Maximilien Robespierre
Maximilien Robespierre | |
---|---|
Jacobin Club | |
In office 31 March – 3 June 1790 | |
In office 7 August – 28 August 1793 | |
Personal details | |
Born | Maximilien François Marie Isidore de Robespierre 6 May 1758 Jacobin Club (1789–1794) |
Domestic partner | Éléonore Duplay (rumored) |
Alma mater | University of Paris |
Profession | Lawyer, politician |
Signature | |
Maximilien François Marie Isidore de Robespierre (French:
As one of the prominent members within the
Robespierre faced growing disillusionment among others due to the politically motivated violence advocated by the
A figure deeply divisive during his lifetime, Robespierre's views and policies continue to evoke controversy.[10][11][12] Academic and popular discourse persistently engage in debates surrounding his legacy and reputation.[13][14][15]
Early life
Maximilien de Robespierre was baptised on 6 May 1758 in Arras, Artois.[a] His father, François Maximilien Barthélémy de Robespierre, a lawyer, married Jacqueline Marguerite Carrault, the daughter of a brewer, in January 1758. Maximilien, the eldest of four children, was born five months later. His siblings were Charlotte Robespierre,[b] Henriette Robespierre,[c] and Augustin Robespierre.[19][20] Robespierre's mother died on 16 July 1764,[21] after delivering a stillborn daughter at age 29. The death of his mother is, thanks to Charlotte's memoirs, believed to have had a major effect on the young Robespierre. Around 1767, for unknown reasons, his father left the children.[d] His two daughters were raised by their paternal (maiden) aunts, and his two sons by their maternal grandparents.[22]
Demonstrating literacy at an early age, Maximilien commenced his education at the collège of Arras when he was only eight.[23] In October 1769, recommended by the bishop Louis-Hilaire de Conzié, he secured a scholarship at the prestigious Collège Louis-le-Grand in Paris. Among his peers were Camille Desmoulins and Stanislas Fréron. During his schooling, he developed a profound admiration for the Roman Republic and the rhetoric skills of Cicero, Cato and Lucius Junius Brutus. In 1776 he earned the first prize for rhetoric.
His appreciation for the classics inspired him to aspire to Roman virtues, particularly the embodiment of
Early politics
During his three-year study of law at the
Robespierre was elected to the literary Academy of Arras in November 1783.
In 1786 Robespierre passionately addressed
In August 1788, King Louis XVI declared new elections for all provinces and summoned the Estates-General to convene on 1 May 1789, aiming to address France's grave financial and taxation woes. Engaging in discussions on the selection of the French provincial government, Robespierre advocated in his Address to the Nation of Artois that reverting to the former mode of election by the members of the provincial estates would fail to adequately represent the people of France in the new Estates-General.In his electoral district, Robespierre began to assert his influence in politics through his Notice to the Residents of the Countryside in 1789, targeting local authorities and garnering the support of rural electors.[f] This move solidified his position among the country's electors. On 26 April 1789, Robespierre secured his place as one of 16 deputies representing French Flanders in the Estates-General.[40][g]
On 6 June, Robespierre delivered his maiden speech, targeting the hierarchical structure of the church.[41][42] His impassioned oratory prompted observers to comment, "This young man is as yet unexperienced; unaware of when to cease, but possesses an eloquence that sets him apart from the rest."[43] By 13 June, Robespierre aligned with deputies, who later proclaimed themselves the National Assembly, asserting representation for 96% of the nation.[44] On 9 July, the Assembly relocated to Paris and began deliberating a new constitution and taxation system.
On 13 July, the National Assembly proposed reinstating the "bourgeois militia" in Paris to quell the unrest.
In October, alongside
As a frequent orator in the Assembly, Robespierre championed the ideals encapsulated in the
Jacobin Club
1789–1790
Following the October 5
sovereignty resides in the people, in all the individuals of the people. Each individual therefore has the right to participate in making the law which governs him and in the administration of the public good which is his own. If not, it is not true that all men are equal in rights, that every man is a citizen.[68]
During the continuing debate on suffrage, Robespierre ended his speech of 25 January 1790 with a blunt assertion that "all Frenchmen must be admissible to all public positions without any other distinction than that of virtues and talents".
On 24 March 1790, the Assembly decided that the judicial apparatus should be completely restructured. The departments of France were reorganised; the Paris Commune was divided up into 48 sections and allowed to discuss the election of a new mayor on 21 May. In July Robespierre demanded "fraternal equality" in salaries.[73] Before the end of the year, he was seen as one of the leaders of the small body of the extreme left. Robespierre was one of "the thirty voices".[74]
On 5 December Robespierre delivered a speech on the urgent topic of the National Guard.[75][76][77] "To be armed for personal defence is the right of every man, to be armed to defend freedom and the existence of the common fatherland is the right of every citizen".[78] Robespierre coined the famous motto "Liberté, égalité, fraternité" by adding the word fraternity on the flags of the National Guard.[h][80][81]
1791
In 1791 Robespierre gave 328 speeches, almost one a day. On 28 January Robespierre discussed in the Assembly the organisation of the
On 15 May the
On 10 June, Robespierre delivered a speech on the deplorable state of the
After Louis XVI's failed flight to Varennes, the Assembly decreed that the king be suspended from his duties on 25 June until further notice. Between 13 and 15 July, the Assembly debated the restoration of the king and his constitutional rights.[103] Robespierre declared in the Jacobin Club on 13 July: "The current French constitution is a republic with a monarch.[104] It is therefore neither a monarchy nor a republic. She is both."[105]
On Saturday 17 July, Bailly and Lafayette declared a ban on gathering followed by
On 3 September, the
Opposition to war with Austria
The
If they are Caesars, Catilinas or Cromwells, they seize power for themselves. If they are spineless courtiers, uninterested in doing good yet dangerous when they seek to do harm, they go back to lay their power at their master's feet and help him to resume arbitrary power on condition they become his chief servants.[130]
At the end of December, Guadet, the chairman of the Assembly, suggested that a war would be a benefit to the nation and boost the economy. He urged that France should declare war against Austria. Marat and Robespierre opposed him, arguing that victory would create a dictatorship, while defeat would restore the king to his former powers.[131]
The most extravagant idea that can arise in a politician's head is to believe that it is enough for a people to invade a foreign country to make it adopt its laws and their constitution. No one loves armed missionaries... The Declaration of the Rights of Man... is not a lightning bolt that strikes every throne at the same time... I am far from claiming that our Revolution will not eventually influence the fate of the world... But I say that it will not be today (2 January 1792).[132]
This opposition from expected allies irritated the Girondins, and the war became a major point of contention between the factions. In his third speech on the war, Robespierre countered on 25 January 1792 in the Jacobin club, "A revolutionary war must be waged to free subjects and slaves from unjust tyranny, not for the traditional reasons of defending dynasties and expanding frontiers..." Robespierre argued such a war could only favour the forces of counter-revolution, since it would play into the hands of those who opposed the
On 10 February 1792, Robespierre gave a speech on how to save the State and Liberty and did not use the word "war". He began by assuring his audience that everything he intended to propose was strictly constitutional. He then went on to advocate specific measures to strengthen, not so much the national defenses as the forces that could be relied on to defend the revolution.
