Revolt of the Comuneros
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Execution of the Comuneros of Castile, by Antonio Gisbert (1860) | |||||||
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1February 3, 1522 is also used as an end date; see 1522 revolt. |
The Revolt of the Comuneros (Spanish: Guerra de las Comunidades de Castilla, "War of the Communities of Castile") was an uprising by citizens of Castile against the rule of Charles I and his administration between 1520 and 1521. At its height, the rebels controlled the heart of Castile, ruling the cities of Valladolid, Tordesillas, and Toledo.
The revolt occurred in the wake of political instability in the Crown of Castile after the death of Queen Isabella I in 1504. Isabella's daughter Joanna succeeded to the throne. Due to Joanna's mental instability, Castile was ruled by the nobles and her father, King Ferdinand II of Aragon, as a regent, while Joanna was confined. After Ferdinand's death in 1516, Joanna's sixteen-year-old son Charles was proclaimed her co-monarch of both Castile and Aragon; while Joanna also succeeded as Queen of Aragon, during her co-regency with her own son, she remained confined.
Charles had been raised in the
In 1519, Charles was elected
The character of the revolution is a matter of historiographical debate. According to some scholars, the revolt was one of the first modern revolutions, notably because of the anti-noble sentiment against social injustice and its basis on ideals of democracy and freedom. Others consider it a more typical rebellion against high taxes and perceived foreign control. From the 19th century onwards, the revolt has been mythologized by various Spaniards, generally liberals who drew political inspiration from it. Conservative intellectuals have traditionally adopted more pro-Imperial stances toward the revolt, and have been critical of both the motives and the government of the comuneros. With the end of Franco's dictatorship and the establishment of the autonomous community of Castile and León, positive commemoration of the Comunidades has grown. April 23 is now celebrated as Castile and León Day, and the incident is often referred to in Castilian nationalism.
Origins
Discontent had been brewing for years before the Revolt of the Comuneros. The second half of the 15th century saw profound political, economic, and social changes in Spain. Economic growth created new urban industries and offered a route to power and wealth not tied to the aristocracy. Support from these urban elites was critical to
However, with
The budgets of both Castile and Aragon had been in poor condition for some time. The government had
Succession of Charles
In 1516, Ferdinand died. The remaining heir was Ferdinand and Isabella's grandson Charles, who became King Charles I of both Castile and Aragon in coregency with his mother Queen Joanna I of Castile. Joanna, who had been confined in Tordesillas, also succeeded as Queen of Aragon, but during the coregency with her own son, she remained confined and largely powerless.
Charles was brought up in
You, land of Castile, very wretched and damned are you to suffer that as noble a kingdom as you are, you will be governed by those who have no love for you.[13]
With the unrest growing, Charles' paternal grandfather Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I died in 1519. A new election had to be held to choose the next emperor. Charles campaigned aggressively for the post, vying with King Francis I of France to bribe the most prince-electors.[14] Charles I won the election, becoming Emperor Charles V and cementing the power of the House of Habsburg. He prepared to head to Germany to take possession of his new domains in the Holy Roman Empire.[14]
New taxes: The Cortes of Santiago and Corunna
Charles had already stressed the treasury to its limit with his extravagant Flemish court, and over 1 million florins were spent in bribes for the election.[12] Taxes[a] had to be raised to cover the debt, but any new taxes had to be approved by the Cortes (Castile's own parliamentary body). Thus, in late March 1520, Charles convened the Cortes in Santiago de Compostela. Charles ensured the Cortes would only have limited power, and further attempted to stack the Cortes with pliable representatives he could bribe.[12] Support for the opposition only increased in response, and the representatives demanded that their grievances be heard first before any new tax was granted.[15]
A group of clerics soon circulated a statement in protest of the king. It argued three points: any new taxes should be rejected; Castile should be embraced and the foreign Empire rejected; and if the king did not take into account his subjects, the Comunidades themselves should defend the interests of the kingdom.[16] It was the first time where the word comunidades (communities, communes) was used to signify the independent populace, and the name would stick to the councils later formed.[16]
At this point, most of the members of the Cortes in Santiago intended to vote against the king's requested duties and taxes, even with the Cortes stacked with royalists. In response, Charles decided to suspend the Cortes on April 4.[17] He convened them again in Corunna on April 22, this time getting his program passed.[12] On May 20, he embarked for Germany, and left as regent of his Spanish possessions his former tutor, Adrian of Utrecht (better known as the future Pope Adrian VI).[18]
Beginnings of the Revolt
Rebelliousness in Toledo
