Russian Revolution of 1905
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The Russian Revolution of 1905,
The 1905 revolution was set off by the international humiliation that resulted from the Russian defeat in the Russo-Japanese War, which ended in the same year. Calls for revolution were intensified by the growing realisation by a variety of sectors of society of the need for reform. Politicians such as Sergei Witte had succeeded in partially industrializing Russia but failed to adequately meet the needs of the population. Tsar Nicholas II and the monarchy narrowly survived the Revolution of 1905, but its events foreshadowed what was to come in the 1917 Russian Revolution.
Many historians contend that the 1905 revolution set the stage for the 1917 Russian Revolutions, which saw the monarchy abolished and the Tsar executed. Calls for radicalism were present in the 1905 revolution, but many of the revolutionaries who were in a position to lead were either in exile or in prison while it took place. The events in 1905 demonstrated the precarious position in which the Tsar found himself. As a result, Tsarist Russia did not undergo sufficient reform, which had a direct impact on the radical politics brewing in the Russian Empire. Although the radicals were still in the minority of the populace, their momentum was growing. Vladimir Lenin, a revolutionary himself, would later say that the Revolution of 1905 was "The Great Dress Rehearsal", without which the "victory of the October Revolution in 1917 would have been impossible".[3]
Causes
Many factors contributed to unrest across the Russian Empire of 1905. Newly emancipated peasants earned too little and were not allowed to sell or mortgage their allotted land. Ethnic and national minorities resented the policy of "Russification" of the Empire: this represented discrimination and repression against national minorities, such as banning them from voting, serving in the
Significantly, this was a period of disaffection in the Russian military. Soldiers returning from a bloody and disgraceful defeat with Japan found inadequate factory pay, shortages, and general disarray, and organized in protest.
Because the Russian economy was tied to European finances, the contraction of Western money markets in 1899–1900 plunged Russian industry into a deep and prolonged crisis; it outlasted the dip in European industrial production. This setback aggravated social unrest during the five years preceding the Revolution of 1905.[4]
The Tsarist government did recognise some of these problems, albeit shortsightedly. The Minister of the Interior Vyacheslav von Plehve had said in 1903 that, after the agrarian problem, the most serious issues plaguing the country were those of the Jews, the schools, and the workers, in that order.[5]
Any residual popular loyalty to Tsar Nicholas II was lost on 22 January 1905, when his soldiers fired upon a crowd of protesting workers, led by Georgy Gapon, who were marching to present a petition at the Winter Palace.[6]
Agrarian problem
Every year, thousands of nobles in debt mortgaged their estates to the noble land bank or sold them to municipalities, merchants, or peasants. By the time of the revolution, the nobility had sold off one-third of its land and mortgaged another third. The peasants had been freed by the emancipation reform of 1861, but their lives were generally quite limited. The government hoped to develop the peasants as a politically conservative, land-holding class by enacting laws to enable them to buy land from nobility by paying small installments over many decades.[7]
Such land, known as "allotment land", would not be owned by individual peasants but by the community of peasants; individual peasants would have rights to strips of land to be assigned to them under the
Their earnings were often so small that they could neither buy the food they needed nor keep up the payment of taxes and redemption dues they owed the government for their land allotments. By 1903 their total arrears in payments of taxes and dues was 118 million rubles.[8]
The situation worsened as masses of hungry peasants roamed the countryside looking for work and sometimes walked hundreds of kilometers to find it. Desperate peasants proved capable of violence.[8] "In the provinces of Kharkov and Poltava in 1902, thousands of them, ignoring restraints and authority, burst out in a rebellious fury that led to extensive destruction of property and looting of noble homes before troops could be brought to subdue and punish them."[8]
These violent outbreaks caught the attention of the government, so it created many committees to investigate the causes.[8] The committees concluded that no part of the countryside was prosperous; some parts, especially the fertile areas known as the "black-soil region", were in decline.[9] Although cultivated acreage had increased in the last half century, the increase had not been proportionate to the growth of the peasant population, which had doubled.[9] "There was general agreement at the turn of the century that Russia faced a grave and intensifying agrarian crisis due mainly to rural overpopulation with an annual excess of fifteen to eighteen live births over deaths per 1,000 inhabitants."[10] The investigations revealed many difficulties but the committees could not find solutions that were both sensible and "acceptable" to the government.[9]
