Resheph
Resheph | |
---|---|
God of war and disease | |
Idalion | |
Planet | Mars[4][5] |
Weapons | bow, arrow, shield[6] |
Animals | gazelle,[7] horse[8] |
Personal information | |
Spouse | |
Equivalents | |
Greek equivalent | Apollo, Hylates[12] |
Mesopotamian equivalent | Nergal[13][14] |
Hurrian equivalent | Nupatik[15] |
Egyptian equivalent | Montu[16] |
Luwian equivalent | Runtiya[17] |
Arabian equivalent | Ruda[18] |
Resheph (also Reshef and many other variants, see below;
In the second millennium BCE, Resheph continued to be worshiped in various cities in
References to Resheph from the first millennium BCE are less common. He did not play a large role in
Name
Etymology
The etymology of Resheph's name is uncertain.
Spellings
Cuneiform texts from Ebla render Resheph's name as Ra-sa-ap (𒊏𒊓𒀊).[13] No further variants are attested in text from this city, and in most cases the name is preceded by the “divine determinative”, dingir (𒀭𒊏𒊓𒀊).[21] The same spelling is also attested in sources from Mesopotamia and from Emar, though texts from this city also use variants such as Ra-ša-ap, Ra-šap and Ra-šap-pa.[13]
In Ugarit, Resheph's name was written as ršp (𐎗𐎌𐎔) in the alphabetic script,[13] and it is variously vocalized by Ugartiologists as Rašp,[22] Rašap[23] or Resheph.[24] The writings Ra-ši-ip and Re-ša-ip appear in texts in standard syllabic cuneiform.[13] Logographic ones are also attested, many of them derived from the various forms of the theonym Nergal: dGÌR.UNU.GAL(.LA), dMAŠ.MAŠ and dKAL (=dLAMMA), though it is sometimes questioned if Resheph was necessarily meant in every case when they were used.[25] The use of logograms originally linked to Nergal to represent Resheph is also well attested in texts from Ekalte, with identified examples including dGÌR, dIGI and dMAŠ.TAB.BA.[26]
The Hurrian form of the name had a prothetic vowel affixed to it, resulting in spellings Aršappa and Iršappa,[1] sometimes shortened to Iršap or Irša.[13] The Hurrian variant is also attested in Ugarit as eršp.[1] It has also been proposed that the variant name dRa-sa-pa-an developed through Hurrian influence too, but this view is not universally accepted.[27]
| ||||||||||
ršpw in hieroglyphs | ||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Two forms of the name are attested in texts from ancient Egypt, ršp and ršpw, which might indicate a change in pronunciation occurred at some point, with the former writing reflecting Rashap, Rashp or Reshp and the latter - Rashpu or Reshpu, with a final u making the name easier to pronounce for speakers of Egyptian.[28]
Resheph and Rushpan
Maciej M. Münnich argues that the theonym Rushpan should be identified as a form of Resheph's name used in the Middle
Eblaite sources
Oldest known references to Resheph have been identified in texts from Ebla.[30] They are dated to the period between 2450 and 2200 BCE, and spans between 30 and 40 years.[31] Most of the available attestations of deities in it come from economic texts,[32] which makes it impossible to fully study the character of Resheph in Eblaite religion as other types of sources, such as myths or descriptions of specific ceremonies, are lacking.[21] It is nonetheless possible to determine he was one of the main deities of the local pantheon.[13] While not equally commonly attested as Hadabal and Kura, he is one of the most frequently mentioned deities in the entire Eblaite text corpus.[33] His individual functions are difficult to clarify.[34] While he was not directly invoked in association with combat,[35] it is nonetheless presumed that he was regarded as a warlike deity due to a large number of weapons listed among offerings he received, including 15 daggers, 11 axes, 4 lances and 2 or more clubs.[33] Alfonso Archi states that the club offering, during which the god also received four bull horns, was an annual rite.[36]
Worship
In Ebla Resheph was venerated both by common citizens and the royal family.[37] Reference to two priests in his service, Re’i-Malik and Ennai, are also known.[35] Furthermore, foreign kings visiting Ebla also made offerings to him, as indicated by records of sacrificial sheep provided by the royal palace for such occasions.[38]
One of the city gates of Ebla was named after Resheph.