In April 1520, Toledo was already unstable. The city council had been at the forefront of protests against Charles' bid to become Holy Roman Emperor. They decried the short-term expenses that would be borne by Castile and questioned the role of Castile in this new political framework, given the possibility that the land would become a mere imperial province.[16] The situation erupted when the royal government summoned the most radical of the city councilors away from the city, intending to send back more easily controllable replacements on a royal salary. The order came on April 15; one day later, as the councilors prepared to leave, a large crowd opposed to the departure rioted and drove out the royal administrators instead.[19] A citizen's committee was elected under the leadership of Juan López de Padilla and Pedro Laso de la Vega, naming themselves a Comunidad. On April 21, the remaining administrators were driven from the fortifications of the Alcázar of Toledo.[20]
Following Charles' departure to Germany, the riots multiplied in the cities of
Proposals to other cities
With widespread discontent circulating, on June 8 Toledo's council suggested to cities with a vote in the Cortes to hold an emergency meeting. They proffered five goals:
- Cancel the taxes voted in the Cortes of Corunna.
- A return to the local-controlled encabezamiento system of taxation.
- Reserve official positions and church benefices for Castilians.
- Prohibit money from leaving the kingdom to fund foreign affairs.
- Designate a Castilian to lead the kingdom in the absence of the king.[23]
These claims, especially the first two, spread quickly through society.
Expansion of the Revolt
Blockade of Segovia
The situation moved closer to armed conflict on June 10. Rodrigo Ronquillo had been sent to Segovia by the Royal Council to investigate the recent murder of Segovia's legislator, but Segovia refused him entry. Unable to besiege a city of 30,000 with only a small force, Ronquillo instead set out to blockade foodstuffs and other supplies from entering Segovia. The people of Segovia, led by militia leader and noble Juan Bravo, rallied around the Comunidad. Segovia requested aid against Ronquillo's army from the Comunidades of Toledo and Madrid. The cities responded by sending their militias, captained by Juan López de Padilla and Juan de Zapata, who won in the first major confrontation between the forces of the king and the rebels.[8]
The Junta of Ávila
Other cities now followed the lead of Toledo and Segovia, deposing their governments. A revolutionary Cortes, La Santa Junta de las Comunidades ("Holy Assembly of the Communities"),
Burning of Medina del Campo
Faced with the situation in Segovia, Regent and Cardinal
The Junta of Tordesillas
The comunero army now properly organized itself, integrating the militias of Toledo, Madrid, and Segovia. Once told of Fonseca's attack, the comunero forces went to Medina del Campo and took possession of the artillery that had just been denied to Fonseca's troops.
The legislators met with Queen Joanna and explained the purpose of the Cortes: to proclaim her sovereignty and restore lost stability to the kingdom. The next day, September 25, the Cortes issued a declaration pledging to use arms if necessary and for the whole to aid any one city that was threatened. On September 26, the Cortes of Tordesillas declared itself the new legitimate government and denounced the Royal Council. Oaths of self-defense were taken by all the cities represented over the week, finishing by September 30. The revolutionary government now had structure and a free hand to act, with the Royal Council still ineffective and confused.[34]
Scope of the rebellion
The comuneros were strong in the
Popular and governmental response
Turning of the nobles
The growing success of the comuneros emboldened people to accuse members of the old government of complicity with royal abuses. The protests attacked the landed nobility as well, many of whom had illegally taken property during the reign of the regents and weak kings after Isabella's death. In Dueñas, the Count of Buendía's vassals revolted against him on September 1, 1520, encouraged by rebel monks.[38] This uprising was followed by others of a similar anti-feudal nature.[39] The leadership of the comuneros was forced to take a stance on these new rebellions; reluctant to openly endorse them, the Junta initially denounced them but did nothing to oppose them.[40] The dynamics of the uprising thus changed profoundly, as it could now jeopardize the status of the entire manorial system. The nobles had previously been somewhat sympathetic to the cause due to their loss of privileges to the central government. However, these new developments led to a dramatic drop in support for the comuneros from aristocrats, who were frightened by the more radical elements of the revolution.[38]
Response of Charles I
At first, Charles seemed not to grasp the magnitude of the revolt. He continued to demand payments from Castile; with the government of Castile still in arrears, Cardinal Adrian found it impossible to secure any new loans.[24] A letter from Cardinal Adrian on August 25 warned Charles of the severity of the situation:
Your Highness is making a great error if you think that you will be able to collect and make use of this tax; there is no one in the Kingdom, not in Seville or Valladolid or any other city who will ever pay anything of it; all the grandees and members of the council are amazed that Your Highness has scheduled payments from these funds.