Nationality problem
Russia was a multi-ethnic empire. Nineteenth-century Russians saw cultures and religions in a clear hierarchy. Non-Russian cultures were tolerated in the empire but were not necessarily respected.[11] Culturally, Europe was favored over Asia, as was Orthodox Christianity over other religions.[11]
For generations,
The government's treatment of Jews, although considered a separate issue, was similar to its policies in dealing with all national and religious minorities.[13] Historian Theodore Weeks notes: "Russian administrators, who never succeeded in coming up with a legal definition of 'Pole', despite the decades of restrictions on that ethnic group, regularly spoke of individuals 'of Polish descent' or, alternatively, 'of Russian descent', making identity a function of birth."[14] This policy only succeeded in producing or aggravating feelings of disloyalty. There was growing impatience with their inferior status and resentment against "Russification".[13] Russification is cultural assimilation definable as "a process culminating in the disappearance of a given group as a recognizably distinct element within a larger society".[15]
Besides the imposition of a uniform Russian culture throughout the empire, the government's pursuit of Russification, especially during the second half of the nineteenth century, had political motives. After the emancipation of the
Labour problem
The economic situation in Russia before the revolution presented a grim picture. The government had experimented with laissez-faire capitalist policies, but this strategy largely failed to gain traction within the Russian economy until the 1890s. Meanwhile, "agricultural productivity stagnated, while international prices for grain dropped, and Russia's foreign debt and need for imports grew. War and military preparations continued to consume government revenues. At the same time, the peasant taxpayers' ability to pay was strained to the utmost, leading to widespread famine in 1891."[18]
In the 1890s, under Finance Minister
Industrial workers began to feel dissatisfaction with the Tsarist government despite the protective labour laws the government decreed. Some of those laws included the prohibition of children under 12 from working, with the exception of night work in glass factories. Employment of children aged 12 to 15 was prohibited on Sundays and holidays. Workers had to be paid in cash at least once a month, and limits were placed on the size and bases of fines for workers who were tardy. Employers were prohibited from charging workers for the cost of lighting of the shops and plants.[13] Despite these labour protections, the workers believed that the laws were not enough to free them from unfair and inhumane practices. At the start of the 20th century, Russian industrial workers worked on average 11-hours per day (10 hours on Saturday), factory conditions were perceived as grueling and often unsafe, and attempts at independent unions were often not accepted.[22] Many workers were forced to work beyond the maximum of 11+1⁄2 hours per day. Others were still subject to arbitrary and excessive fines for tardiness, mistakes in their work, or absence.[23] Russian industrial workers were also the lowest-wage workers in Europe. Although the cost of living in Russia was low, "the average worker's 16 rubles per month could not buy the equal of what the French worker's 110 francs would buy for him."[23] Furthermore, the same labour laws prohibited the organisation of trade unions and strikes. Dissatisfaction turned into despair for many impoverished workers, which made them more sympathetic to radical ideas.[23] These discontented, radicalized workers became key to the revolution by participating in illegal strikes and revolutionary protests.
The government responded by arresting labour agitators and enacting more "paternalistic" legislation.[24] Introduced in 1900 by Sergei Zubatov, head of the Moscow security department, "police socialism" planned to have workers form workers' societies with police approval to "provide healthful, fraternal activities and opportunities for cooperative self-help together with 'protection' against influences that might have inimical effect on loyalty to job or country".[24] Some of these groups organised in Moscow, Odessa, Kyiv, Mykolaiv, and Kharkiv, but these groups and the idea of police socialism failed.[24]
From 1900 to 1903, the period of industrial depression caused many firm bankruptcies and a reduction in the employment rate. Employees were restive: they would join legal organisations but turn the organisations toward an end that the organisations' sponsors did not intend. Workers used legitimate means to organise strikes or to draw support for striking workers outside these groups.
