of such DOJ and HUD settlements have focused heavily on community banks in large metropolitan areas, but banks in other regions have been the subject of such orders as well, including First United Security Bank in Thomasville, Alabama, and Community State Bank in Saginaw, Michigan.^[40]

The

On January 12, 2023, City National Bank of California agreed to pay $31,000,000 to resolve allegations of redlining from 2017 to at least 2020, brought by the United States Department of Justice.^[44]

Community organizations

In the mid-1970s, community organizations, under the banner of the NPA, worked to fight against redlining in South Austin, Illinois. One of these organizations was SACCC (South Austin Coalition Community Council), formed to restore South Austin's neighborhood and to fight against financial institutions accused of propagating redlining. This got the attention of insurance regulators in the Illinois Department of Insurance, as well as federal officers enforcing anti-racial discrimination laws.^[47]

Current issues

Racial segregation in American cities

The United States Federal Government has enacted legislation since the 1970s to reduce the segregation of American cities. While many cities have reduced the amount of segregated neighborhoods, some still have clearly defined racial boundaries. Since 1990, the City of Chicago has been one of the most persistently racially segregated cities, despite efforts to improve mobility and reduce barriers. Other cities like Detroit, Houston, and Atlanta likewise have very pronounced black and white neighborhoods, the same neighborhoods that were originally redlined by financial institutions decades ago.^[48] While other cities have made progress, this continued racial segregation has contributed to reduced economic mobility for millions of people.

Formerly redlined neighborhoods in places like Los Angeles have been shown to be more likely to have a gang injunction issued against them, as the work of geographer Stefano Bloch and anthropologist Susan A. Phillips shows.^[49]

Race wealth gap

The practice of redlining actively helped to create what is now known as the Racial Wealth Gap seen in the United States.^[50]

Black families in America earned just $57.30 for every $100 in income earned by white families, according to the Census Bureau's Current Population Survey. For every $100 in white family wealth, black families hold just $5.04.

A multigenerational study of people from five race groups analyzed upward mobility trends in American cities.[52] The study concluded that black men who grew up in racially segregated neighborhoods were substantially less likely to gain upward economic mobility, finding "black children born to parents in the bottom household income quintile have a 2.5% chance of rising to the top quintile of household income, compared with 10.6% for whites." Because of this intergenerational poverty, black households are "stuck in place" and are less able to grow wealth.

A 2017 study by Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago economists found that redlining—the practice whereby banks discriminated against the inhabitants of certain neighborhoods—had a persistent adverse impact on the neighborhoods, with redlining affecting homeownership rates, home values and credit scores in 2010.^[53][54] Since many African-Americans could not access conventional home loans, they had to turn to predatory lenders (who charged high interest rates).^[54] Due to lower home ownership rates, slumlords were able to rent out apartments that would otherwise be owned.^[54]

Retail

Brick and mortar

A 2012 study by The Wall Street Journal found that Staples, The Home Depot, Rosetta Stone and some other online retailers displayed different prices to customers in different locations (distinct from shipping prices). Staples based discounts on proximity to competitors like OfficeMax and Office Depot. This generally resulted in higher prices for customers in more rural areas, who were on average less wealthy than customers seeing lower prices.^[56][57][58]

Liquorlining

Some service providers target low-income neighborhoods for nuisance sales. When those services are believed to have adverse effects on a community, they may considered to be a form of "reverse redlining". The term "liquorlining" is sometimes used to describe high densities of liquor stores in low income and/or minority communities relative to surrounding areas. High densities of liquor stores are associated with crime and public health issues, which may in turn drive away supermarkets, grocery stores, and other retail outlets, contributing to low levels of economic development.^[59] Controlled for income, nonwhites face higher concentrations of liquor stores than do whites. One study done on "liquorlining" found that, in urban neighborhoods, there is weak correlation between demand for alcohol and supply of liquor stores.^[60]

Financial services

Student loans

In December 2007, a class action lawsuit was brought against student loan lending giant Sallie Mae in the United States District Court for the District of Connecticut. The class alleged that Sallie Mae discriminated against African American and Hispanic private student loan applicants.^[61]