Adrian of Utrecht
Once he realized that a full-fledged revolution was underway, Charles responded vigorously. Through Cardinal Adrian, he undertook new policy initiatives, such as canceling the taxes granted in the Cortes of Corunna. Most important was the appointment of two new Castilian co-regents: the
Organization, funding, and diplomacy
The first political defeats of the comuneros came in October 1520. The comuneros' attempt to use Queen Joanna for legitimacy did not bear fruit, as she blocked their initiatives and refused to sign any edicts.[43] In turn, dissenting voices inside the comuneros now began to be heard, especially in Burgos. The wavering position of Burgos was soon known to the royalists, and the Constable of Castile negotiated with Burgos's government. The Royal Council granted a number of significant concessions to Burgos in exchange for them leaving the Junta.[44]
Following this incident, the Royal Council hoped that other cities would imitate Burgos and leave the comuneros peacefully. Valladolid, the former seat of royal power, was considered especially likely to turn, but too many supporters of the king had left city politics and lost their influence. It remained rebel-controlled.[45] The Admiral of Castile continued his campaign to try to convince the comuneros to return to the royal government and thereby avoid a violent suppression.[46] This attitude concealed a great shortage of funds on the royal side.[47]
During October and November 1520, both sides accepted that a military conclusion would soon be necessary and actively devoted themselves to fundraising, recruiting soldiers, and training their troops. The comuneros organized their militias in the major cities and levied new taxes on the countryside; they also took measures aimed at eliminating waste, routinely auditing their treasurers and dismissing those thought to be corrupt.[48] The royal government, which had lost much of its revenue due to the revolt, sought loans from Portugal and from conservative Castilian bankers, who saw reassuring signs in the switch of the allegiance of Burgos.[47]
Battle of Tordesillas
Leadership disputes
Gradually, both the city of Toledo and its leader Juan López de Padilla lost influence within the Junta, though Padilla retained popularity and prestige among the commoners. Two new figures emerged within the Comunidades,
On the royalist side, the nobles could not agree on what tactics to use. Some preferred to directly challenge the rebels in combat, while others such as the Constable of Castile favored continued waiting and the building of defensive fortifications. The Admiral of Castile preferred negotiations and exhausting all the possible peaceful options first.[52] Patience, however, began to run thin; armies were expensive to maintain once assembled. In late November 1520, both armies took positions between Medina de Rioseco and Tordesillas, and a confrontation was inevitable.[53]
Royal capture
With Pedro Girón in command, the army of the comuneros advanced on Medina de Rioseco, following the orders of the Junta. Girón established his headquarters in Villabrágima, a town merely 8 kilometres (5.0 mi) from the royalist army. The royalists occupied nearby villages to cut communication lines back to other comuneros.[53]
This situation continued until December 2, when Girón, apparently thinking the royal army would remain entrenched,[c] moved his forces west to the small town of Villalpando.[54] The town surrendered the next day without resistance, and the troops began looting the estates in the area. However, with this movement, the comuneros left the path to Tordesillas completely unprotected. The royal army took advantage of the blunder, marching by night on December 4 and occupying Tordesillas the next day. The small rebel garrison was overwhelmed.[49]
Seizure of Tordesillas marked a serious defeat for the comuneros, who lost Queen Joanna and with her their claim to legitimacy. In addition, thirteen representatives of the Junta were imprisoned, though others fled and escaped.[54] Morale fell among the rebels, and much angry criticism was directed towards Pedro Girón for his maneuvering of the troops out of position and for his failure to attempt to retake Tordesillas or capture Medina de Rioseco. Girón was obliged to resign from his post and withdrew from the war.[55]
Events of December and January
Reorganization of the comuneros
Following the loss of Tordesillas, the comuneros regrouped in Valladolid. The Junta reconvened on December 15, but with only eleven cities represented, down from a height of fourteen. Soria and Guadalajara's representatives did not return, and Burgos had left earlier.[56] Valladolid would be the third capital of the rebels, after Ávila and Tordesillas.[57]