Multiple hypostases of Resheph are attested in Ebla.[43] Most frequently mentioned is the form of this god linked to Adanni.[44] Resheph of gunum is the second most commonly referenced.[45] The precise meaning of this term is a matter of debate, complicated by the fact it is attested almost exclusively in association with Resheph and, much less frequently, with closely linked Adamma.[46] It can be literally translated as “garden”,[13][47] but it has been suggested it was used to refer to the royal cemetery.[48] However, no texts from Ebla mention Resheph in a funerary context.[49] Maciej M. Münnich suggests that gunum might have been a palatial enclosure for animals, as the associated hypostasis of Resheph received wool as offering particularly often, and references to a bull linked to his cult are known.[50] Resheph of Tunip is also attested, chiefly as a recipient of silver.[51] This hypostasis seemingly had no chapel in the city of Ebla itself, and local dignitaries traveled to venerate him.[52] The royal palace hill (sa-zaxki) also had a form of Resheph associated with it, "Resheph of the palace", though it has been proposed this title referred to Resheph of Adanni worshiped in a chapel located there rather than to a fully separate hypostasis.[53] Further forms, associated with Daraum (an administrative center of the Eblaite state), Shi’amu, ‘Adatu, Shamutu, Muriku, Armi, Nei, Sarrap and Shaku, are also attested, but they are mentioned less frequently, with most only occurring once.[54] The large number pf hypostases is presumed to reflect Resheph's popularity.[55]
Associations with other deities
Resheph typically received offerings either alongside other major members of the local pantheon, such as
The text VE 806 indicates that Resheph and the
Other third millennium BCE attestations
Sporadic instances of Resheph appearing as a theophoric element in Akkadian personal names have been identified, with one example being Iṣī-Raśap.[13] As pointed out by Maciej M. Münnich, while found in a text from Susa in Elam, this name most likely belonged to a person hailing from a part of Syria conquered by Sargon of Akkad, rather than to a local inhabitant.[60] It is therefore not possible to speak of an active cult of Resheph in this area.[61] A single theophoric name invoking Resheph, Rašap-ilī, has also been identified in an Old Assyrian text, and it is presumed he was the family deity of its bearer.[62] However, Resheph is not otherwise attested in this role in known Old Assyrian sources and Rašap-ilī might have not been an Assyrian himself, as he is only mentioned a document describing business deals in Talhat, a city in Upper Mesopotamia.[63] Klaas R. Veenhof in his discussion of this isolated attestation notes Resheph's well attested prominence in northern Syria.[64]
Second millennium BCE sources
Resheph continued to be worshiped in the second millennium BCE, and remained a popular deity in a number of areas bordering on the Mediterranean Sea.[36]
Ugaritic texts
The corpus of Ugaritic texts has been described as “one of the most abundant collections of data concerning Resheph”.[65] It has been proposed that he arose to prominence in this city in the late Bronze Age.[66] He was associated with both plague and war.[67] He was also connected to the underworld.[68]
Associations with other deities
Ugaritic and Akkadian god lists from Ugarit indicate that the theological view that Resheph and Nergal were analogous to each other was also accepted in this city.[13]
Some evidence exists for an association between Resheph and
In the standard Ugaritic lists of deities, Resheph follows “auxiliary gods of Baal” (Ugaritic: il t‘ḏr b‘l) and precedes Dadmiš.[70] Manfred Krebernik suggests that she might have been linked to Resheph in some way, possibly as his spouse, and additionally points out her name might be related to the Mesopotamian goddess Tadmuštum, who was associated with the underworld.[11] Nicolas Wyatt argues that based on their placement in lists it can be assumed that they were counted among Baal's divine helpers,[71] but Dennis Pardee maintains that there is no evidence in favor of viewing either of them as closely linked to the weather god.[72]
Worship
The offering list corresponding to the standard deity lists assigns a
A
Eighty seven inhabitants of Ugarit bearing
Mythology
Despite being frequently mentioned in ritual texts and theophoric names, Resheph does not play a large role in
In the text
Divination
In an
RS 24.247+, an Ugaritic omen compendium which deals with teratomancy (telling the future based on observation of malformed animal
Other Syrian sources
Many