On 15 February 1792 the installation of the
On 26 March, Guadet accused Robespierre of superstition, relying on divine providence.[144] Shortly after Robespierre was accused by Brissot and Guadet of trying to become the idol of the people.[145] Being against the war Robespierre was also accused of acting as a secret agent for the "Austrian Committee".[146] The Girondins planned strategies to out-maneuver Robespierre's influence among the Jacobins.[147] On 27 April, as part of his speech responding to the accusations by Brissot and Guadet against him, he threatened to leave the Jacobins, claiming he preferred to continue his mission as an ordinary citizen.[148]
On 17 May, Robespierre released the first issue of his weekly periodical Le Défenseur de la Constitution (The Defender of the Constitution). In this publication, he criticized Brissot and expressed his skepticism over the war movement.[149][150] The periodical, printed by his neighbor Nicolas served multiple purposes: to print his speeches, to counter the influence of the royal court in public policy, and to defend him from the accusations of Girondist leaders;[151] for Soboul its purpose was to give voice to the economic and democratic interests of the broader masses in Paris and defend their rights.[152]
Insurrectionist Commune of Paris, 1792
April to July 1792
When the Legislative Assembly declared
On 29 May 1792, the Assembly dissolved the Constitutional Guard, suspecting it of royalist and counter-revolutionary sympathies. In early June 1792, Robespierre proposed an end to the monarchy and the subordination of the Assembly to the General will.[158] The monarchy faced an abortive demonstration of 20 June.[159][160]
Because French forces suffered disastrous defeats and a series of defections at the onset of the war, Robespierre and Marat feared the possibility of a military coup d'état.[161] One was led by Lafayette, head of the National Guard, who at the end of June advocated the suppression of the Jacobin Club. Robespierre publicly attacked him in scathing terms:
"General, while from the midst of your camp you declared war upon me, which you had thus far spared for the enemies of our state, while you denounced me as an enemy of liberty to the army, National Guard and Nation in letters published by your purchased papers, I had thought myself only disputing with a general... but not yet the dictator of France, arbitrator of the state."[162]
On 2 July, the Assembly authorised the National Guard to go to the
On 25 July, according to the
August 1792
On 1 August the Assembly voted on Carnot's proposal, enforcing the distribution of pikes to all citizens, excluding vagabonds.[170][171][172] By 3 August, the mayor and 47 sections demanded the removal of the king. On 5 August Robespierre disclosed the discovery of a plan for the king to escape to Château de Gaillon.[173] Aligning with Robespierre's stance, almost all sections in Paris rallied for the dethronement of the king and issued a decisive ultimatum.[174] Brissot urged the preservation of the constitution, advocating against both the dethronement of the king and the election of a new assembly.[175] On 7 August, Pétion proposed that Robespierre assist in facilitating the departure of Fédérés to pacify the capital, suggesting their more effective service at the front lines.[176] Simultaneously, the Council of Ministers recommended the arrest of Danton, Marat and Robespierre should they attend the Jacobin club.[177]
On 9 August, the commissionaires from several sections assembled in the town hall. Notably absent were Marat, Robespierre and Tallien. The dissolution of the municipal council of the city occurred at midnight. Sulpice Huguenin, a prominent figure among the sans-culottes of the Faubourg Saint-Antoine, was appointed provisional president of the Insurrectionary Commune.
In the early hours of (
On 16 August, Robespierre submitted a petition to the Legislative Assembly, endorsed by the
The Prussian army breached the French frontier on 19 August. To fortify defense, the Paris armed sections were integrated into 48 battalions of the National Guard under
Robespierre was no longer willing to cooperate with Brissot and Roland. On Sunday morning 2 September the members of the Commune, gathering in the town hall to proceed the election of deputies to the National Convention, decided to maintain their seats and have Roland and Brissot arrested.[196][197]
National Convention
Elections
On 2 September the
In Paris suspected Girondin and Feuillant candidates were boycotted; Robespierre made sure Brissot (and his fellow
On 21 September Pétion was elected as president of the Convention. The Jacobins and
On 30 September Robespierre advocated for better laws; the registration of marriages, births, and burials was withdrawn from the church. On 29 October,
Upon the Jacobins, I exercise, if we are to believe my accusers, a despotism of opinion, which can be regarded as nothing other than the forerunner of dictatorship. Firstly, I do not know what a dictatorship of opinion is, above all in a society of free men... unless this describes nothing more than the natural compulsion of principles. This compulsion hardly belongs to the man who enunciates them; it belongs to universal reason and to all men who wish to listen to its voice. It belongs to my colleagues of the Constituent Assembly, to the patriots of the Legislative Assembly, to all citizens who will invariably defend the cause of liberty. Experience has proven, despite Louis XVI and his allies, that the opinion of the Jacobins and the popular clubs were those of the French Nation; no citizen has made them, and I did nothing other than share in them.[213]
Turning the accusations upon his accusers, Robespierre delivered one of the most famous lines of the French Revolution to the Assembly:
I will not remind you that the sole object of contention dividing us is that you have instinctively defended all acts of new ministers, and we, of principles; that you seemed to prefer power, and we equality... Why don't you prosecute the
After publishing his speech "A Maximilien Robespierre et à ses royalistes (accusation)", Louvet was no longer admitted to the Jacobin Club.
Execution of Louis XVI
After the Convention's unanimous declaration of a
On 15 January the call for a referendum was defeated by 424 votes to 287, which Robespierre led. On 16 January, voting began to determine the king's sentence; Robespierre worked fervently to ensure the king's execution. The Jacobins successfully defeated the Girondins' final appeal for clemency.[227] On 20 January half of the deputies voted for immediate death. The next day Louis XVI was guillotined.