The situation was somewhat worse for the army, with a large number of desertions in Valladolid and Villalpando. This forced the rebels to intensify their recruitment drives, especially in Toledo, Salamanca, and Valladolid itself. With these new recruits and the arrival of Juan de Padilla to Valladolid, the rebel military apparatus was rebuilt and morale bolstered. At the beginning of 1521, the comuneros prepared for an all-out war, despite disagreements within the movement. Some suggested seeking a peaceful resolution, while others favored continuing the war. Those who favored war were divided between two tactics: occupy Simancas and Torrelobatón, a less ambitious proposal defended by Pedro Laso de la Vega; or lay siege to Burgos, a tactic favored by Padilla.[58]
Military initiatives in Palencia and Burgos
In the far north of Castile, the rebel army began a series of operations conducted by
In mid-January, Pedro de Ayala, Count of Salvatierra, joined the comuneros and organized an army of about two thousand men who set about raiding the north of Castile.[60] Nearby, Burgos awaited the fulfillment of the pledges made by Cardinal Adrian after they had joined the royalist cause two months prior. The slow response led to dissatisfaction and uncertainty in the city. Ayala and Acuña, aware of this situation, decided to besiege Burgos, Ayala from its north and Acuña from its south. They also sought to undermine the defenses by encouraging a revolt of the inhabitants of Burgos.[59]
Royalist response
Still in Germany, Charles V issued the Edict of Worms on December 17, 1520 (not to be confused with the
The Royal Council's next move was the occupation of Ampudia in Palencia, a town loyal to the Count of Salvatierra. The Junta sent Padilla to meet Acuña; their combined force besieged the royal army at the castle of Mormojón. The royal army slipped away by nightfall, and Mormojón was forced to pay tribute to avoid being pillaged. Ampudia was recovered by the rebels the next day, January 16.[62]
Meanwhile, the rebellion in Burgos scheduled for January 23 was a failure due to poor coordination with the besieging army; it started two days early and was easily crushed. The comuneros of Burgos had to surrender, and this was the last rebellion to be seen in Castile.[59][62]
Rebel campaigns of early 1521
Padilla's decision on the rebels' next move
After abandoning the siege of Burgos due to the failure of its revolt, Padilla decided to return to Valladolid, while Acuña opted to resume his skirmishing and harassment of noble properties around Tierra de Campos. With this series of actions, Acuña intended to destroy or occupy the homes of the prominent nobles. The rebels now set themselves completely against the manorial system. This would be one of the strongest features of the second phase of the rebellion.[62]
After the recent setbacks suffered by the comuneros, Padilla realized that they needed a victory to raise morale. He decided to take Torrelobatón and its castle. Torrelobatón was a stronghold halfway between Tordesillas and Medina de Rioseco, and was very close to Valladolid. Taking it would grant the rebels an excellent fortress for launching military operations and remove a threat on Valladolid.[63]
Battle of Torrelobatón
On February 21, 1521, the siege of Torrelobatón began. Outnumbered, the town nevertheless resisted for four days, thanks to its walls. On February 25, the comuneros entered the town and subjected it to a massive looting spree as a reward to the troops. Only churches were spared.[64] The castle resisted for another two days. The comuneros then threatened to hang all of the inhabitants, at which point the castle surrendered. The defenders did secure an agreement to spare half of the goods inside the castle, thus avoiding further looting.[65]
The victory in Torrelobatón lifted the spirits of the rebel camp while worrying the royalists about the rebel advance, exactly as Padilla hoped. The faith of the nobles in Cardinal Adrian was again shaken, as he was accused of having done nothing to avoid losing Torrelobatón. The Constable of Castile began to send troops to the Tordesillas area to contain the rebels and prevent any further advances.[66]
Despite the renewed enthusiasm among the rebels, a decision was made to remain in their positions near Valladolid without pressing their advantage or launching a new attack. This caused many of the soldiers to return to their home communities, tired of waiting for salaries and new orders.[67] This was a problem the comunero forces had throughout the war; they possessed only a small number of full-time soldiers, and their militias were constantly "dissolving and recruiting."[68] A serious attempt to negotiate a peaceful end to the war was tried again by the moderates, but was undercut by extremists of both sides.[69]
In the north, after the failure of the siege of Burgos in January, the Count of Salvatierra resumed his campaign. He set off to cause an uprising in
Acuña's southern campaign
Acuña departed for Toledo in February with a small force under his command. He traveled south, declaring his impending claim on the archdiocese to every village as he passed. This raised enthusiasm among the commoners, who received him with cheers, but aroused suspicion in the aristocracy. They feared Acuña might attack their holdings as he did in