Educated class as a problem
The Minister of the Interior, Plehve, designated schools as a pressing problem for the government, but he did not realize it was only a symptom of antigovernment feelings among the educated class. Students of universities, other schools of higher learning, and occasionally of secondary schools and theological seminaries were part of this group.[25]
Student radicalism began around the time
The government was alarmed by these communities, and in 1861 tightened restrictions on admission and prohibited student organisations; these restrictions resulted in the first ever student demonstration, held in
They took up problems that were unrelated to their "proper employment", and displayed defiance and radicalism by boycotting examinations, rioting, arranging marches in sympathy with strikers and political prisoners, circulating petitions, and writing anti-government propaganda.[25]
This disturbed the government, but it believed the cause was lack of training in patriotism and religion. Therefore, the curriculum was "toughened up" to emphasize classical language and mathematics in secondary schools, but defiance continued.[31] Expulsion, exile, and forced military service also did not stop students. "In fact, when the official decision to overhaul the whole educational system was finally made, in 1904, and to that end Vladimir Glazov, head of General Staff Academy, was selected as Minister of Education, the students had grown bolder and more resistant than ever."[attribution needed][31]
Rise of the opposition
The events of 1905 came after progressive and academic agitation for more political democracy and limits to Tsarist rule in Russia, and an increase in strikes by workers against employers for radical economic demands and union recognition, (especially in southern Russia). Many[quantify] socialists view this as a period when the rising revolutionary movement was met with rising reactionary movements. As Rosa Luxemburg stated in 1906 in The Mass Strike, when collective strike activity was met with what is perceived as repression from an autocratic state, economic and political demands grew into and reinforced each other.[32]
Russian progressives formed the Union of
(founded in 1898).In late 1904 liberals started a series of banquets (modeled on the campagne des banquets leading up to the French Revolution of 1848), nominally celebrating the 40th anniversary of the liberal court statutes, but actually an attempt to circumvent laws against political gatherings. The banquets resulted in calls for political reforms and a constitution. In November 1904 a Zemsky Congress (Russian: Земский съезд)—a gathering of zemstvo delegates representing all levels of Russian society—called for a constitution, civil liberties and a parliament. On 13 December [O.S. 30 November] 1904, the Moscow City Duma passed a resolution demanding the establishment of an elected national legislature, full freedom of the press, and freedom of religion. Similar resolutions and appeals from other city dumas and zemstvo councils followed.
Emperor
Worker strikes in the Caucasus broke out in March 1902. Strikes on the railways, originating from pay disputes, took on other issues and drew in other industries, culminating in a general strike at Rostov-on-Don in November 1902.[33] Daily meetings of 15,000 to 20,000 heard openly revolutionary appeals for the first time, before a massacre defeated the strikes. But reaction to the massacres brought political demands to purely economic ones. Luxemburg described the situation in 1903 by saying: "the whole of South Russia in May, June and July was aflame",[34] including
Years | Average annual strikes[35] |
---|---|
1862–1869 | 6 |
1870–1884 | 20 |
1885–1894 | 33 |
1895–1905 | 176 |
Another contributing factor behind the revolution was the
Start of the revolution
In December 1904, a strike occurred at the Putilov plant (a railway and artillery supplier) in St. Petersburg. Sympathy strikes in other parts of the city raised the number of strikers to 150,000 workers in 382 factories.[41] By 21 January [O.S. 8 January] 1905, the city had no electricity and newspaper distribution was halted. All public areas were declared closed.
Controversial Orthodox priest
The events in St. Petersburg provoked public indignation and a series of massive strikes that spread quickly throughout the industrial centers of the Russian Empire. Polish socialists—both the
With the unsuccessful and bloody
Nationalist groups had been angered by the
The number of prisoners throughout the Russian Empire, which had peaked at 116,376 in 1893, fell by over a third to a record low of 75,009 in January 1905, chiefly because of several mass amnesties granted by the Tsar;[49] the historian S G Wheatcroft has wondered what role these released criminals played in the 1905–06 social unrest.[49]
Government response
On 12 January 1905, the Tsar appointed
Height of the revolution
In June and July 1905,
The
The Tsar waited and argued for three days, but finally signed the manifesto on 30 October [O.S. 17 October] 1905, citing his desire to avoid a massacre and his realisation that there was insufficient military force available to pursue alternative options. He regretted signing the document, saying that he felt "sick with shame at this betrayal of the dynasty ... the betrayal was complete".
When the manifesto was proclaimed, there were spontaneous demonstrations of support in all the major cities. The strikes in Saint Petersburg and elsewhere officially ended or quickly collapsed. A political amnesty was also offered. The concessions came hand-in-hand with renewed, and brutal, action against the unrest. There was also a backlash from the conservative elements of society, with right-wing attacks on strikers, left-wingers, and Jews.