It is sometimes assumed that Resheph is not directly attested in ritual texts from Emar.[101] However, Ian Rutherford assumes that the deity referred to as “Nergal of the market (KI.LAM)” or “lord of the market” might be Resheph, which would indicate the name is to be read as Rašap/bel mahiri; a connection to trade is not otherwise known for Nergal, but is well attested for Resheph in Hurrian tradition.[102] This identification is also accepted by John Tracy Thames,[103] who notes the epithet presumably reflected his importance in the eyes of a specific section of society, similarly as other titles derived from names of professions.[104] He also proposes that the deity only mentioned under the epithet “Lord of Šagma” in texts from this city might be either Resheph or Erra.[105] Gary Beckman tentatively considers interpreting the city god of Emar, represented by the Sumerogram dNIN.URTA, as Resheph, but he notes caution is advised, and points out Joan Goodnick Westenholz instead suggested that dNIN.URTA in Emar designated a strictly local deity, known as Il Imarī or possibly Ḫamari, “the Emariote god”.[99] It is also sometimes proposed that the deity dU.GUR, who appears alongside Shuwala in a description of a festival, might be Resheph,[106] though this logogram might also be read phonetically as Ugur (a possibility supported by Hurrian sources from the site) or as Nergal.[107]
In addition to the evidence from Emar, Resheph is also attested in texts from Azû and Ekalte.[101] All three of these sites are located in the proximity of each other, and were culturally similar.[108] Amorite theophoric names invoking Resheph have also been identified in texts from Mari and from the kingdom of Khana.[13] However, in the former only seven examples are attested.[2] The proposal that some Mariote attestations of Nergal in personal names and elsewhere should be understood as references to Resheph are regarded as baseless.[109] There is also no evidence that he was ever actively worshiped further south in Mesopotamia.[61]
Hurrian reception
Like a number of other deities originally worshiped in Ebla, such as
Three
Manfred Krebernik has suggested that the fact that in a single Ugaritic text Resheph is invoked from Bibitta, elsewhere described as a cult center of the Hurrian god Nupatik, might indicate that he was locally equated with that god.[15] The existence of a connection between them is also accepted by Maciej M. Münnich.[115] Aicha Rahmouni notes that an epithet of Nupatik attested in Hittite sources, dLAMMA KI.KAL.BAD, “Nupatik of the army”, is semantically a parallel of Resheph's Ugaritic title, “Resheph of the army”.[67]
The Hurrian form of Resheph was among the deities incorporated into the
Egyptian reception
The
Character
Egyptians regarded Resheph primarily as a warlike god.
Relatively few epithets were assigned to Resheph in Egyptian sources and the most common of them, “great god” (20 occurrences identified as of 2013) was not exclusive to him and does not highlight any of his individual traits.[128] He was also referred to as “hearer of prayer”, “healer” and “giver of health”, which reflects his association with healing.[129]
Iconography
Christiane Zivie-Coche notes that as in the case of other foreign deities incorporated into the
Resheph could be depicted either with a fake beard similar to those known from depictions of Osiris, or with a thick natural beard typical for depictions of foreigners.[135] In the latter case he could also be shown with long hair.[133] One of the inscriptions identified on objects originating in Deir el-Medina states that he had a “beautiful face”.[136]
For uncertain reasons, the
Associations with other deities
Due to his warlike character, Resheph could be associated with Montu[119] and Set.[118] One of the reliefs from the temple of Amun in Karnak from the reign of Amenhotep II directly refers to “Montu-Resheph”.[122] It has been suggested that Resheph was also identified with Heryshaf.[19] An inscription from Byblos dated to the period between 1900 and 1600 BCE which mentions the latter deity has been interpreted as an example of his name being used to refer to Resheph, though this proposal is regarded as unlikely.[141][142] No certain attestations of Resheph have been identified in sources from this city.[143] It has also been noted that in Egypt, Resheph and Herishef could be mentioned together without necessarily being identified.[141]
Multiple references to Resheph being worshiped as a member of a triad which also included Min and Qadesh are known.[126] These three deities are depicted for example on the stele of Ramose.[144] In this context, Resheph was seemingly primarily invoked as a protective deity of specific individuals.[145]
The Leiden Magical Papyrus, dated to the
Worship