Acuña soon had to confront
Undaunted, Acuña continued into Toledo. He appeared at the Zocodover Plaza in the heart of the city on March 29, 1521, Good Friday. The crowd gathered around him and took him directly to the cathedral, claiming the archbishop's chair for him.[51][70] The next day he met with María Pacheco, wife of Juan de Padilla and de facto leader of the Toledo Comunidad in her husband's absence. A brief rivalry emerged between the two, but it was resolved after mutual attempts at reconciliation.[74]
Once settled in the
Battle of Villalar
In early April 1521, the royalist side moved to combine their armies and threaten Torrelobatón. The
The combined royalist army pursued the comuneros. Again, the royalists had a strong advantage in cavalry, with their army consisting of 6,000 infantry and 2,400 cavalry against Padilla's 7,000 infantry and 400 cavalry. Heavy rain slowed Padilla's infantry more than the royalist cavalry and rendered the primitive firearms of the rebels' 1,000
The three most important leaders of the rebellion were captured: Juan López de Padilla, Juan Bravo, and Francisco Maldonado. They were beheaded the next morning in the Plaza of Villalar, with a large portion of the royalist nobility present.[78] The remains of the rebel army at Villalar fragmented, with some attempting to join Acuña's army near Toledo and others deserting. The rebellion had been struck a crippling blow.[79]
End of the war
After the Battle of Villalar, the towns of northern Castile soon succumbed to the king's troops, with all its cities returning their allegiance to the king by early May. Only Madrid and Toledo kept their Comunidades alive.[80]
Resistance of Toledo
The first news of Villalar arrived in Toledo on April 26, but was largely ignored by the local Comunidad. The magnitude of the defeat became apparent in a few days, after the first survivors began arriving in the city and confirmed the fact that the three rebel leaders had been executed. Toledo was declared in mourning over the death of Juan de Padilla.[81]
After the death of Padilla,
However, one ray of hope remained for the rebels. Castile had withdrawn some of its troops from occupied Navarre to fight the comuneros, and King Francis I of France used the opportunity to invade with support from the Navarrese. The royalist army was forced to march on Navarre to respond rather than besiege Toledo. Acuña left Toledo to travel to Navarre, but he was recognized and caught. It is disputed whether he was seeking to join the French and continue fighting, or was simply fleeing.[83]
María Pacheco took control of the city and the remains of the rebel army, living in the
Still concerned about the French, the royal government gave in. With the support of all parties, the surrender of Toledo was orchestrated on October 25, 1521. Thus, on October 31 the comuneros left the Alcázar of Toledo and new officials were appointed to run the city. The truce guaranteed the freedom and property of all the comuneros.[84]
Revolt of February 1522
The new administrator of Toledo restored order and brought the city back under royal control. However, he also provoked former comuneros.[85] María Pacheco continued her presence in the city and refused to hand over all the hidden weapons until Charles V personally signed the agreements reached with the Order of St. John. This unstable situation came to an end on February 3, 1522, when the generous terms of the surrender were annulled. Royal soldiers filled the city and the administrator ordered Pacheco's execution.[85] Riots broke out in protest. The incident was temporarily remedied thanks to the intervention of María de Mendoza, the sister of María Pacheco. Another truce was granted, and while the former comuneros were defeated, the distraction was exploited by María Pacheco to escape to Portugal disguised as a farmer.[86]
Pardon of 1522
Charles V returned to Spain on July 16, 1522.[87] Acts of repression and retaliation against former comuneros did occur, but only sporadically. Embarrassingly large numbers of important people had supported the comuneros, or at least were suspiciously slow to declare allegiance to the king, and Charles thought it unwise to press the issue too much.[88]
Back in Valladolid, Charles declared a general pardon on November 1.[89] The pardon gave amnesty to everyone involved in the revolt with the exception of 293 comuneros, a small figure given the huge number of rebels. Both Pacheco and Bishop Acuña were among the 293 excluded from the pardon. More pardons were issued later, after pressure from the Cortes; by 1527, the repression was completely at end. Of the 293, 23 were executed, 20 died in prison, 50 purchased amnesty, and 100 were pardoned later. The fates of the rest are unknown.[88]
Aftermath