While the Russian liberals were satisfied by the October Manifesto and prepared for upcoming Duma elections, radical socialists and revolutionaries denounced the elections and called for an armed uprising to destroy the Empire.[53]
Some of the November uprising of 1905 in
Between 5 and 7 December [
Results
Following the Revolution of 1905, the Tsar made last attempts to save his regime, and offered reforms similar to most rulers when pressured by a revolutionary movement. The military remained loyal throughout the Revolution of 1905, as shown by their shooting of revolutionaries when ordered by the Tsar, making overthrow difficult. These reforms were outlined in a precursor to the Constitution of 1906 known as the
Creation of Duma and appointment of Stolypin
There had been earlier attempts in establishing a Russian Duma before the October Manifesto, but these attempts faced dogged resistance. One attempt in July 1905, called the Bulygin Duma, tried to reduce the assembly into a consultative body. It also proposed limiting voting rights to those with a higher property qualification, excluding industrial workers. Both sides—the opposition and the conservatives—were not pleased with the results.
Propositions for restrictions to the Duma's legislative powers remained persistent. A decree on 20 February 1906 transformed the
The attacks on the Duma were not confined to its legislative powers. By the time the Duma opened, it was missing crucial support from its populace, thanks in no small part to the government's return to Pre-Manifesto levels of suppression. The Soviets were forced to lay low for a long time, while the
Nicholas II remained wary of having to share power with reform-minded bureaucrats. When the pendulum in 1906 elections swung to the left, Nicholas immediately ordered the Duma's dissolution just after 73 days.
October Manifesto
Even after Bloody Sunday and defeat in the Russo-Japanese War, Nicholas II had been slow to offer a meaningful solution to the social and political crisis. At this point, he became more concerned with his personal affairs such as the illness of his son, whose struggle with
Issued on 17 October 1905, the Manifesto stated that the government would grant the population reforms such as the right to vote and to convene in assemblies. Its main provisions were:
- The granting of the population "inviolable personal rights" including freedom of conscience, speech, and assemblage
- Giving the population who were previously cut off from doing so participation in the newly formed Duma
- Ensuring that no law would be passed without the consent of the Imperial Duma.[63]
Despite what seemed to be a moment for celebration for Russia's population and the reformists, the Manifesto was rife with problems. Aside from the absence of the word "constitution", one issue with the manifesto was its timing. By October 1905, Nicholas was already dealing with a revolution. Another problem surfaced in the conscience of Nicholas himself: Witte said in 1911 that the manifesto was written only to get the pressure off the monarch's back, that it was not a "voluntary act".[64] In fact, the writers hoped that the Manifesto would sow discord into "the camp of the autocracy's enemies" and bring order back to Russia.[65]
One immediate effect it did have, for a while, was the start of the Days of Freedom, a six-week period from 17 October to early December. This period witnessed an unprecedented level of freedom on all publications—revolutionary papers, brochures, etc.—even though the tsar officially retained the power to censor provocative material. This opportunity allowed the press to address the tsar, and government officials, in a harsh, critical tone previously unheard of. The freedom of speech also opened the floodgates for meetings and organised political parties. In Moscow alone, over 400 meetings took place in the first four weeks. Some of the political parties that came out of these meetings were the
Among all the groups that benefited most from the Days of Freedoms were the labour unions. In fact, the Days of Freedom witnessed unionisation in the history of the Russian Empire at its apex. At least 67 unions were established in Moscow, as well as 58 in St. Petersburg; the majority of both combined were formed in November 1905 alone. For the Soviets, it was a watershed period of time: nearly 50 of the unions in St. Petersburg came under Soviet control, while in Moscow, the Soviets had around 80,000 members. This large sector of power allowed the Soviets enough clout to form their own militias. In St. Petersburg alone, the Soviets claimed around 6,000 armed members with the purpose of protecting the meetings.[67]
Perhaps empowered in their newfound window of opportunity, the St. Petersburg Soviets, along with other socialist parties, called for armed struggles against the Tsarist government, a war call that no doubt alarmed the government. Not only were the workers motivated, but the Days of Freedom also had an earthquake-like effect on the peasant collective as well. Seeing an opening in the autocracy's waning authority thanks to the Manifesto, the peasants, with a political organisation, took to the streets in revolt. In response, the government exerted its forces in campaigns to subdue and repress both the peasants and the workers. Consequences were now in full force: with a pretext in their hands, the government spent the month of December 1905 regaining the level of authority once lost to Bloody Sunday.[68]
Ironically, the writers of the October Manifesto were caught off guard by the surge in revolts. One of the main reasons for writing the October Manifesto bordered on the government's "fear of the revolutionary movement".