Following the execution of the king, Robespierre, Danton, and the Montagnards surged in influence, overshadowing the Girondins.[228]
March/April 1793
On 24 February the Convention decreed the first albeit unsuccessful
On the evening of 9 March, a crowd gathered outside the Convention, shouting threats and calling for the removal of all "traitorous" deputies who had failed to vote for the execution of the king. On 12 March 1793, a provisional Revolutionary Tribunal was established; three days later the Convention appointed Fouquier-Tinville as the accusateur public and Fleuriot-Lescot as his assistant. Robespierre was not enthusiastic and feared that it might become the political instrument of a faction.[231] Robespierre believed that all institutions are bad if they are not founded on the assumption that the people are good and their magistrates corruptible.[232]
On 11 March,
On 25 March Robespierre became one of the 25 members of the Committee of General Defence to coordinate the war effort.[237] Robespierre called for the removal of Dumouriez, who in his eyes aspired to become a Belgian dictator or chief of state, and was placed under arrest.[238] He demanded that relatives of the king should leave France, but Marie-Antoinette should be judged.[239] He spoke of vigorous measures to save the Convention but left the committee within a few days. Marat began to promote a more radical approach, war on the Girondins.[240] The Montagnards launched a vigorous campaign against the Girondins, after the defection of General Dumouriez, who refused to surrender himself to the Revolutionary Tribunal.[241] On 3 April Robespierre declared before the Convention that the whole war was a prepared game between Dumouriez and Brissot to overthrow the Republic.[242]
On 6 April the
May 1793
On 1 May 1793, according to the Girondin deputé Jacques-Antoine Dulaure, 8,000 armed men surrounded the Convention and threatened not to leave if the emergency measures they demanded (a decent salary and maximum on food prices) were not adopted.[256][257] On 4 May the Convention agreed to support the families of soldiers and sailors who left their home to fight the enemy. Robespierre pressed ahead with his strategy of class war.[258] On 8 and 12 May in the Jacobin Club, Robespierre restated the necessity of founding a revolutionary army, that would search for grain, to be funded by a tax on the rich, and would be intended to defeat aristocrats and counter-revolutionaries. He said that public squares should be used to produce arms and pikes.[259] In mid-May, Marat and the Commune supported him publicly and secretly.[260] The Convention decided to set up a commission of inquiry of twelve members, with a very strong Girondin majority.[261] Jacques Hébert, the editor of Le Père Duchesne, was arrested after attacking or calling for the death of the twenty-two Girondins. The next day, the Commune demanded that Hébert be released.
On 26 May, after a week of silence, Robespierre delivered one of the most decisive speeches of his career.[262] He called on the Jacobin Club "to place themselves in insurrection against corrupt deputies".[263] Isnard declared that the Convention would not be influenced by any violence and that Paris had to respect the representatives from elsewhere in France.[264] The Convention decided Robespierre would not be heard. The atmosphere became extremely agitated. Some deputies were willing to kill if Isnard dared to declare civil war in Paris; the president was asked to give up his seat.
On 28 May a weak Robespierre excused himself twice for his physical condition but attacked in particular Brissot of royalism.[265][266] Robespierre left the Convention after applause from the left side and went to the town hall.[240] There he called for an armed insurrection against the majority of the Convention. "If the Commune does not unite closely with the people, it violates its most sacred duty", he said.[267] In the afternoon the Commune demanded the creation of a revolutionary army of sans-culottes in every town of France, including 20,000 men to defend Paris.[268][263][269]
On 29 May, Robespierre was occupied in preparing the public mind. He attacked
The next day the tocsin in the Notre-Dame was rung and the city gates were closed; the Insurrection of 31 May – 2 June began. Hanriot was ordered to fire a cannon on the Pont-Neuf as a sign of alarm. Robespierre urged the arrest of the Girondins.[271] Around ten in the morning 12,000 armed citizens appeared to protect the Convention against the arrest of Girondin deputies.
On Saturday 1 June the Commune gathered almost all day and devoted it to the preparation of a great movement. The Comité insurrectionnel ordered Hanriot to surround the Convention "with a respectable armed force".[272] In the evening 40,000 men surrounded the building to force the arrest. Marat led the attack on the representatives, who had voted against the execution of the King and since then paralyzed the Convention.[273][244] The Commune decided to petition the Convention. The Convention decided to allow men to carry arms on days of crisis and pay them for each day and promised to indemnify the workers for the interruption in the past four days.[274]
Unsatisfied with the result the Commune demanded and prepared a "Supplement" to the revolution. Hanriot offered (or was ordered) to march the National Guard from the town hall to the National Palace.[275] The next morning a large force of armed citizens (some estimated 80,000 or 100,000, but Danton spoke of only 30,000)[276] surrounded the Convention with artillery. "The armed force", Hanriot said, "will retire only when the Convention has delivered to the people the deputies denounced by the Commune."[277] The Girondins believed they were protected by the law, but the people in the galleries called for their arrest. Twenty-two Girondins were seized.[278]
The Montagnards now had unchallenged control of the Convention.[279] The Girondins, going to the provinces, joined the counter-revolution.[280]
During the insurrection Robespierre had scrawled a note in his memorandum-book:
What we need is a single will (il faut une volonté une). It must be either republican or royalist. If it is to be republican, we must have republican ministers, republican newspapers, republican deputies, a republican government. ... The internal dangers come from the middle classes; to defeat the middle classes we must rally the people. ... The people must ally themselves with the Convention, and the Convention must make use of the people.[281][282]
On 3 June French the Convention decided to split up the land belonging to
Reign of Terror
The French government confronted significant internal challenges as the provincial cities rebelled against the more radical revolutionaries in Paris. Marat and Le Peletier were assassinated, instilling fear in Robespierre for his own safety. Corsica formally seceded from France and sought protection from the British government. In July, France teetered on the brink of civil war, besieged by aristocratic uprisings in
June and July 1793
At the end of June, Robespierre launched an attack on Jacques Roux, portraying him as a foreign agent, which led to Roux's expulsion from the Jacobin Club. On July 13, the same day Marat was assassinated, Robespierre voiced support for Louis-Louis-Michel le Peletier's proposals to introduce revolutionary concepts into schools.[284] He also condemned the initiatives of the Parisian radicals, known as the Enragés, who exploited rising inflation and food shortages to incite unrest among the Paris sections.[5]
On 27 July 1793, Robespierre finally joined the Committee, replacing Thomas-Augustin de Gasparin. This marked Robespierre's second stint in an executive position to oversee the war effort. While Robespierre was the most recognizable member of the Committee, it officially operated without a hierarchical structure.[290]
August 1793
On 4 August, the Convention
On 21 August, Robespierre was elected as president of the Convention.