Excavations revealed evidence of veneration of Resheph in Deir el-Medina.[146] Many of his worshipers living in this area were workers, though there is no indication that most of them were foreigners, as Egyptian names predominate.[8] A total of twelve steles inscribed with his name have been discovered at this site.[146] They belonged to the sphere of domestic cult, and based on their size it is assumed that they were originally held in household shrines, presumably with tables for offerings placed in front of them.[8] In 2006, a stele depicting Resheph and Astarte was also discovered in Tell el-Borg.[147] It is presumed that it dates to the reign of Amenhotep II or earlier.[148] It was erected by an overseer of horses, Betu, whose name is not common in Egyptian sources and might have Hurrian origin.[149] The inscription refers to Resheph with the otherwise unknown epithet, “lord of the estate of the stable of horses”.[150] Presumably it was meant to highlight the devotee's close link to him.[148]
According to Richard H. Wilkinson, a temple dedicated to Resheph existed in Memphis.[126] Izak Cornelius instead interprets the available evidence as an indication that he was venerated within a sanctuary located in the temple of Ptah.[151]
The worship of Resheph is also attested in
First millennium BCE sources
Resheph continued to be worshiped in the first millennium BCE.[154] However, references to him are much less frequent than in the preceding millennia.[155]
Phoenician sources
References to the worship of Resheph in
Only a single source mentioning Resheph comes from Phoenicia itself.
No evidence for the worship of Resheph in Punic cities exists.[161] A single text mentions a person bearing a theophoric name invoking him, a certain Abd-Rashap,[162] though the individual in mention originated in Egypt.[159] Most of the references to purported Punic evidence for the worship of Resheph in older scholarly literature are the result of misreading the theonym Eresh (‘rš), well attested in theophoric names, or the title “Baal of the cape” (rš).[163]
Cyprus is an exception from the scarcity of Phoenician attestations of Resheph.[164] Sources from this area are the richest corpus of texts mentioning him from the first millennium BCE.[155] Similarly as the evidence for the worship of Anat from this area this might indicate a continuity of traditions originating in the Bronze Age, when both of these deities were most commonly venerated.[164] The oldest possible reference to Resheph being known to Cypriots is one of the Amarna letters, written by the king of Alashiya, in which the “hand” of a deity represented in cuneiform by the logogram dMAŠ.MAŠ, most likely him rather than Nergal in this context, is blamed for the death of local coppersmiths.[165] This is presumed to be the description of a plague which struck the kingdom.[166] It has also been proposed that an early bronze statue of a horned god from Enkomi might be a representation of Resheph.[167] Later on Resheph's cult center on the island was Idalion.[168] Four dedications to him from the reign of a local ruler, Milkyaton, have been found in this city.[169] A bilingual inscription from Kition dated to 341 BCE mentions Resheph under the epithet ḥṣ, whose interpretation remains uncertain, with proposals such as “arrow” (hēs) or “street” (hūs) being present in scholarship.[170] The former view is more common, and finds support in his iconography.[171] Despite Resheph's prominence on Cyprus, the number of theophoric names invoking him from this area is small.[168]
Aramaic sources
In the eighth and seventh centuries, Resheph was worshiped in
Resheph is also mentioned alongside Kubaba on an Aramaic stela from Tell Sifr, a site located near Aleppo, but due to the state of its preservation it provides little information about his position in the local pantheon and his relation to the aforementioned goddess, though according to Maciej M. Münnich it does make it possible to establish that locally he must have been worshiped by members of high strata of society, capable of commissioning such monuments.[174] Two Aramaic texts from Palmyra mention Resheph, in both cases alongside two goddesses, Ḥirta and Nanaya; he is also attested in the Greek version of one of them alongside Hera and Artemis.[175]
Aramaic sources do not appear to treat Resheph as a deity of disease, and instead stress his protective character, which might have been the reason behind his association with the Arabian god Ruda, “well disposed”, possibly brought northwards by migrating Aramean tribes from the Syrian Desert.[176] Another possibility is that this portrayal of Resheph was influenced by Ruda in the first place.[17]
Hebrew Bible
References to Resheph are present in the
Only one theophoric name invoking Resheph has been identified in the Bible, specifically in 1 Chronicles 7:25, where an individual named Resheph is mentioned[188] as a son of Ephraim.[168] While uncommon, the use of a theonym itself as a theophoric name is not unparalleled.[178]
Greco-Roman reception
The form of Resheph worshiped on
In the
It has been proposed that Arsippus, who is mentioned in the third book of
References
- ^ a b c d e f Archi 2013, p. 14.