The case alleged that the factors Sallie Mae used to

Credit card redlining is a spatially discriminatory practice among credit card issuers, of providing different amounts of credit to different areas, based on their ethnic-minority composition, rather than on economic criteria, such as the potential profitability of operating in those areas.^[64] Scholars assess certain policies, such as credit card issuers reducing credit lines of individuals with a record of purchases at retailers frequented by so-called "high-risk" customers, to be akin to redlining.^[64]

Banks

Much of the economic impacts we find as a result of redlining and the banking system directly impact the African American community. Beginning in the 1960s, there was a large influx of black veterans and their families moving into suburban white communities. As blacks moved in, whites moved out and the market value of these homes dropped dramatically. In observation of said market values, bank lenders were able to keep close track by literally drawing red lines around the neighborhoods on a map. These lines signified areas that they would not invest in. By way of racial redlining, not only banks but savings and loans companies, insurance companies, grocery chains, and even pizza delivery companies thwarted economic vitality in black communities.^[65] The severe lacking in civil rights laws in combination with the economic impact led to the passing of the Community Reinvestment Act in 1977.

Racial and economic redlining set the people who live in these communities up for failure from the start, so much so that banks would often deny people who came from these areas bank loans or offered them at stricter repayment rates. As a result, there was a very low rate at which people (in particular African Americans) were able to own their homes; opening the door for slum landlords (who could get approved for low interest loans in those communities) to take over and do as they saw fit.^[66]

Insurance

Gregory D. Squires wrote in 2003 that data showed that race continues to affect the policies and practices of the insurance industry.

A survey of two districts of similar incomes, one being largely white and the other largely black, found that bank branches in the black community offered exclusively subprime loans. Studies found out that high-income blacks were almost twice as likely to end up with subprime home-purchase mortgages compared to low-income whites. Fueled by deep racism, some loan officers referred to blacks as "mud people" and to subprime lending as "ghetto loans".[71]^[72][73] Lower savings rate and distrust of banks, stemming from this legacy of redlining, may explain why there are fewer financial institutions in minority neighborhoods. In the early 21st century, brokers and telemarketers actively encouraged subprime mortgages to be offered to minority residents. A majority of the loans were refinance transactions, allowing homeowners to take cash out of their appreciating property or pay off credit card and other debt.^[74]

Redlining has helped preserve residential segregation between blacks and whites in the United States. Lending institutions such as Wells Fargo have shown that they treat black mortgage applicants differently when they are buying homes in white neighborhoods than when buying homes in black neighborhoods by offering them subprime and predatory loans when black residents try and integrate neighborhoods.^[71][72][75]

The inequality in loaning extends past residential to commercial loans as well; Dan Immergluck writes that in 2002, small businesses in black neighborhoods received fewer loans, even after accounting for business density, business size, industrial mix, neighborhood income, and the credit quality of local businesses.^[76]

Several State Attorneys General have begun investigating these de facto practices, which may violate fair lending laws. The

A quantitative analysis examining trends in racial discrimination in the U.S. housing market from 1976-2016 found that discrimination by the means of direct denial of mortgage rates has significantly decreased since the 1970s, but that racial gaps in mortgage costs have not.^[77] In addition, they found that the probability of receiving a response to an initial inquiry is 8% lower among blacks, 4% lower among Hispanics, and 3% lower among Asians compared to whites.^[77]

Environmental racism

Main article: Environmental racism

See also: Race and health

Neighborhoods' current socioeconomic susceptibility is impacted by the historical redlining in the 1930s, one of several racist and discriminatory practices. Redlined communities continued to be segregated by race and economic status as a result of this discriminatory strategy, which was based on racial demography and perceived risk for mortgage investment. Which leads to investments in those areas being less likely. Policies related to redlining and

fine particulate matter) in 2010.^[2] One of the most important environmental risk factors, exposure to combustion-related air pollutants is directly linked to a host of health effects, such as cardiovascular disease, respiratory conditions, and cardiovascular death. African-Americans are 75 percent more likely than others to live near facilities that produce hazardous waste and pollutants.^[3] Philadelphia, which has a 44 percent Black population, received a warning from the American Lung Association in 2019: "If you live in Philadelphia County, the air you breathe may put your health at risk."^[3] It was found that a refinery in Grays Ferry, Philadelphia, is responsible for most of the toxic air emissions in the city.^[3] The refinery had not been in compliance with the Clean Air Act for 9 out of the 12 quarters through 2019.^[3]