September 1793
On September 4, the sans-culottes once again stormed the Convention, demanding stricter measures against rising prices, even though the circulating
During the session on 5 September 1793, Robespierre yielded the chair to Thuriot, as he needed to attend the Committee of Public Safety to supervise the report on the constitution of the revolutionary army.[298] On that day's session, the Convention, upon a proposal by Chaumette and supported by Billaud and Danton, decided to form a revolutionary army of 6,000 men in Paris.[299] Barère, representing the Committee of Public Safety, introduced a decree that was promptly passed, establishing a paid armed force of 6,000 men and 1,200 gunners "tasked with crushing counter-revolutionaries, enforcing revolutionary laws and public safety measures decreed by the National Convention, and safeguarding provisions."[248]
The Committee of General Security, responsible for rooting out crimes and preventing counter-revolution, began overseeing the National Gendarmerie and financial matters. A decree was issued for the arrest of all foreigners in the country. On September 8, banks and exchange offices were shuttered to curb the circulation of counterfeit assignats and the outflow of capital,[300] with investments in foreign countries punishable by death.
On 11 September, the authority of the Committee of Public Safety was extended for one month. Robespierre threw his support behind Hanriot in the Jacobin Club and voiced opposition to the appointment of Lazare Carnot on 23 August to the committee, citing Carnot's non-membership in the Jacobin Club and his refusal to endorse the events of May 31.[301][302] Robespierre also called for the punishment of the leaders involved in the Bordeaux conspiracy.
On October 1, the Convention resolved to eradicate the "brigands" in the Vendée before the month's end.
October 1793
On 3 October Robespierre perceived the Convention as split into two factions: those aligned with the people and those he deemed conspirators.[306] He defended seventy-three Girondins "as useful",[307] but over twenty were subsequently brought to trial. He criticized Danton, who had declined a seat on the Committee of Public Safety, advocating instead for a stable government capable of resisting the Committee's directives.[308] Danton, who had been dangerously ill for a few weeks,[309] withdrew from politics and departed for Arcis-sur-Aube.[310] By 8 October the Convention resolved to arrest Brissot and the Girondins. Robespierre advocated for the dissolution of the Convention, convinced that this measure would be admired by future generation. In response, Cambon asserted that such measure was not his intent, drawing applause, and thus concluded the session.[311]
On 10 October the Convention officially recognised the Committee of Public Safety as the supreme "Revolutionary Government",[312] a designation that was solidified on 4 December.[313] Despite the overwhelming popularity of the Constitution and its drafting, which bolstered support for the Montagnards, the Convention, on 10 October, suspended it indefinitely until a future peace could be achieved.[314] The Committee of Public Safety transformed into a war cabinet with unprecedented authority over the economy and the political life of the nation. However, it remained accountable to the Convention for any legislative measures and could be replaced at any time.[315]
On 12 October, amid accusations by Hébert implicating Marie-Antoinette in incest with her son, Robespierre shared a meal with staunch supporters including Barère, Saint-Just, and Joachim Vilate. During the discussion, Robespierre, visibly incensed, broke his plate with his fork and denounced Hébert as an "imbécile".[316][317][318] The verdict on the former queen was delivered by the jury of the Revolutionary Tribunal on 16 October, at four o'clock in the morning and she was guillotined at noon.[319] Courtois reportedly discovered Marie-Antoinette's will among Robespierre's papers, concealed beneath his bed.[320]
On 25 October the Revolutionary government faced accusations of inaction.[321] Several members of the Committee of General Security, aided by armées revolutionnaires, were dispatched to quell active resistance against the Revolution in the provinces.[322] Robespierre's landlord, Maurice Duplay, became a member of the Revolutionary Tribunal. On 31 October Brissot and twenty-one other Girondins were guillotined.[323]
November 1793
On the morning of 14 November François Chabot barged into Robespierre's room dragging him from bed with accusations of counter-revolution and a foreign conspiracy. Chabot waved a hundred thousand livres in assignat notes, claiming that a group of royalist plotters had given it to him to buy votes.[324][325] Chabot was arrested three days later; Courtois urged Danton to return to Paris immediately.
On 25 November, the remains of the
December 1793
On 3 December Robespierre accused Danton in the Jacobin Club of feigning an illness to emigrate to Switzerland. Danton, according to him, showed too often his vices and not his virtue. Robespierre was stopped in his attack. The gathering was closed after applause for Danton.[311] On 4 December, by the
On 12 December Robespierre attacked the wealthy foreigner
On 25 December, provoked by Desmoulins' insistent challenges, Robespierre produced his "Report on the Principles of Revolutionary Government".[331] Robespierre replied to the plea for an end to the Terror, justifying the collective dictatorship of the National Convention, administrative centralisation, and the purging of local authorities. He said he had to avoid two cliffs: indulgence and severity. He could not consult the 18th-century political authors, because they had not foreseen such a course of events. He protested against the various factions that he believed threatened the government, such as the Hébertists and Dantonists.[337][338] Robespierre strongly believed that the Terror was still necessary:
The theory of the revolutionary government is as new as the revolution from which this government was born. This theory may not be found in the books of the political writers who were unable to predict the Revolution, nor in the law books of the tyrants...
The goal of a constitutional government is the protection of the Republic; that of a revolutionary government is the establishment of the Republic.
The Revolution is the war waged by liberty against its foes—but the Constitution is the régime of victorious and peaceful freedom.
The Revolutionary Government will need to put forth extraordinary activity, because it is at war. It is subject to no constant laws, since the circumstances under which it prevails are those of a storm, and change with every moment. This government is obliged unceasingly to disclose new sources of energy to oppose the rapidly changing face of danger.[339]
Robespierre would suppress chaos and anarchy: "the Government has to defend itself" [against conspirators] and "to the enemies of the people it owes only death".
February and March 1794
In his Report on the Principles of Political Morality of 5 February 1794, Robespierre praised the revolutionary government and argued that terror and virtue were necessary:
If the spring of popular government in time of peace is virtue, the springs of popular government in revolution are at once virtue and terror: virtue, without which terror is fatal; terror, without which virtue is powerless. Terror is nothing other than justice, prompt, severe, inflexible; it is therefore an emanation of virtue; it is not so much a special principle as it is a consequence of the general principle of democracy applied to our country's most urgent needs.