- ^ a b c Münnich 2013, p. 76.
- ^ a b Krebernik 2008, p. 470.
- ^ a b Pardee 2002, p. 131.
- ^ a b c Münnich 2013, p. 148.
- ^ a b c d e Zivie-Coche 2011, p. 6.
- ^ a b Münnich 2013, p. 211.
- ^ a b c d Cornelius 1994, p. 239.
- ^ a b Münnich 2013, pp. 261–262.
- ^ a b Münnich 2013, p. 90.
- ^ a b Krebernik 2013, p. 205.
- ^ a b López-Ruiz 2021, p. 270.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s Streck 2008, p. 252.
- ^ a b Münnich 2013, p. 64.
- ^ a b Krebernik 2013, p. 201.
- ^ Münnich 2009, pp. 54–55.
- ^ a b c Münnich 2013, p. 213.
- ^ a b c Streck 2008, p. 253.
- ^ a b c d Xella 1999, p. 701.
- ^ a b c Münnich 2013, p. 8.
- ^ a b Münnich 2013, p. 42.
- ^ Krebernik 2013, p. 198.
- ^ a b Pardee 2002, p. 21.
- ^ Smith 2014, p. 38.
- ^ a b Münnich 2013, p. 146.
- ^ Torrecilla 2017, p. 11.
- ^ a b Münnich 2013, p. 73.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 109.
- ^ Münnich 2013, pp. 73–74.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 261.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 41.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 13.
- ^ a b Münnich 2013, p. 46.
- ^ a b c Archi 2019, p. 43.
- ^ a b Münnich 2013, p. 44.
- ^ a b Archi 2015, p. 509.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 68.
- ^ Archi 2015, p. 532.
- ^ Feliu 2003, p. 8.
- ^ Archi 2015, p. 20.
- ^ Archi 2015, p. 35.
- ^ Feliu 2003, p. 40.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 48.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 49.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 53.
- ^ Archi 2015, pp. 546–547.
- ^ a b Archi 2015, p. 673.
- ^ Archi 2015, p. 546.
- ^ a b c Archi 2015, p. 547.
- ^ Münnich 2013, pp. 53–54.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 55.
- ^ Münnich 2013, pp. 55–56.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 56.
- ^ Münnich 2013, pp. 57–58.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 58.
- ^ Münnich 2013, pp. 66–67.
- ^ Archi 2010, p. 38.
- ^ Archi 2015, p. 656.
- ^ Lambert 1987, p. 150.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 69.
- ^ a b Münnich 2013, p. 262.
- ^ Veenhof 2018, p. 62.
- ^ Veenhof 2018, pp. 62–63.
- ^ Veenhof 2018, p. 63.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 124.
- ^ Buck 2019, p. 265.
- ^ a b Rahmouni 2008, p. 299.
- ^ Pardee 2002, p. 282.
- ^ Smith 2014, pp. 65–66.
- ^ Pardee 2002, p. 15.
- ^ Wyatt 2007, pp. 74–75.
- ^ Pardee 2000, p. 315.
- ^ Pardee 2002, p. 48.
- ^ Pardee 2002, p. 19.
- ^ Pardee 2002, p. 69.
- ^ a b Pardee 2002, p. 63.
- ^ Pardee 2002, pp. 56–57.
- ^ Pardee 2002, pp. 72–74.
- ^ Pardee 2002, p. 152.
- ^ Pardee 2002, p. 150.
- ^ Pardee 2002, p. 126.
- ^ a b Pardee 2002, p. 283.
- ^ a b c Krebernik 2013, p. 200.
- ^ Pardee 2002, p. 215.
- ^ Krebernik 2013, pp. 199–200.
- ^ van Soldt 2016, p. 100.
- ^ a b c van Soldt 2016, p. 105.
- ^ van Soldt 2016, p. 102.