Emperor Charles V would go on to rule one of the largest and most sprawling empires in European history. As a consequence, Charles was nearly constantly at war, fighting France, England, the Papal States, the Ottoman Turks, the Aztecs, the Incas, and the Protestant Schmalkaldic League during his reign. Spain would provide the bulk of the Habsburgs' armies and financial resources over this period. Charles placed Castilians in high governmental positions in both Castile and the Empire at large, and generally left the administration of Castile in Castilian hands.[93] In that sense, the revolt could be considered successful.[93]
Some of the reforms of Isabella I which reduced noble power were reversed as a price for luring the nobility to the royalist side. However, Charles understood that noble encroachment of power had helped cause the revolt, and embarked upon a new reform program. Unpopular, corrupt, and ineffective officials were replaced; judicial functions of the Royal Council were limited; and local courts were revitalized.[94] Charles also adjusted the membership of the Royal Council; its hated president was replaced, the aristocracy's role reduced, and more gentry were added to it.[94][95] Realizing that the urban elite needed to have a stake in the royal government once more, Charles gave many of them positions, privileges, and government salaries.[96] The Cortes, while not as important as the comuneros had hoped, nevertheless maintained its power; it was still required to approve new taxes and could advise the king.[97] Charles also discouraged his officials from using overly coercive methods, after seeing his heavy-handed treatment of the Cortes of Corunna backfire.[98] If anything, the co-option of the middle class worked too well; when Charles' successor King Phillip II demanded a ruinously large tax increase in the 1580s, the Cortes was too dependent on the Crown for money to effectively resist policies that would wreck the economy.[99]
Later influence
The revolt, fresh in the memory of Spain, is referenced in several literary works during Spain's Golden Age. Don Quixote references the rebellion in a conversation with Sancho, and Francisco de Quevedo uses the word "comunero" as a synonym for "rebel" in his works.[100][101]
In the 18th century, the comuneros were not held in high regard by the Spanish Empire. The government was not amenable to encouraging rebellions, and only used the term to condemn opposition. In the Revolt of the Comuneros in Paraguay, the rebels did not take the name willingly; it was only meant to disparage them as traitors.[102] Another Revolt of the Comuneros in New Granada (modern Colombia) was similarly unrelated to the original except in name.[103]
At the beginning of the 19th century, the image of the comuneros began to be rehabilitated by scholars such as Manuel Quintana as precursors of freedom and martyrs against
Since the mid-twentieth century, others have sought more materialist reasons for the revolt. Historians such as José Antonio Maravall and Joseph Pérez portray the developing revolt as alliances of different social coalitions around shifting economic interests, with the "industrial bourgeoisie" of artisans and woolworkers combining with the intellectuals and the low nobility against the aristocrats and the merchants.[109] Maravall, who views the revolt as one of the first modern revolutions, especially stresses the ideological conflict and intellectual nature of the revolt, with features such as the first proposed written constitution of Castile.[110]
With
-
Juan Martín Díez, El Empecinado ("The Undaunted"), who tried to rehabilitate the reputation of the comuneros in 1821
-
A floral offering at Villalar, on Castile and León Day, April 23, 2006
-
The April 23, 2007 gathering at Villalar. Villalar was renamed Villalar de los Comuneros in 1932, under the liberal Second Republic.[113]
See also
- Italian War of 1521–1526
- List of people associated with the Revolt of the Comuneros
- Military history of the Revolt of the Comuneros
- Revolt of the Brotherhoods
- Spanish conquest of Iberian Navarre
Notes
- ^ This article uses the term "tax" to encompass a variety of revenue-raising methods the government used. Briefly, servicios were flat monetary grants paid to the treasury; the encabezamiento was a portion of the sales tax towns collected sent to the government; and the cruzada ("crusade") was a special and semi-voluntary contribution that counted as an indulgence and was generally used for war against the Muslims. Charles wanted to abolish the lenient encabezamiento and return to an older and harsher system of direct royal control of tolls, pasturage fees, and the like. He also requested large servicios at the Cortes he held. Part of the revenue problem the government had was that income from the cruzada had fallen greatly since the Reconquista had finished in 1492.[7]
- ^ Junta, meaning "Congress" or "Assembly," did not yet have the negative connotation of "Oligarchical military dictatorship" in the 16th century.