It has been said that terror is the principle of despotic government. Does your government therefore resemble despotism? Yes, as the sword that gleams in the hands of the heroes of liberty resembles that with which the henchmen of tyranny are armed. Let the despot govern by terror his brutalized subjects; he is right, as a despot. Subdue by terror the enemies of liberty, and you will be right, as founders of the Republic. The government of the revolution is liberty's despotism against tyranny. Is force made only to protect crime? And is the thunderbolt not destined to strike the heads of the proud?[345]
To punish the oppressors of humanity is clemency; to forgive them is barbarity.[346]
From 13 February to 13 March 1794, Robespierre had withdrawn from active business on the Committee due to illness.[69] Robespierre seems to have suffered from acute physical and mental exhaustion, exacerbated by an austere personal regime according to McPhee. Saint-Just was elected president of the Convention for the next two weeks. On 19 February, Robespierre decided to return to the Duplays.[350]
In early March in a speech at the Cordeliers Club, Hébert attacked both Robespierre and Danton as being too soft. Hébert used the latest issue of Le Père Duchesne to criticise Robespierre. There were queues and near-riots at the shops and in the markets; there were strikes and threatening public demonstrations. Some of the Hébertistes and their friends were calling for a new insurrection.[351] Robespierre managed to acquire a small army of secret agents, which reported to him.[352]
A majority of the Committee decided that the ultra-left Hébertists would have to perish or their opposition within the committee would overshadow the other factions due to its influence in the Commune of Paris. Robespierre also had personal reasons for disliking the Hébertists for their "bloodthirstiness" and
On 29 March Danton met again with Robespierre privately.[363] On 30 March the two committees decided to arrest Danton and Desmoulins.[364] On 31 March Saint-Just publicly attacked both. In the Convention, criticism was voiced against the arrests, which Robespierre silenced with "whoever trembles at this moment is guilty."[365] Legendre suggested that "before you listen to any report, you send for the prisoners, and hear them". Robespierre replied "It would be violating the laws of impartiality to grant to Danton what was refused to others, who had an equal right to make the same demand. This answer silenced at once all solicitations in his favour."[366] No friend of the Dantonists dared speak up in case he too should be accused of putting friendship before virtue.[367]
April 1794
Danton, Desmoulins, and several others faced trial from April 3 to 5 before the
Fouquier-Tinville asked the tribunal to order the defendants who "confused the hearing" and insulted "National Justice" to the guillotine. Desmoulins struggled to accept his fate and accused Robespierre, the Committee of General Security, and the Revolutionary Tribunal. He was dragged up the scaffold by force.
On the last day of their trial, Desmoulins's wife, Lucile Desmoulins, was imprisoned. She was accused of organising a revolt against the patriots and the tribunal to free her husband and Danton. She admitted to having warned the prisoners of a course of events as in September 1792, and that it was her duty to revolt against it. Robespierre was not only his school friend but also had witnessed at their marriage in December 1790, together with Pétion and Brissot.[373][374][69] Following the executions of Danton and Desmoulins on April 5, Robespierre had a partial withdrawal from public life. He did not reappear until May 7. The withdrawal may have been an indication of health issues.[373]
On 1 April Lazare Carnot proposed the provisional executive council of six ministers be suppressed and the ministries be replaced by twelve Committees reporting to the Committee of Public Safety.[375] The proposal was unanimously adopted by the National Convention and set up by Martial Herman on 8 April. On 3 April Fouché was invited to Paris. On 9 April he appeared in the Convention; in the evening he visited Robespierre at home. On 12 April his report was discussed in the Convention; according to Robespierre, it was incomplete.[376] When Barras and Fréron paid a visit to Robespierre, they were received in an extremely unfriendly manner.[377] At the request of Robespierre, the Convention ordered the transfer of the ashes of Jean-Jacques Rousseau to the Panthéon.
On 22 April
June 1794
On 10 June, Georges Couthon introduced the Law of 22 Prairial to liberate the Revolutionary Tribunals from Convention control while severely restricting suspects' ability to defend themselves. The law significantly expanded the scope of charges, criminalizing virtually any criticism of the government.[381] Legal defence was sidelined in favor of efficiency and centralisation, as all assistance for defendants before the revolutionary tribunal was outlawed.[382] The Tribunal transformed into a court of condemnation, denying suspects the right to counsel and offering only two verdicts: complete acquittal or death, often based more on jurors' moral convictions than evidence.[383][384] Within three days, 156 people were sent in batches to the guillotine, including all the members of Parlement of Toulouse.[385][386] On July 11, shopkeepers, craftsmen, and others were temporarily released from prison due to overcrowding, with over 8,000 "suspects" initially confined by the start of Thermidor Year II, according to François Furet.[387] Paris saw a doubling of death sentences.[388]
Abolition of slavery
Robespierre's stance on abolition exhibits certain contradictions, prompting doubts about his intentions regarding slavery.[389][390][391][392]
On 13 May 1791, he opposed the inclusion of the term "slaves" in a law, vehemently denouncing the slave trade.
Robespierre did not advocate for the immediate abolition of slavery. However, proponents of slavery in France viewed Robespierre as a "bloodthirsty innovator" and accused him of conspiring to surrender French colonies to England.
Ask a merchant of human flesh what is property; he will answer by showing you that long coffin he calls a ship... Ask a gentleman [the same] who has lands and vassals... and he will give you almost the identical ideas.
Babeuf urged Chaumette to spearhead efforts to persuade the Convention to adopt the seven additional articles proposed by Maximilien Robespierre on April 24, 1793, regarding the scale and scope of property rights, to be incorporated into the new Declaration of Rights.
Starting in August, former slaves in St Domingue were granted "all the rights of French citizens". In August 1793, an increasing number of slaves in
The National Convention declares the abolition of negro slavery in all the Colonies; consequently it decrees that all men, without distinction of color, domiciled in the Colonies, are French citizens, and will enjoy all the rights assured by the constitution.[414]
Robespierre's stance on the decree of 16 Pluviose year II regarding the emancipation of the slaves, remains a topic of contention. French historian Claude Mazauric interpreted Robespierre's cautious approach in February 1794 toward the abolition decree as an attempt to avoid controversy.[415] On 11 April 1794, the decree underwent alterations,[416] with Robespierre endorsing orders to ratify it.[417] This decree significantly bolstered the Republic's popularity among Black individuals in St. Domingue, many of whom had already liberated themselves and sought military alliances to safeguard their freedom.[397] In May 1794, Toussaint Louverture aligned with the French after the Spanish declined to take actions against slavery and in repelling the English. Following the events of 9–10 Thermidor, an anti-slavery campaign emerged targeting Robespierre. Critics accused him of attempting to perpetuate slavery, despite its abolition by the Convention on 4 February 1794, following the precedent set by Sonthonax's abolition decree in August 1793 in St. Domingue.[418]
Cult of the Supreme Being
Robespierre's quest for revolutionary change extended beyond politics to his opposition to the Catholic Church and its policies, particularly clerical celibacy.
On June 8, during the "Festival of the Supreme Being," Robespierre made his public debut as a leader and Convention president, expressing his passion for virtue, nature, and deist beliefs.