- ^ van Soldt 2016, p. 99.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 125.
- ^ Smith 2014, p. 50.
- ^ a b Pardee 2002, p. 176.
- ^ Pardee 2002, pp. 179–180.
- ^ Pardee 2002, p. 183.
- ^ Pardee 2002, pp. 131–132.
- ^ Pardee 2002, p. 133.
- ^ Pardee 2002, p. 135.
- ^ Pardee 2002, p. 140.
- ^ a b Beckman 2002, p. 54.
- ^ Feliu 2003, p. 263.
- ^ a b Torrecilla 2017, pp. 10–11.
- ^ a b Rutherford 2019, p. 84.
- ^ Thames 2020, p. 110.
- ^ Thames 2020, p. 167.
- ^ Thames 2020, p. 173.
- ^ Feliu 2003, p. 222.
- ^ Fleming 1992, p. 139.
- ^ Torrecilla 2017, pp. 1–2.
- ^ Münnich 2013, pp. 77–78.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 122.
- ^ a b Rutherford 2019, p. 82.
- ^ Taracha 2009, p. 118.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 166.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 122-123.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 151.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 80.
- ^ Münnich 2013, pp. 101–102.
- ^ a b Wilkinson 2003, p. 126.
- ^ a b c Münnich 2009, p. 54.
- ^ Zivie-Coche 2011, p. 3.
- ^ a b Münnich 2013, p. 111.
- ^ a b Münnich 2009, p. 55.
- ^ Münnich 2009, p. 57.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 115.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 116.
- ^ a b c Wilkinson 2003, p. 127.
- ^ Münnich 2009, p. 59.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 110.
- ^ Cornelius 1994, p. 258.
- ^ Cornelius 1994, p. 240.
- ^ Cornelius 1994, p. 245.
- ^ Cornelius 1994, p. 259.
- ^ a b Hoffmeier & Kitchen 2007, p. 133.
- ^ Cornelius 1994, p. 28.
- ^ Cornelius 1994, p. 248.
- ^ Cornelius 1994, pp. 39–40.
- ^ Cornelius 1994, p. 262.
- ^ a b Cornelius 1994, p. 16.
- ^ Cornelius 1994, p. 247.
- ^ Cornelius 1994, p. 243.
- ^ a b Münnich 2013, p. 120.
- ^ Colonna 2018, pp. 72–73.
- ^ Colonna 2018, p. 81.
- ^ Zivie-Coche 2011, p. 7.
- ^ Cornelius 1994, pp. 260–261.
- ^ a b Münnich 2013, p. 103.
- ^ Münnich 2009, p. 63.
- ^ a b Hoffmeier & Kitchen 2007, p. 136.
- ^ Hoffmeier & Kitchen 2007, p. 132.
- ^ Hoffmeier & Kitchen 2007, p. 131.
- ^ Cornelius 1994, pp. 239–240.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 102.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 104.
- ^ a b c d Ulanowski 2013, p. 159.
- ^ a b c d e Münnich 2013, p. 264.
- ^ a b Münnich 2013, p. 240.
- ^ Münnich 2013, pp. 244–245.
- ^ a b c Münnich 2013, p. 210.
- ^ a b Münnich 2013, p. 245.
- ^ López-Ruiz 2021, pp. 214–215.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 258.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 257.
- ^ Münnich 2013, pp. 257–258.
- ^ a b López-Ruiz 2021, p. 268.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 246.
- ^ Rainey 2014, p. 18.
- ^ a b Ulanowski 2013, p. 160.
- ^ a b c d e f Xella 1999, p. 702.
- ^ a b Ulanowski 2013, p. 161.
- ^ Ulanowski 2013, p. 157.
- ^ Ulanowski 2013, p. 253.
- ^ a b c Münnich 2013, p. 212.
- ^ Nabulsi 2017, p. 245.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 209.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 259.
- ^ Münnich 2013, pp. 212–213.
- ^ Cornelius 1994, p. 3.
- ^ a b Münnich 2013, p. 223.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 226.
- ^ Smith 2014, p. 79.
- ^ Strong's Concordance H7565
- ^ Xella 1999, p. 703.
- ^ Xella 1999, pp. 702–703.
- ^ Hiebert 2018, p. 92.