- ^ There exists a theory that Girón's errors were in fact an intentional betrayal of the comuneros. Considering his moderate stance and later pardon by the government, historians such as Seaver consider this possible, but unlikely.[49]
References
- ^ a b Haliczer 1981, p. 10.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 113.
- ^ a b Haliczer 1981, p. 151.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 66.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 93.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 147. The silk industry is held up as particularly relevant, as the Moors had been deeply involved in it; more generally, many Muslim converts to Christianity who had not been expelled still emigrated from 1500 onward.
- ^ a b c Haliczer 1981, p. 147.
- ^ a b Haliczer 1981, p. 163.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 145.
- ^ Lynch 1964, p. 36.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 126.
- ^ a b c d Lynch 1964, p. 38.
- ^ J. L. Díez 1977, p. 7. "Tú, tierra de Castilla, muy desgraciada y maldita eres al sufrir que un tan noble reino como eres, sea gobernado por quienes no te tienen amor."
- ^ a b Seaver 1928, p. 50.
- ^ a b Haliczer 1981, p. 159.
- ^ a b c Pérez 2001, pp. 39–40.
- ^ Seaver 1928, p. 75.
- ^ Seaver 1928, pp. 77–79.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 160.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 161, and Seaver 1928, p. 87. Pérez 2001 lists the final fall as happening on May 31; this is (almost certainly) referring to the formal capture of the Alcázar. The defending forces had long since left by then.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 3.
- ^ Pérez 2001, pp. 50–52.
- ^ a b c Pérez 2001, pp. 53–54.
- ^ a b c Haliczer 1981, p. 164.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 166.
- ^ a b Haliczer 1981, p. 165.
- ^ a b Seaver 1928, p. 129.
- ^ a b c Haliczer 1981, p. 6.
- ^ Pérez 2001, p. 60.
- ^ Seaver 1928, p. 164.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 167.
- ^ Pérez 2001, p. 61. In the spelling of the time, it was rendered Cortes e Junta General del Reyno.
- ^ Seaver 1928, p. 147.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 179.
- ^ a b Pérez 2001, pp. 146–147.
- ^ Pérez 2001, p. 155.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, pp. 183, 205.
- ^ a b Haliczer 1981, p. 185.
- ^ Pérez 2001, p. 65.
- ^ Seaver 1928, p. 306.
- ^ Seaver 1928, pp. 155–156.
- ^ Seaver 1928, p. 163.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 156.
- ^ Seaver 1928, p. 215.
- ^ Seaver 1928, p. 179.
- ^ Seaver 1928, pp. 192–195.
- ^ a b Haliczer 1981, p. 181.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 170.
- ^ a b c Seaver 1928, pp. 200–202.
- ^ Pérez 2001, p. 75.
- ^ a b c d e Guilarte 1983.
- ^ Lynch 1964, p. 40.
- ^ a b Pérez 2001, p. 78.
- ^ a b Haliczer 1981, p. 189
- ^ Seaver 1928, p. 206.
- ^ Pérez 1970, p. 262. Note that the original Junta of Tordesillas had thirteen cities represented, not fourteen; Murcia joined later.
- ^ Pérez 2001, p. 95
- ^ Pérez 2001, p. 99
- ^ a b c Pérez 2001, p. 105
- ^ a b Seaver 1928, p. 294
- ^ "Texto íntegro del Edicto de Worms" (in Spanish). Cervantes Virtual Library. December 17, 1520. Retrieved 2008-07-20.
- ^ a b c Seaver 1928, p. 228, and Pérez 2001, p. 104. The two accounts disagree on the amount of Mormojón's tribute: Seaver says 1,500 ducats, and Pérez 2,000.
- ^ Seaver 1928, p. 248.
- ^ Seaver 1928, p. 251.