Russian Constitution of 1906
The Russian Constitution of 1906 was published on the eve of the convocation of the First Duma. The new Fundamental Law was enacted to institute promises of the October Manifesto as well as add new reforms. The Tsar was confirmed as absolute leader, with complete control of the executive, foreign policy, church, and the armed forces. The structure of the Duma was changed, becoming a lower chamber below the Council of Ministers, and was half-elected, half-appointed by the Tsar. Legislations had to be approved by the Duma, the council, and the Tsar to become law. The Fundamental State Laws were the "culmination of the whole sequence of events set in motion in October 1905 and which consolidated the new status quo". The introduction of The Russian Constitution of 1906 was not simply an institution of the October Manifesto. The introduction of the constitution states (and thus emphasizes) the following:
- The Russian State is one and indivisible.
- The Grand Duchy of Finland, while comprising an inseparable part of the Russian State, is governed in its internal affairs by special decrees based on special legislation.
- The Russian language is the common language of the state, and its use is compulsory in the army, the navy and all state and public institutions. The use of local (regional) languages and dialects in state and public institutions are determined by special legislation.
The Constitution did not mention any of the provisions of the October Manifesto. While it did enact the provisions laid out previously, its sole purpose seems again to be the propaganda for the monarchy and to simply not fall back on prior promises. The provisions and the new constitutional monarchy did not satisfy Russians and Lenin. The Constitution lasted until the fall of the empire in 1917.
Rise of political violence
The years 1906 and 1907 saw a decline of mass movements, strikes and protests, and a rise of overt political violence. Combat groups such as the SR Combat Organization carried out many assassinations targeting civil servants and police, and robberies. Between 1906 and 1909, revolutionaries killed 7,293 people, of whom 2,640 were officials, and wounded 8,061.[70] Notable victims included:
- .
- Vyacheslav von Plehve – Minister of Interior. Killed 10 August [O.S. 28 July] 1904 in Saint Petersburg.
- Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich of Russia – Killed 17 February [O.S. 4 February] 1905 in Moscow.
- Eliel Soisalon-Soininen – Procurator of Justice of Finland. Killed 19 February [O.S. 6 February] 1905 in Helsinki.
- Viktor Sakharov – former war minister. Killed 5 December [O.S. 22 November] 1905 in Saratov
- Admiral Chukhnin – the commander of the Black Sea Fleet. Killed 24 July [O.S. 11 July] 1906 in Sevastopol
Repression
The years of revolution were marked by a dramatic rise in the numbers of death sentences and executions. Different figures on the number of executions were compared by Senator Nikolai Tagantsev,[71] and are listed in the table.
Year | Number of executions by different accounts | |||
---|---|---|---|---|
Report by State Duma on 19 February [O.S. 6 February] 1909
|
Report by Ministry of War Military Justice department
|
By Oscar Gruzenberg | Report by Mikhail Borovitinov, assistant head of Ministry of Justice Chief Prison Administration, at the International Prison Congress in Washington, 1910. | |
1905 | 10 | 19 | 26 | 20 |
1906 | 144 | 236 | 225 | 144 |
1907 | 456 | 627 | 624 | 1,139 |
1908 | 825 | 1,330 | 1,349 | 825 |
Total | 1,435 + 683[72] = 2,118 | 2,212 | 2,235 | 2,128 |
Year | Number of executions |
---|---|
1909 | 537 |
1910 | 129 |
1911 | 352 |
1912 | 123 |
1913 | 25 |
These numbers reflect only executions of civilians,[73] and do not include a large number of summary executions by punitive army detachments and executions of military mutineers.[74] Peter Kropotkin, an anarchist, noted that official statistics excluded executions conducted during punitive expeditions, especially in Siberia, Caucasus and the Baltic provinces.[73] By 1906 some 4,509 political prisoners were incarcerated in Russian Poland, 20 percent of the empire's total.[75]
Ivanovo Soviet
- 11 May 1905: The 'Group', the revolutionary leadership, called for the workers at all the textile mills to strike.