Professor Kyung Hwa Jung of Columbia University's College of Physicians and Surgeons wrote in 2022 on the legacy of residential redlining in American history and its implications for the temporal patterns of air pollution surrounding schools in New York City today. Using land-use regression models from the NYC Community Air Survey, they looked at the annual average concentrations of combustion-related air pollutants (black carbon (BC), particulate matter (PM2.5), nitrogen dioxide (NO2), and nitric oxide (NO)) in a 250-meter radius around schools.^[4] They concentrated on schools because, given how densely populated New York City is, a 2006 study that was cited suggested that schools may be a significant source of exposure to BC and PM2.5 because they are frequently situated close to busy roads and heavy truck routes. in which "6.4 million US children attended schools within 250 m of a major roadway and were likely exposed to high levels of traffic pollution"^[5] Moreover, a recent study discovered that historical redlining in American cities has been connected to differences in air pollution levels, with greater levels of PM2.5 and NO2 in redlined communities than in non-redlined regions. Black, Hispanic, and Asian individuals are generally more exposed to PM2.5 than Wwite individuals are. Black and Hispanic groups are also more exposed to BC, even when socioeconomic status has been taken into account.^[6] Kyung Hwa Jung's study came up with the same results ,indicating that ,compared to other areas, historically redlined communities in New York City had greater rates of Bback people, deprivation, socioeconomic vulnerability, and inferior youth opportunity. They also had higher diesel emissions and a larger density of local truck routes. Despite the fact that pollution levels in NYC have decreased compared to historical levels due to recent environmental laws, non-redlined neighborhoods still exhibit significant levels of air pollution.

In 1990, Robert Wallace wrote that the pattern of the

Institutionalized racism affects general health care as well as the quality of AIDS health intervention and services in minority communities. The over-representation of minorities in various disease categories, including AIDS, is partially related to environmental racism. The national response to the AIDS epidemic in minority communities was slow during the 1980s and 1990s, showing an insensitivity to ethnic diversity in prevention efforts and AIDS health services.^[8]

Ethnic Studies and Professor at the University of Oregon, and David Pellow, Dehlsen and Department Chair of Environmental Studies and Director of the Global Environmental Justice Project at the University of California, Santa Barbara, argue that recognizing environmental racism as an element stemming from the entrenched legacies of racial capitalism is crucial to the movement, with white supremacy continuing to shape human relationships with nature and labor.^[9][10][11]

Workforce

Workers living in American

inner cities have more difficulty finding jobs than suburban workers do.^[12]

Digital redlining

Main article: Digital redlining

Digital redlining is a term used to refer to the practice of creating and perpetuating inequities between racial, cultural, and class groups specifically through the use of digital technologies, digital content, and the internet.^[13][14] Digital redlining is an extension of the historical housing discrimination practice of redlining to include an ability to discriminate against vulnerable classes of society using algorithms, connected digital technologies, and big data.^[15][16] This extension of the term tends to include both geographically based and non-geographically based discrimination. For example, in March 2019 the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) charged Facebook with housing discrimination over the company's targeted advertising practices.^[17] While these charges included geographically based targeting in the form of a tool that allowed advertisers to draw a red line on a map; they also included non-geographically based methods that did not use maps but rather utilized algorithmic targeting using Facebook's user profile information to directly exclude specific groups of people. A press release from HUD on March 28, 2019, stated that HUD was charging that "Facebook enabled advertisers to exclude people whom Facebook classified as parents; non-American-born; non-Christian; interested in accessibility; interested in Hispanic culture; or a wide variety of other interests that closely align with the Fair Housing Act's protected classes."^[17]

Political redlining

Political redlining is the process of restricting the supply of political information with assumptions about demographics and present or past opinions.^[18] It occurs when political campaign managers delimit which population is less likely to vote and design information campaigns only with likely voters in mind. It can also occur when politicians, lobbyists, or political campaign managers identify which communities to actively discourage from voting through voter suppression campaigns.^[19][20]