Downfall
May and June 1794
On 20 May, Robespierre signed
The Law of 22 Prairial introduced on 10 June without consultation from the Committee of General Security, intensified the conflict between the two committees,[431] and led to a doubling of executions in Paris. Moderate judges were dismissed; Robespierre ensured only his supporters became judges,[432] marking the beginning of the "Great Terror". Between 10 June and 27 July, another 1,366 were executed.[433] There was widespread agreement among deputies that their parliamentary immunity, in place since 1 April 1793, had become perilous.[434]
On 11 June Robespierre accused Fouché of leading a conspiracy and on 12 June, he appeared in the Convention to denounce his opponents for trying to turn the Montagnards against the government, claiming a conspiracy to discredit him. Facing minority opposition on June 12 and 13, Robespierre withdrew, vowing not to return to the committee while the conflict persisted.
July 1794
On 1 July, Robespierre addressed the Jacobin club, denouncing slanders against him in London and Paris.[375] He stormed out of a Committee meeting on July 3, expressing resignation from saving the country without his involvement.[441][442] The following day he lamented his failing health and excluded Tallien from the Jacobin club.[443] On 14 July Robespierre had Fouché expelled.
He rarely appeared in the Convention for forty days but signed decrees by the Committee of Public Safety; he stopped working with the police bureau at the end of June.[444] Robespierre occasionally sought refuge in Maisons-Alfort, 12 km (7.5 mi) outside of Paris.[445] He walked through the fields and along the Marne river with his Danish dog. He had four friends in the revolutionary government, Couthon and Saint-Just in the Committee of Public Safety, and the painter Jacques-Louis David and Joseph Le Bas in the Committee of General Security, with whom he met privately, as they lived under the same roof.
Robespierre desired to maintain the Committee of General Security's subordination to the Committee of Public Safety, viewing them as acting as two separate governments.[446][447] Saint-Just negotiated concessions with Barère, proposing more cooperation between committees.[448][449] On 22 and 23 July he attended a plenary session of the committees but underestimated his opponents' strength.[450] Feeling his grip on power slipping,[451] he commenced an attack in the Convention and decided to make himself clear with a new report. Robespierre was compared to Catiline; he himself preferred the virtues of Cato the Younger.[452]
On Saturday, 26 July, Robespierre reappeared at the Convention and delivered a two-hour-long speech on the villainous factions.
In the evening, Robespierre delivered the same speech, which he regarded as his last will, at the Jacobin Club, where it was very well received.[460] He spoke of drinking hemlock, and Jacques-Louis David cried out: "I will drink it with you." Collot d'Herbois and Billaud-Varenne were driven out because of their opposition to the printing and distribution of the text. Billaud managed to escape before he was assaulted, but Collot d'Herbois was knocked down. They set off to the Committee of Public Safety, where they found Saint-Just working. They asked him if he was drawing up their bill of indictment. Saint-Just promised to show them his speech before the session began.[461][462] Collot d'Herbois, who chaired the Convention, decided not to let him speak and to make sure he could not be heard on the next day.[463]
Gathering in secret, nine members of the two committees decided that it was all or nothing; to protect themselves, Robespierre had to be arrested.
9 Thermidor
At noon Saint-Just entered the Convention, prepared to place blame on Billaud, Collot d'Herbois and Carnot.
According to Tallien "Robespierre wanted to attack us by turns, to isolate us, and finally he would be left one day only with the base and abandoned and debauched men who serve him". Almost thirty-five deputies spoke against Robespierre that day, most of them from the Mountain.[474] As the accusations began to pile up, Saint-Just remained silent. Robespierre rushed toward the rostrum, appealed to the Plain to defend him against the Montagnards, but his voice was shouted down. Robespierre rushed to the benches of the Left but someone cried: "Get away from here; Condorcet used to sit here". He soon found himself at a loss for words after Vadier gave a mocking impression of him referring to the discovery of a letter under the mattress of the illiterate Catherine Théot.[aa]
When Robespierre, very upset, was unable to speak, Garnier shouted, "The blood of Danton chokes him!"[478] Robespierre then regained his voice: "Is it Danton you regret? [...] Cowards! Why didn't you defend him?"[479] At some time Louis Louchet called for Robespierre's arrest; Augustin Robespierre demanded to share his fate. The whole Convention agreed, including Couthon, and Saint-Just. Le Bas decided to join Saint-Just. Robespierre shouted that the revolution was lost when he descended the tribune. The five deputies were taken to the Committee of General Security and questioned.
Not long after, Hanriot was ordered to appear in the Convention; he or someone else suggested to show up only accompanied by a crowd. On horseback, Hanriot warned the sections that there would be an attempt to murder Robespierre, and mobilised 2,400 National Guards in front of the town hall.[480][481][482] What had happened was not very clear to their officers; either the Convention was closed down or the Paris Commune.[483] Around six o'clock the city council summoned an immediate meeting to consider the dangers threatening the fatherland.[484] It gave orders to close the gates and to ring the tocsin. For the Convention, that was an illegal action without the permission of the two committees. It was decreed that anyone leading an "armed force" against the Convention would be regarded as an outlaw. The city council was in league with the Jacobins to bring off an insurrection, asking them to send over reinforcements from the galleries, "even the women who are regulars there".[221]
Arrest
In the early evening, the five deputies were taken in a cab to different prisons; Robespierre to the
How the five deputies escaped from prison was disputed. According to
After a whole evening spent waiting in vain for action by the Commune, losing time in fruitless deliberation, without supplies or instructions, the armed sections began to disperse. Around 400 men seem to have stayed on the
There are many stories about what happened next, but it seems in order to avoid capture, Augustin Robespierre took off his shoes and jumped from a broad cornice. He landed on some bayonets and a citizen, resulting in a
Execution
Robespierre spent the remainder of the night at the
On 10 Thermidor the Revolutionary Tribunal assembled around noon.
Robespierre was the tenth to ascend the platform.[483] During the preparation for his execution, the executioner Charles-Henri Sanson, dislodged the bandage securing his shattered jaw, eliciting an anguished scream until his demise.[521] Following his beheading, the crowd erupted in applause and jubilant cries, which reportedly endured for fifteen minutes.[522][523] Robespierre and his associates were interred in a mass grave at the newly established Errancis Cemetery.[ab] Between 1844 and 1859 (likely in 1848), the remains of all those buried there were transferred to the Catacombs of Paris.[524]
Legacy and memory
Robespierre is best known for his role as a member of the Committee of Public Safety.
In mid-August Courtois was appointed by the Convention to collect evidence against Robespierre, Le Bas and Saint-Just, whose report has a poor reputation, selecting and destroying papers.
In fact, a whole new political mythology was being created.