- 12 May: The strike begins. Strike leaders meet in the local woods.
- 13 May: 40,000 workers assemble before the Administration Building to give Svirskii, the regional factory inspector, a list of demands.
- 14 May: Workers' delegates are elected. Svirskii had suggested they do so, as he wanted people to negotiate with.[77] A mass meeting is held in Administration Square. Svirskii tells them the mill owners will not meet their demands but will negotiate with elected mill delegates, who will be immune to prosecution, according to the governor.
- 15 May: Svirskii tells the strikers they can negotiate only about each factory in turn, but they can hold elections wherever. The strikers elect delegates to represent each mill while they are still out in the streets. Later the delegates elect a chairman.
- 17 May: The meetings are moved to the bank of the Talka River, on suggestion by the police chief.
- 27 May: The delegates' meeting house is closed.
- 3 June: Cossacks break up a workers' meeting, arresting over 20 men. Workers start sabotaging telephone wires and burn down a mill.
- 9 June: The police chief resigns.
- 12 June: All prisoners are released. Most mill owners flee to Moscow. Neither side gives in.
- 27 June: Workers agree to stop striking 1 July.
Poland
The 1905–1907 revolution was at the time the largest wave of strikes and widest emancipatory movement Poland had ever seen, and it would remain so until the 1970s and 1980s.[78] In 1905, 93.2% of Congress Poland's industrial workers went on strike.[43] The first phase of the revolution consisted primarily of mass strikes, rallies, demonstrations—later this evolved into street skirmishes with the police and army as well as bomb assassinations and robberies of transports carrying money to tsarist financial institutions.[79]
One of the major events of that period was the
Due to its reach, violence, radicalism, and effects, some Polish historians even consider the events of the 1905 revolution in Poland a
Finland
In the
On 12 August [
Estonia
In the
Another, more radical political organisation, the Estonian Social Democratic Workers' Union was founded as well. The moderate supporters of Tõnisson and the more radical supporters of Jaan Teemant could not agree about how to continue with the revolution, and only agreed that both wanted to limit the rights of Baltic Germans and to end Russification. The radical views were publicly welcomed and in December 1905, martial law was declared in Tallinn. A total of 160 manors were looted, resulting in ca. 400 workers and peasants being killed by the army. Estonian gains from the revolution were minimal, but the tense stability that prevailed between 1905 and 1917 allowed Estonians to advance the aspiration of national statehood.
Latvia
Following the shooting of demonstrators in St. Petersburg, a wide-scale general strike began in
Cultural portrayal
- Artists Valentin Serov, Boris Kustodiev, Ivan Bilibin and Mstislav Dobuzhinsky published their works dedicated to the 1905 Revolution in the satirical magazine Zhupel.
- Novels Mother (1907) by Maxim Gorky and The Silver Dove (1909) by Andrei Bely were written under the impression of the 1905 Revolution. The same authors depicted it in their later works: Andrei Bely in his Petersburg (1913/1922) and Maxim Gorky in The Life of Klim Samgin (1927–1931).
- Battleship Potemkin (1925), Sergei Eisenstein originally intended this film to be a pro-Bolshevik narrative of the 1905 Russian Revolution.[84][85][86]
- Doctor Zhivago, a 1957 novel by Boris Pasternak which takes place from the years between 1902 and World War II.
- Symphony No. 11 (Shostakovich), subtitled The Year 1905, written in 1957.
See also
- Bibliography of the Russian Revolution and Civil War § The Revolution of 1905
- Łódź insurrection (1905)
- David Shub
- Bourgeois revolution
- Russian Revolution of 1917
- Gurian Republic
Notes
References
- ^ ISBN 9781476625850.
- ^ "1906 Russian Duma Meets". www.historycentral.com. Retrieved 24 February 2022.
- ISBN 978-0-8047-2327-5.
- ISBN 978-0-521-22439-0.
- ^ Harcave 1990, 21
- ^ Pipes 1990, pp. 21, 25.
- ^ a b Harcave 1970, 19
- ^ a b c d e Harcave 1970, 20
- ^ a b c d Harcave 1970, 21
- ^ Pipes, Richard (1996). A Concise History of the Russian Revolution. New York: Vintage. p. 8.