Redlining and Health Inequality

Health inequality in the United States persists today as a direct result of the effects of redlining. This is because health in America is synonymous with wealth, both of which minority groups have been denied as a result of discriminatory practices. Wealth affords the privilege of living in a neighborhood or community with clean air, pure water, outdoor spaces and places for recreation and exercise, safe streets during the day and night, infrastructure that supports the growth of intergenerational wealth through access to good schools, healthy food, public transportation, and opportunities to connect, belong, and contribute to the surrounding community. Wealth also provides stability of home as those with capital are not confined to the deteriorating housing stock that minority groups who were redlined were forced to try and rehabilitate without access to loans.^{[21][22][23][24][25]}

In the case of retail businesses like supermarkets, the purposeful construction of stores impractically far away from targeted residents results in a redlining effect.^[26] This has been referred to as supermarket redlining and has been proposed as a cause of lower access to supermarkets that is characteristic of some scholarly definitions of food deserts. The concept describes how large chain supermarkets tend to relocate out of or refrain from opening stores in inner-city areas or impoverished neighborhoods due to perceived urban and economic obstacles, decreasing certain communities' access to supermarkets.^[27]

Redlining intentionally excluded black Americans from accumulating intergenerational wealth. The effects of this exclusion on black Americans' health continue to play out daily, generations later, in the same communities. This is evident currently in the disproportionate effects that COVID-19 has had on the same communities which the HOLC redlined in the 1930s. Research published in September 2020 overlaid maps of the highly affected COVID-19 areas with the HOLC maps, showing that those areas marked "risky" to lenders because they contained minority residents were the same neighborhoods most affected by COVID-19. The Centers for Disease Control (CDC) looks at inequities in the social determinants of health like concentrated poverty and healthcare access that are interrelated and influence health outcomes with regard to COVID-19 as well as quality of life in general for minority groups. The CDC points to discrimination within health care, education, criminal justice, housing, and finance, direct results of systematically subversive tactics like redlining which led to chronic and toxic stress that shaped social and economic factors for minority groups, increasing their risk for COVID-19. Healthcare access is similarly limited by factors like a lack of public transportation, child care, and communication and language barriers which result from the spatial and economic isolation of minority communities from redlining. Educational, income, and wealth gaps that result from this isolation mean that minority groups' limited access to the job market may force them to remain in fields that have a higher risk of exposure to the virus, without options to take time off. Finally, a direct result of redlining is the overcrowding of minority groups into neighborhoods that do not boast adequate housing to sustain burgeoning populations, leading to crowded conditions that make prevention strategies for COVID-19 nearly impossible to implement.^{[28][29][30][31][32][33][34]}

After years of de facto discrimination achieved through redlining, a system of structural racism blocking the achievement of health equity for all Americans has developed. As a result, a de facto health narrative that does not inspire belonging, compel political participation, nor dictate strategic change towards the social justice model for health equity has matured. In order to eliminate health inequality in America, a new de facto health narrative needs to dictate strategy. The process for achieving health equity relies on healthcare leaders articulating, acting on, and building the vision into all decisions and structures that support equity. Sufficient resources must be allocated to establishing a governance structure that can oversee health equity work. This includes taking specific action to address the social determinants of building intergenerational wealth as well as confronting institutional racism within health systems themselves. Next, health systems need to address the socioeconomic determinants of health which disadvantage minority groups. Through training, education, support groups, housing support, improved transportation, resource assistance, and community health programs, health equity organizations can begin to break down the long-lasting barriers that tactics like redlining have imposed on achieving health equity. In addition to ensuring the equal health outcomes of patients, healthcare organizations can also utilize their position as employers to develop a more diverse workforce through improved hiring practices and ensuring living wages to minority employees.^[35][36]

Strategies to reverse effects of redlining

Redlining has contributed to the long-term decline of low-income,

enclaves. Compared to prospering ethnic minority areas, historically redlined or other struggling black communities need targeted investments in infrastructure and services in order to prosper.^[37]

Some of these strategies include:

• Targeting planning resources to improve employment, incomes, wealth, the built environment, and social services in struggling communities.
• Recognize the importance of
  public transportation
  as a means for low-income communities to access jobs and services.
• Provide jobs near the labor supply through targeted economic development.
• Invest in the housing stock through neighborhood revitalization programs.
• Utilize inclusionary zoning (IZ) ordinances to improve amounts of high quality housing.
• Equitably distribute hazardous waste sites so they are not concentrated in low-income and minority areas.