- ^ Hiebert 2018, pp. 92–93.
- ^ Hiebert 2018, p. 93.
- ^ Dunham 2016, p. 24.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 216.
- ^ Teixidor 1976, p. 65.
- ^ Münnich 2013, p. 108.
- ^ Azize 2014, pp. 239–240.
Bibliography
- Archi, Alfonso (2010). "Hamath, Niya and Tunip in the 3rd Millennium B.C. according to the Ebla documents" (PDF). Studi micenei ed egeo-anatolici. 52 (1): 33–39. ISSN 1126-6651. Retrieved 2022-03-15.
- Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. OCLC 882106763.
- Archi, Alfonso (2015). Ebla and Its Archives. De Gruyter. ISBN 978-1-61451-716-0.
- Archi, Alfonso (2019). "Šamagan and the Mules of Ebla. Syrian Gods in Sumerian Disguise". Between Syria and the Highlands: studies in honor of Giorgio Buccellati & Marilyn Kelly-Buccellati. Rome: Arbor Sapientiae editore. OCLC 1137837171.
- Azize, Joseph (2014). The Phoenician Solar Theology. Gorgias Near Eastern Studies. Gorgias Press. ISBN 978-1-4632-3604-5.
- Beckman, Gary (2002). "The Pantheon of Emar". Silva Anatolica: Anatolian studies presented to Maciej Popko on the occasion of his 65th birthday. Warsaw: Agade. OCLC 51004996.
- Buck, Mary E. (2019). The Amorite Dynasty of Ugarit: Historical Implications of Linguistic and Archaeological Parallels. Boston: BRILL. OCLC 1121126053.
- Colonna, Angelo (2018). "Gods in translation: Dynamics of transculturality between Egypt and Byblos in the III millennium BC". Studi e materiali di storia delle religioni. 84 (1): 65–90. ISSN 2611-8742. Retrieved 2023-01-18.
- Cornelius, Izak (1994). The Iconography of the Canaanite Gods Reshef and Baʻal: Late Bronze and Iron Age I Periods (C 1500-1000 BCE) (PDF). Orbis biblicus et orientalis. ISBN 978-3-7278-0983-5. Retrieved 2023-01-18.
- Dunham, Kyle (2016). The Pious Sage in Job: Eliphaz in the Context of Wisdom Theodicy. Wipf and Stock Publishers. ISBN 978-1-4982-7459-3.
- Feliu, Lluís (2003). The god Dagan in Bronze Age Syria. Leiden; Boston, MA: Brill. OCLC 52107444. Retrieved 2023-01-18.
- Fleming, Daniel (1992). The installation of Baal's high priestess at Emar: a window on ancient Syrian religion. Atlanta: Scholars Press. OCLC 645829438. Retrieved 2023-01-18.
- Hiebert, Theodore (2018) [1986]. God of My Victory: The Ancient Hymn in Habakkuk 3. Harvard Semitic Monographs. Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-36944-3. Retrieved 2023-01-19.
- Hoffmeier, James K.; Kitchen, Kenneth A. (2007). "Reshep and Astarte in North Sinai: a Recently Discovered Stela from Tell el-Borg". Ägypten und Levante/Egypt and the Levant. 17. Austrian Academy of Sciences Press: 127–136. JSTOR 23788165. Retrieved 2023-01-19.
- Krebernik, Manfred (2008), "Rušpan", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2023-01-18
- Krebernik, Manfred (2013). "Jenseitsvorstellungen in Ugarit". In Bukovec, Predrag; Kolkmann-Klamt, Barbara (eds.). Jenseitsvorstellungen im Orient (in German). Verlag Dr. Kovač. OCLC 854347204.
- Lambert, Wilfred G. (1987), "LUGAL-Rasap", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2023-01-17
- López-Ruiz, Carolina (2021). Phoenicians and the Making of the Mediterranean. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-26996-5.
- Münnich, Maciej M. (2009). "Two Faces of Resheph in Egyptian Sources". In Hulster, Izaak J. de; Schmitt, Rüdiger (eds.). Iconography and Biblical studies: proceedings of the iconography sessions at the joint EABS/SBL Conference, 22-26 July 2007, Vienna, Austria. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. OCLC 639461763.