- ^ a b Weeks 2004, 472
- ^ Conroy, Mary (2006). "Civil Society in Late Imperial Russia". In Henry, Laura; Sundstrom, Lisa; Evans Jr., Albert (eds.). Russian Civil Society: A Critical Assessment. New York: M. E. Sharpe. p. 12.
- ^ a b c d Harcave 1970, 22
- ^ Weeks, Theodore (December 2004). "Russification: Word and Practice 1863–1914". Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society. 148: 473.
- ^ Staliūnas, Darius (2007). "Between Russification and Divide and Rule: Russian Nationality Policy in the Western Borderlands in Mid-19th Century". Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas. Neue Folge. 55 (3).
- ^ a b Weeks 2004, 475
- ^ Weeks 2004, 475–476
- ^ Skocpol 1979, 90
- ^ a b Skocpol 1979, 91
- ^ Skocpol 1979, 92
- .
- ^ John Simkin (ed), "1905 Russian Revolution Archived 4 May 2012 at the Wayback Machine", Spartacus Educational, undated.
- ^ a b c Harcave 1970, 23
- ^ a b c d Harcave 1970, 24
- ^ a b c d Harcave 1970, 25
- ^ Morrissey, Susan (1998). Heralds of Revolution: Russian Students and the Mythologies of Radicalism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 20.
- ^ a b c Morrissey 1998, 22
- ^ Morrissey 1998, 20
- ^ a b Morrissey 1998, 23
- ^ Ascher, Abraham (1994). The Revolution of 1905: Russia in Disarray. Stanford University Press. p. 202.
- ^ a b Harcave 1970, 26
- ^ Rosa Luxemburg, The Mass Strike, the Political Party and the Trade Unions, 1906 [English translation Patrick Lavin, 1925]. Chapter 4, "The Interaction of the Political and the Economic Struggle."
- ^
Wynn, Charters (1992). "The Revolutionary Surge: 1903 to October 1905". Workers, Strikes, and Pogroms: The Donbass-Dnepr Bend in Late Imperial Russia, 1870–1905. Volume 131 of Princeton Legacy Library. Princeton: Princeton University Press (published 2014). p. 167. ISBN 9781400862894. Retrieved 26 June 2021.
The beginning of the revolutionary upsurge could be dated back a little earlier, to the Rostov-on-Don general strike in November 1902 [...].
- ^ Rosa Luxemburg, The Mass Strike, the Political Party and the Trade Unions, 1906 Chapter 3, "Development of the Mass Strike Movement in Russia".
- ^ Abraham Ascher, The Revolution of 1905: A Short History, p. 6
- ^ Fischer 1964, p. 44; Rice 1990, pp. 86–88; Service 2000, p. 167; Read 2005, p. 75; Rappaport 2010, pp. 117–120; Lih 2011, p. 87.
- ^ Fischer 1964, pp. 44–45; Pipes 1990, pp. 362–363; Rice 1990, pp. 88–89.
- ^ Service 2000, pp. 170–171.
- ^ Pipes 1990, pp. 363–364; Rice 1990, pp. 89–90; Service 2000, pp. 168–170; Read 2005, p. 78; Rappaport 2010, p. 124.
- ^ Fischer 1964, p. 60; Pipes 1990, p. 367; Rice 1990, pp. 90–91; Service 2000, p. 179; Read 2005, p. 79; Rappaport 2010, p. 131.
- ISBN 978-0-306-80154-9.
- ^ This petition asked for "an eight-hour day, a minimum daily wage of one ruble (fifty cents), a repudiation of bungling bureaucrats, and a democratically elected Constituend Assembly to introduce representative government into the empire." R.R. Palmer, A History of the Modern World, second edition, Alfred A. Knopf (New York) 1960, p. 715
- ^ a b Robert Blobaum, Feliks Dzierzynski and the SDKPiL: A Study of the Origins of Polish Communism, p. 123
- ^ Voline (2004). Unknown Revolution, Chapter 2: The Birth of the "Soviets"
- ^ Neal Bascomb, Red Mutiny: Eleven Fateful Days on the Battleship Potemkin, pp. 286–299
- Houghton Mifflin.
- ^ a b Taylor, BD (2003). Politics and the Russian Army: Civil-Military Relations, 1689–2000. Cambridge University Press. p. 69.