- ^ Pérez 2001, p. 107. "Los asaltantes amenzaron con ahorcar a todos los inhabitantes si no se rendía."
- ^ a b Pérez 2001, p. 110.
- ^ Pérez 2001, p. 109.
- ^ Seaver 1928, p. 319.
- ^ Seaver 1928, p. 278.
- ^ a b Seaver 1928, pp. 333–334.
- ^ a b Pérez 2001, pp. 114–115.
- ^ Pérez 2001, p. 116
- ^ Seaver 1928, p. 332.
- ^ Pérez 2001, p. 120.
- ^ a b Pérez 2001, p. 122.
- ^ a b Seaver 1928, pp. 324–325.
- ^ a b Pérez 1970, pp. 313–314.
- ^ Pérez 2001, p. 111.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 204.
- ^ a b c Seaver 1928, p. 339.
- ^ Pérez 2001, p. 123.
- ^ Pérez 2001, p. 128.
- ^ Seaver 1928, p. 336.
- ^ a b Seaver 1928, pp. 346–347.
- ^ a b Pérez 2001, p. 131.
- ^ Seaver 1928, p. 348.
- ^ Seaver 1928, p. 350.
- ^ a b Haliczer 1981, p. 212.
- ^ Pérez 2001, p. 136.
- ^ Seaver 1928, p. 357.
- ^ Seaver 1928, p. 354.
- ^ Seaver 1928, p. 359.
- ^ a b Lynch 1964, p. 46.
- ^ a b Haliczer 1981, p. 213.
- ^ Lynch 1964, p. 48.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 218. The program was called "Stewards and gentlemen," and about 400 well-paid positions were handed out.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 220.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 223.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 227.
- ISBN 0-394-90892-9. Archived from the originalon 2009-02-01. Retrieved 2008-09-27.
- ^ Pérez 2001, p. 236.
- ISBN 0-87073-124-6.
- ISBN 0-8130-0570-1.
- ^ Pérez 2001, p. 238.
- ^ a b c d Haliczer 1981, p. 7. Haliczer is citing Gutiérrez Nieto 1973, pp. 57–58 for Quintana's views; p. 84 for Danvila's views; and p. 98 for Marañón's views.
- ^ Seaver 1928, p. 376.
- ^ a b González Clavero, Mariano (2002). "Fuerzas políticas en el proceso autonómico de Castilla y León: 1975–1983". Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes (in Spanish): 337–342. Retrieved 2008-11-12.
- ^ Gutiérrez Nieto 1973, p. 96. Nieto is referring to Pemán's Breve Historia a España, pp. 208–211.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 8. Haliczer is citing Pérez 1970, p. 19.
- ^ Haliczer 1981, p. 8.
- ^ "Ley por la que se declara Fiesta de la Comunidad de Castilla y León el día 23 de abril" (in Spanish). Madrid: Boletín Oficial del Estado. 1986-04-17. Retrieved 2008-10-18. [dead link]
- Tierra Comunera. Retrieved 2008-07-25.
- ^ "20.000 personas celebran en Villalar la fiesta de Castilla y León" (in Spanish). Cadena SER. 2004-04-23. Retrieved 2008-11-12.
Bibliography
- English-language sources
- ISBN 0-299-08500-7.
- Lynch, John (1964). Spain under the Habsburgs. Vol. (vol. 1). New York: Oxford University Press.
- Miller, Townsend (1963). The Castles and the Crown. New York: Coward-McCann.
- Seaver, Henry Latimer (1966) [1928]. The Great Revolt in Castile: A Study of the Comunero Movement of 1520–1521. New York: Octagon Books.
- Spanish- and other-language sources
- Díez, José Luis (1977). Los Comuneros de Castilla (in Spanish). Madrid: Editorial Mañana. OCLC 4188611.
- Guilarte, Alfonso María (1983). El obispo Acuña: Historia de un comunero (in Spanish). Valladolid: Ambito. ISBN 84-86047-13-7.
- OCLC 2182035.
- Gutiérrez Nieto, Juan Ignacio (1973). Las comunidades como movimiento antiseñorial: La formación del bando realista en la Guerra Civil Castellana de 1520–1521 (in Spanish). Barcelona: Editorial Planeta. OCLC 862423.
- ISBN 84-323-0285-6.
- ISBN 84-9734-003-5.