- Münnich, Maciej M. (2013). The God Resheph in the Ancient Near East. Orientalische Religionen in der Antike: Ägypten, Israel, Alter Orient. Mohr Siebeck. ISBN 978-3-16-152491-2. Retrieved 2023-01-17.
- Nabulsi, Rachel (2017). Death and Burial in Iron Age Israel, Aram, and Phoenicia. Gorgias Studies in the Ancient Near East. Gorgias Press. ISBN 978-1-4632-3724-0.
- Pardee, Dennis (2000). Les textes rituels d'Ougarit (PDF). Ras Shamra – Ougarit (in French). Vol. XII. Paris: Éditions Recherche sur les Civilisations. ISBN 978-2-86538-276-7. Archived(PDF) from the original on 2021-01-17. Retrieved 2023-01-19.
- Pardee, Dennis (2002). Ritual and cult at Ugarit. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature. OCLC 558437302.
- Rahmouni, Aicha (2008). Divine epithets in the Ugaritic alphabetic texts. Leiden Boston: Brill. OCLC 304341764.
- Rainey, Anson F. (2014). The El-Amarna correspondence: a new edition of the cuneiform letters from the site of El-Amarna based on collations of all extant tablets. Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 1 The Near and Middle East. Vol. 110. Leiden: Brill. OCLC 897378910.
- Rutherford, Ian (2019). "Gods of the Market Place. Merchants, Economics and Religious Innovation". Economy of religions in Anatolia from the early second to the middle of the first millennium BCE. Proceedings of an International Conference in Bonn (23rd to 25th May 2018). Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. OCLC 1150637988.
- Smith, Mark (2014). "Athtart in Late Bronze Age Syrian Texts". Transformation of a goddess: Ishtar-Astarte-Aphrodite. Fribourg Göttingen: Academic Press Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. OCLC 881612038.
- Streck, Michael P. (2008), "Rašap A. In den schriftlichen Quellen", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2023-01-17
- Taracha, Piotr (2009). Religions of Second Millennium Anatolia. Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie. Vol. 27. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3447058858.
- Teixidor, Javier (1 January 1976). "The Phoenician Inscriptions of the Cesnola Collection". Metropolitan Museum Journal. 11: 65. S2CID 191395895.
- Thames, John Tracy (2020). The politics of ritual change: the Zukru festival in the political history of late Bronze Age Emar. Leiden: Brill. OCLC 1157679792.
- Torrecilla, Eduardo (2017). "Divine Names in the Tell Hadidi/Azû Texts". KASKAL. Rivista di storia, ambienti e culture del Vicino Oriente Antico. 14. Firenze: LoGisma editore. ISSN 1971-8608.
- Ulanowski, Krzysztof (2013). "God Reshef in the Mediterranean". In Bombardieri, Luca; D'Agostino, Anacleto; Guarducci, Guido; Orsi, Valentina; Valentini, Stefano (eds.). SOMA 2012: identity and connectivity: proceedings of the 16th Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology, Florence, Italy, 1-3 March 2012. Oxford, England. )
- van Soldt, Wilfred H. (2016). "Divinities in Personal Names at Ugarit, Ras Shamra". Etudes ougaritiques IV. Paris Leuven Walpole MA: Editions recherche sur les civilisations, Peeters. OCLC 51010262.
- Veenhof, Klaas R. (2018). "The Family God in Old Babylonian and Especially in Old Assyrian Sources". Revue d'assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale (112): 49–90. ISSN 0373-6032. Retrieved 2023-01-19.
- Wilkinson, Richard H. (2003). The Complete Gods and Goddesses of Ancient Egypt. The Complete Series. Thames and Hudson. ISBN 978-0-500-05120-7.
- Wyatt, Nicolas (2007). Word of tree and whisper of stone and other papers on Ugaritian thought. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press. OCLC 171554196.
- Xella, Paolo (1999), "Resheph", in van der Toorn, Karel; Becking, Bob; van der Horst, Pieter W. (eds.), Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible, Eerdmans Publishing Company, ISBN 978-0-8028-2491-2, retrieved 2023-01-18
- Zivie-Coche, Christiane (5 April 2011). "Foreign Deities in Egypt". UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology. 1 (1).