- ^ a b Wheatcroft, SG (2002). Challenging Traditional Views of Russian History. Palgrave Macmillan. The Pre-Revolutionary Period, p. 34.
- ISBN 9781839472787. Retrieved 25 May 2022.
- ^ Paul Barnes, R. Paul Evans, Peris Jones-Evans (2003). GCSE History for WJEC Specification A. Heinemann. p. 68
- ^ Richard Pipes, The Russian Revolution, p. 48
- ^ "Radical socialists and revolutionaries denounce Duma elections, call for armed uprising against - YTread". youtuberead.com. Retrieved 5 April 2023.
- ^ Larned, J. N. (1910). History for ready reference, Vol VII, p. 574. Springfield, Massachusetts: The C. A. Nicholson Co., Publishers. (The original source for this information, according to the book, was Professor Maksim Kovalevsky, who presented these figures in the Duma on 2 May 1906, "in the presence of M. Stolypin, who did not contest it".)
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- ^ Martin Sixsmith, Russia: A 1,000 Year Chronicle of the Wild East, p. 171
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- ^ "Article Death penalty in Russia". Archived from the original on 12 July 2009. Retrieved 23 April 2009.
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- Notes
- Abraham Ascher; The Revolution of 1905, vol. 1: Russia in Disarray; Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1988; ISBN 9780804714365.
- Abraham Ascher; The Revolution of 1905, vol. 2: Authority Restored; Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1994
- Abraham Ascher; The Revolution of 1905: A Short History; Stanford University Press, Stanford, 2004
- Donald C. Rawson; Russian Rightists and the Revolution of 1905; Cambridge Russian, Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1995
- François-Xavier Coquin; 1905, La Révolution russe manquée; Editions Complexe, Paris, 1999
- François-Xavier Coquin and Céline Gervais-Francelle (Editors); 1905 : La première révolution russe (Actes du colloque sur la révolution de 1905), Publications de la Sorbonne et Institut d'Études Slaves, Paris, 1986
- John Bushnell; Mutiny amid Repression: Russian Soldiers in the Revolution of 1905–1906; Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1985
- Anna Geifman. Thou Shalt Kill: Revolutionary Terrorism in Russia, 1894–1917.
- Pete Glatter ed., The Russian Revolution of 1905: Change Through Struggle, Revolutionary History Vol 9 No 1 (Editorial: Pete Glatter; Introduction; The Road to Bloody Sunday (Introduced by Pete Glatter); A Revolution Takes Shape (Introduced by Pete Glatter); The Decisive Days (Introduced by Pete Glatter and Philip Ruff); Rosa Luxemburg and the 1905 Revolution (Introduced by Mark Thomas); Mike Haynes, Patterns of Conflict in the 1905 Revolution)
- Pete Glatter (17 October 2005). "1905 The consciousness factor". International Socialism (108).
- Scott Ury, Barricades and Banners: The Revolution of 1905 and the Transformation of Warsaw Jewry, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 2012. ISBN 978-0-804763-83-7
- Fischer, Louis (1964). The Life of Lenin. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson.
- Rice, Christopher (1990). Lenin: Portrait of a Professional Revolutionary. London: Cassell. ISBN 978-0-304-31814-8.
- ISBN 978-0-679-73660-8.
- Read, Christopher (2005). Lenin: A Revolutionary Life. Routledge Historical Biographies. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-20649-5.
- ISBN 978-0-465-01395-1.
- Lih, Lars T. (2011). Lenin. Critical Lives. London: Reaktion Books. ISBN 978-1-86189-793-0.
- ISBN 978-0-333-72625-9.
External links
- 1905 Russian Revolution Archive at marxists.org
- Russian Chronology 1904–1914, including the Revolution of 1905 and its aftermath Archived 5 December 2008 at the Wayback Machine
- The Mass Strike by Rosa Luxemburg, 1906.
- The Year 1905 by Leon Trotsky
- Russia and reform (1907) by Bernard Pares
- 1905 An article on the events of 1905 from an anarchist perspective (Anarcho-Syndicalist Review, no. 42/3, Winter 2005)
- Estonia during the Russian Revolution of 1905 (in Estonian)
- Russian Graphic Art and the Revolution of 1905. From the collection of the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library at Yale University
- Revolution of 1905 in Poland (in Polish)
- The Soviet Archives