See also

• Housing segregation
• Gentrification in the United States
• Ghetto tax
• Racial capitalism

References

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13. ^ Gilliard, Chris (May 24, 2016). "Digital Redlining, Access, and Privacy". Common Sense Education. Archived from the original on March 31, 2019. Retrieved March 31, 2019.
14. ^ Taylor, Astra; Sadowski, Jathan (May 27, 2015). "How Companies Turn Your Facebook Activity Into a Credit Score". The Nation. Archived from the original on March 31, 2019. Retrieved March 31, 2019.
15. ^ Podesta, John; Pritzker, Penny; Moniz, Earnest J.; Holdren, John; Zients, Jeffery (May 2014). "Big Data: Seizing Opportunities, Preserving Values" (PDF). Whitehouse.gov. p. 46. Retrieved March 30, 2019.
16. ^ Gilliard, Chris (July 3, 2017). "Pedagogy and the Logic of Platforms". EDUCAUSE Review. Retrieved April 4, 2019.
17. ^ ^{a b} "HUD Charges Facebook With Housing Discrimination Over Company's Targeted Advertising Practices". www.hud.gov. March 28, 2019. Archived from the original on March 31, 2019. Retrieved March 31, 2019.
18. ISBN 978-0-521-61227-2
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19. ^ Timberg, Craig; Romm, Tony (2018). "New report on Russian disinformation, prepared for the Senate, shows the operation's scale and sweep". The Washington Post. Retrieved July 21, 2019.
20. ^ Graham, David (2016). "Trump's 'Voter Suppression Operation' Targets Black Voters". The Atlantic. Retrieved July 21, 2019.
21. ^ "In sickness and in wealth" Unnatural Causes. www.unnaturalcauses.org.^{[full citation needed]}
22. ^ "Housing and Homelessness as a Public Health Issue". APHA. November 7, 2017. Policy Brief 20178. Retrieved June 28, 2023.
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28. ^ "Mapping Inequality." Digital Scholarship Lab, dsl.richmond.edu/panorama/redlining/.
29. ^ Richardson, Jason; Mitchell, Bruce C.; Meier, Helen C.S.; Lynch, Emily; Edlebi, Jad (September 10, 2020). "Redlining and Neighborhood Health". NCRC.
30. S2CID 211349002.^{[page needed}
    ]
31. ^ Badger, Emily (May 10, 2019). "Can the Racial Wealth Gap Be Closed Without Speaking of Race?". The New York Times.
32. PMID 20351772
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33. ^ Howell, Brittani (June 24, 2020). "How Redlining, Racism Harm Black Americans' Health". WYSO.
34. ^ CDC (April 30, 2020). "Communities, Schools, Workplaces, & Events". Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Archived from the original on August 5, 2020. Retrieved December 9, 2020.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
35. ISBN 978-1-63149-453-6.^{[page needed}
    ]
36. ^ "Health Equity: Why it Matters and How to Achieve it". Health Catalyst. March 6, 2018. Retrieved December 9, 2020.
37. ^ Height, Tatiana (2017). Analyzing Communities in Black America: How Urban and Regional Planners Can Plan for Prosperous Black Communities (Thesis). University of Nebraska-Lincoln. pp. 57–63. Retrieved May 11, 2019.

Further reading

• Westgate, Michael; Vick, Ann (2011). Gale Force: The Battles for Disclosure and Community Reinvestment (2nd ed.). Harvard Book Store.
  ISBN 978-0-9728223-3-6
  .

External links

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Redlining.

• Egan, Matt (January 12, 2018). "Trump may weaken 'outdated' rules that force banks to lend to the poor". CNNMoney.
• "Fair Housing Equal Opportunity". HUD.gov. Archived from the original on April 2, 2012. Learn more about housing discrimination.
• "File a housing discrimination complaint". HUD.gov. Archived from the original on October 5, 2013.
• Hillier, Amy. Redlining in Philadelphia. UPenn.edu. Archived from the original on June 14, 2017.
• "HOLC Maps for several U.S. cities". UrbanOasis.org. Archived from the original on March 31, 2015. Retrieved August 1, 2012.
• "Intro". Redlining, and Neighborhood Appraisals in Philadelphia. UPenn.edu. Archived from the original on September 28, 2011.
• "Mapping Inequality: Redlining in New Deal America". Richmond.edu.
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