Robespierre's reputation has experienced several cycles of re-appraisal. Robespierre did not thunder like Danton or scream like Marat. But his clear, shrill voice enunciated calmly syllables that the ears of his listeners retained forever. And it is owned that, in this as in other things, Robespierre had a strange provision of the future; as a thinker at least, as a seer, he made few mistakes.[251]
His reputation peaked in the 1920s, during the
Robespierre's main ideal was to ensure the virtue and sovereignty of the people. He disapproved of any acts which could be seen as exposing the nation to counter-revolutionaries and traitors and became increasingly fearful of the defeat of the Revolution. He instigated the Terror and the deaths of his peers as a measure of ensuring the Republic of Virtue but his ideals went beyond the needs and want of the people of France. He became a threat to what he had wanted to ensure and the result was his downfall.[356]
Lenin referred to Robespierre as a "
In 1941
Many historians neglected Robespierre's attitude towards the
Indeed, he failed in his opposition to two decisions which resulted in the greatest bloodshed and dissension during the Revolution: the declaration of war on the European monarchies and the dechristianization movement. Regarding the former, Robespierre feared that initiating a war of liberation would consolidate and intensify European opposition to the Revolution and risk a possible defeat. He argued against Brissot that, even if victorious, the invading French troops would be welcomed as liberators. Further, he presciently argued that war would create the groundwork for a military dictatorship, as indeed it ultimately did. Regarding dechristianization, he saw it as a gratuitous affront to the genuine religious needs of the people, especially outside Paris, and would only drive them into the arms of the refractory clergy, which is exactly what happened with disastrous results in the Vendée.[558]
According to George Rudé Robespierre often expressed his political and philosophical views forcefully. More than 630 times across five years he lectured the assemblies or Jacobin Club but in the first seven months of 1794 he made only sixteen speeches in the National Convention, compared with 101 in 1793.[559] Historians enamored of Robespierre have been at pains to try to prove that he was not the dictator of France in the year II.[560] McPhee stated on several previous occasions Robespierre had admitted that he was worn out; his personal and tactical judgment, once so acute, seems to have deserted him.
Robespierre fell ill many times: in the spring of 1790, in November 1792 (more than three weeks); in September–October 1793 (two weeks); in February/March 1794 (more than a month);[69] in April/May (about three weeks) and in June/July (more than three weeks). These illnesses not only explain Robespierre's repeated absences from committees and from the Convention during important periods, especially in 1794 when the Great Terror occurred but also the fact that his faculty of judgment deteriorated – as did his moods.[552]
The assassination attempts made him suspicious to the point of obsession.
Georges Lefebvre believed Robespierre to be a "staunch defender of democracy, a determined opponent of foreign war, saviour of the Republic and man of integrity and vision."[566] However the Marxist approach that portrayed him as a hero has largely faded away.[567] For Aldous Huxley "Robespierre achieved the most superficial kind of revolution, the political."[568] "Robespierre remains as controversial as ever, two centuries after his death."[569]
Portrayals
Over 300 actors have portrayed Robespierre, in both French and English. Prominent examples include:[570][571][572][573][574]
- Sidney Herbert in Orphans of the Storm (1921)
- Werner Krauss in Danton (1921)
- Edmond Van Daële in Napoléon (1927)
- George Hackathorne in Captain of the Guard (1930)
- Ernest Milton in The Scarlet Pimpernel (1934)
- Henry Oscar in The Return of the Scarlet Pimpernel (1937)
- Leonard Penn in Marie Antoinette (1938)
- Richard Basehart in Reign of Terror (1949)
- Keith Anderson in the Doctor Who episode, The Reign of Terror (1964)
- Peter Gilmore as a character referred to only as "Citizen Robespierre" in Don't Lose Your Head, a Carry On spoof of The Scarlet Pimpernel (1967)
- Christopher Ellison in Lady Oscar(1979)
- Richard Morant in The Scarlet Pimpernel (1982)
- Wojciech Pszoniak in Danton (1983)
- Andrzej Seweryn in La Révolution française (1989)
- Ronan Vibert in The Scarlet Pimpernel (1999–2000)
- Guillaume Aretos in Mr. Peabody & Sherman (2014)
- Nicolas Vaude in The Visitors: Bastille Day (2016)
- Louis Garrel in One Nation, One King (2018)
- Sam Troughton in Napoleon (2023)
Bibliography
- 1785 - Discours couronné par la Société royale des arts et des sciences de Metz, sur les questions suivantes, proposeés pour sujet du prix de l'année 1784
- 1791 - Adresse de Maximilien Robespierre aux Français
- 1792-1793 - Lettres de Maximilien Robespierre, membre de la Convention nationale de France, à ses commettans
- 1794 - Lettre de Robespierre, au général Pichegru. Paris le 3 Thermidor, (21 Juillet) l'an 2 de la République Françoise = Brief van Robespierre, aan den generaal Pichegru. Parys, den 3 Thermidor, (21 July) het 2de jaar der Fransche Republiek
- 1828 - Papiers inédits trouvés chez Robespierre, Saint-Just, Payan ... : supprimés ou omis par Courtois : précédés du Rapport de ce député à la Convention Nationale. Tome premier; Tome second; Tome troisième
- 1830 - Mémoires authentiques de Maximilien de Robespierre, ornés de son portrait, et de facsimile de son écriture extraits de ses mémoirs. Tome premier; Tome deuxième
- 1912-2022 - Œuvres complètes de Maximilien Robespierre, 10 volumes, Société des études robespierristes, 1912-1967. Réimpression Société des études robespierristes, Phénix Éditions, 2000, 10 volumes. Réédition avec une nouvelle introduction de Claude Mazauric, Édition du Centenaire de la Société des études robespierristes, Éditions du Miraval, Enghien-les-Bains, 2007, 10 volumes et 1 volume de Compléments. Un onzième volume, paru en 2007, regroupe les textes omis lors de l'édition initiale.
Notes
- ^ His family has been traced back to the 15th century in Vaudricourt, Pas-de-Calais.[16]
- ^ For some time Marie Marguerite Charlotte de Robespierre was betrothed to Joseph Fouché, but he moved to Nantes where he married in September 1792.[17] Charlotte never married and died aged 74.
- ^ Baptized Henriette Eulalie Françoise de Robespierre, was educated with Charlotte at the couvent des Manarres in Tournai and died in 1780.[18]
- ^ Returning at intervals, living in Mannheim around 1770, he was buried on 6 November 1777 in the Salvatorkirche in Munich.
- ^ De Montesquieu praised the virtues of the citizen-soldier in his "Reflections on the Grandeur and Decline of the Romans" (1734).[28] In 1762 Rousseau published The Social Contract and Emile, or On Education which were both burned and banned. At the end of the Seven Years' War Mably published his "Conversations with Phocion" in Amsterdam (1763). He wished (for Classical Athens but it looks like Sparta): May our republic be a military one; may each citizen be designed to defend his fatherland; may he be exercised each day how to handle his weapons; may he learn in the town the discipline that is necessary for the camp. By such a policy you would not only educate invincible soldiers but you would give another new force to law and to civic virtues.[29][30] Rousseau and Gabriel Bonnot de Mably were both invited to submit suggestions for the reformation of Poland's unique "Golden Liberty", leading to Rousseau's Considerations on the Government of Poland (1772). In the same year Guibert defined the citizen-in-arms as virtuous by his attachment to the community (in contrast to the mercenary).
- ^ According to apocryphal Mémoires authentiques he was elected as president of the Arras Academy early 1789.[39]
- ^ The Third Estate had as many deputies as the other two orders together (in the ratio 4:4:8) on the instigation of Jacques Necker.
- ^ The first use of the motto "Liberté, égalité, et fraternité" was in Robespierre's speech "On the organisation of the National Guard" on 5 December 1790, article XVI,[79] and disseminated widely throughout France by Camille Desmoulin in his journal "Les révolutions de France et de Brabant" among the associated Societies.
- ^ They shared the general view that the "new" France would not survive repeated physical intimidation from the Paris sections, unrestrained polemics from the clubs and the press and, most important of all, the democratization of discipline in the army and navy.[94]
- ^ The ordinance, designed to demonstrate the disinterested patriotism of the framers of the new constitution, accelerated political change: the Constituent Assembly was derived from the Estates-General, and so included a large number of nobles and clergy, many of whom were conservative in outlook. Banning all of the now experienced national politicians from the new legislature meant that this new body would be drawn largely from those who had made a name for themselves in the years since the Constituent Assembly was convened, revolutionaries active in local politics, so this ordinance had the effect of shifting the political orientation of the national legislature to the left.[95]
- ^ The public accuser may not give the first impulse to justice. These are the police officers who are responsible for receiving complaints and bringing them to the jury indictment; it is only after the jury has spoken, that begins the ministry of the accuser public.[99] The public accuser will supervise all the police officers of the department; in case of negligence on their part, he will warn them; in case of a more serious offence, he will refer them to the criminal court, which, according to the nature of the offence, will pronounce the correctional punishment determined by the law.[100]
- ^ On 3 December 1792 Robespierre declared in the Convention: ... for Louis I have neither love nor hate; I hate only his crimes.[106]]
- ^ In September 1792, his younger sister and brother joined him and lived in the front house, but within a few weeks Charlotte insisted on moving to 5 Rue Saint-Florentin because of his increased prestige and her tensions with Madame Duplay.[67]
- ^ A law restricting the rights of popular societies to undertake concerted political action passed on 29 September 1791 and by the virtue of obeying this law the moderate Feuillants embraced obsolescence. By ignoring it, the radical Jacobins emerged as the most vital political force of the French Revolution.[citation needed]
- ^ On 16 November 1791 Pétion de Villeneuve was elected mayor of Paris in a contest against Lafayette.
- Louvet it was only due to a smear campaign by Robespierre and his followers that he was not also appointed.[138]
- Ancien Régime and so the officer corps' mass exodus from France naturally coincided with that of the aristocrats. Not all aristocrats were officers, but all officers were aristocrats.[154]
- ^ On 27 August Robespierre was elected as president of his section and explained in a letter to Le Moniteur Universel two motives. "I could not be the judge of those of which I was the adversary; but I had to remember that if they were the enemies of the fatherland, they had also declared themselves mine. This maxim, good in all circumstances, is especially applicable to this one: the justice of the people must bear a character worthy of it; it must be imposing as well as prompt and terrible.
The exercise of these new functions was incompatible with that of representative of the Commune which had been entrusted to me; it was necessary to choose; I remained at the post where I was, convinced that it was there that I should currently serve the fatherland."[186] - ^ The average age of the 24 deputies from Paris was 43. Robespierre was 34, Danton 33 and Marat 49.
- ^ On 5 February 1791 Robespierre declared: "True religion consists in punishing for the happiness of all those who disturb society."[219]
- Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen of 1793.[254]
- ^ All children would be taken away from their parents and placed in a boarding school from the age of five, until the age of eleven for girls for girls, twelve for boys, and subjected to work. "The boys will be trained in addition to the handling of weapons."[285]
- universal male suffrage, the need for solidarity between the peoples, and the rejection of kings.[291]
- ^ On 16 March Robespierre was sharply critical of Amar's report, which presented the scandal around Fabre and Chabot as purely a matter of fraud. Robespierre insisted that it was a foreign plot, demanded that the report be re-written, and used the scandal as the basis for rhetorical attacks on William Pitt the Younger whom he believed was involved.[354]
- ^ On 27 March on the proposal of Barère the armée revolutionnaire, for seven months active in Paris and surroundings, was disbanded, except their artillery.[359][360][361][362] Their infantry and cavalry seem to be merged with other regiments.
- ^ Tallien went on: One wanted to destroy, to butcher the Convention, and this intention was so real, that one had organised an espionage of the representatives of the people which one wanted to butcher. It is villainous to speak of justice and virtue, when one defies them and when one only becomes enthused when one is stopped or vexed. Next Robespierre rushed to the tribune.[473]
- ^ On 9 Thermidor Vadier used a letter—supposedly found under the mattress of Théot—as an opportunity to attack Robespierre and his beliefs.[475] This letter announced to him that his mission had been prophesied in Ezekiel, that the re-establishment of religion, freed of priests, was owing to him.[476] Vadier becoming increasingly trivial was stopped by Tallien.[477]
- ^ (in French) Landrucimetieres.fr. A plaque indicating the former site of this cemetery is located at 97 rue de Monceau, Paris.
- ^ He signed 542 arrests, especially in the spring and summer of 1794. Most of the arrests came from Bertrand Barère, Lazare Carnot and Pierre Louis Prieur.[525]
- ^ In those days an issue as the 2nd United States Congress enacted Militia Acts of 1792 for the organization of state militias and the conscription of every "free able-bodied white male citizen" between the ages of 18 and 45.
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- ^ Pascal Dupuy. "La Diffusion des stéréotypes révolutionnaires dans la littérature et le cinéma anglo-saxons (1789–1989)." Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française (1996) pp. 511–528.
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External links
- Works by or about Maximilien Robespierre at Internet Archive
- An Introduction to the French Revolution and a Brief History of France (34 videos)
- The Thermidorian Reaction (Part 1/2)
- 25. The Armies of the Revolution and Dumoriez's Betrayal
- La Révolution française (film) by Richard T. Heffron (1989 dramatisation reflecting the official narrative of the Bicentenary commemorations: The French Revolution – Part 2 – English subtitles