Roman Dmowski

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Roman Dmowski
State Duma of the Russian Empire
In office
1907–1909
Personal details
Born(1864-08-09)9 August 1864
Kamionek, Kingdom of Poland
Died2 January 1939(1939-01-02) (aged 74)
Drozdowo, Poland
Resting placeBródno Cemetery, Warsaw
Political party
Alma materUniversity of Warsaw
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Roman Stanisław Dmowski (Polish:

Polish National Committee. He was an instrumental figure in the postwar restoration of Poland's independent existence. Throughout most of his life, he was the chief ideological opponent of the Polish military and political leader Józef Piłsudski and of the latter's vision of Poland as a multinational federation against German and Russian imperialism
.

Dmowski never wielded significant political power except for a brief period in 1923 as

Roman Catholic-practicing nation as opposed to Piłsudski's vision of Prometheism, which sought a multi-ethnic Poland reminiscent of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. As a result, his thinking marginalized other ethnic groups living in Poland, particularly those in the Kresy (which included Jews, Lithuanians, and Ukrainians), and he was regarded as anti-Semitic. He remains a key figure of Polish nationalism,[1] and has been frequently referred to as "the father of Polish nationalism".[2][3]

Early life

Dmowski was born on 9 August 1864 in

Polish Youth Association "Zet" (Związek Młodzieży Polskiej "Zet"), where he was active in opposing socialist activists.[5] The Zet had links with the Liga Polska (Polish League), which Dmowski joined in 1889.[6] A key concept of the League was Polskość (Polishness), as opposed to trójlojalizm (triple loyalty).[6]

He also organized a student street

Russian Imperial authorities for five months in the Warsaw Citadel.[5] He was then exiled to Libau and Mitau in Kurland (Latvia).[6] After 1890 he was also developing as a writer and publicist, publishing political and literary criticism in Głos, where he became close friends with Jan Ludwik Popławski, who would be his mentor.[5][7] After his release from exile, Dmowski became quite critical of the Liga Polska, accusing it of being controlled by Free Masons and being generally incompetent.[6]

In April 1893, Dmowski co-founded the

European history.[7][11]

In Myśli nowoczesnego Polaka, Dmowski was harshly critical of the old Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth for exalting the nobility and for its tolerance for minorities, which contradicted his principle of "healthy national egoism".

military attache in Sweden and spy-master for Japanese intelligence activities, in Kraków in March 1904. Although reluctant to collaborate with the Japanese, Dmowski agreed to Akashi's proposal that Polish soldiers in the Russian Army in Manchuria might be encouraged to defect to the Imperial Japanese Army.[13] He travelled to Tokyo to work out the details, and at the same time made a successful effort to prevent the Japanese from aiding a rival Polish political activist, Józef Piłsudski, who wanted assistance for a planned insurrection in Poland, an aspiration which Dmowski felt would be doomed to failure.[11][14][15]

In 1905, Dmowski moved to Warsaw, back in the

Third Dumas (beginning on 27 February 1907) and was president of the Polish caucus within it.[16][19] He was seen as a conservative, and despite being a Polish caucus leader, he often had more influence on the Russian than the Polish deputies.[20] Between October 1905 and early 1906, over 2000 Poles were killed by Russian police or military and an additional 1000 were sentenced to death.[18] Even though Dmowski was often denounced as a sellout, he maintained that he was undertaking the only realistic course of action for Poland under the circumstances.[18]

Over time, Dmowski became more receptive to Russian overtures, particularly

Fourth Duma in 1912 to a socialist politician, Eugeniusz Jagiełło from the Polish Socialist Party – Left, who won with the support of the Jewish vote. Dmowski viewed this as a personal insult; in exchange, he organized a successful boycott of Jewish businesses throughout much of Poland.[22][23][24]

World War I

In 1914, Dmowski praised the

Polish National Committee.[22]

Award of Honorary Doctorate to Roman Dmowski - Cambridge University - 11 August 1916

In 1915, Dmowski, increasingly convinced of Russia's impending defeat, decided that to support the cause of Polish independence he should go abroad to campaign on behalf of Poland in the capitals of the western

Regency Kingdom of Poland, with undefined borders, that Germany promised to create after World War I (while in secret, actually planning to strip it of up to 30,000 square kilometres for German colonization after the removal of its Polish population).[29][30][31][32][33][34][35][36]

In 1917, Dmowski laid out a plan for the borders of a re-created Polish state; it would include

Mr. Paderewski in Washington, and I asked them to define Poland for me, as they understood it, and they presented me with a map in which they claimed a large part of the earth."[39]

In part, Wilson's objections stemmed from the dislike of Dmowski personally. One British diplomat stated, "He was a clever man, and clever men are distrusted; he was logical in his political theories and we hate logic; and he was persistent with a tenacity which was calculated to drive everybody mad."

Polish Jew to the National Committee, despite support for such a proposal from Paderewski.[29] A number of American and British Jewish organizations campaigned during the war against their governments recognizing the National Committee.[41] Another leading critic of Dmowski was the historian Sir Lewis Namier, a Jew who served as the British Foreign Office's resident expert on Poland during the war, and who claimed to be personally offended by antisemitic remarks made by Dmowski. Namier fought hard against British recognition of Dmowski and "his chauvinist gang".[41] In turn, Dmowski's experiences at that time convinced him of the existence of an international "Judeo-Masonic conspiracy, unfriendly towards Poland and intransigently hostile to his [Endecja] party".[42]

Post-World War I

Polish territorial demands at the Paris Peace Conference 1919 (Dmowski's Line) on ethnographical background and borders of Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth 1772

At the end of the World War, two governments claimed to be the legitimate governments of Poland: Dmowski's in Paris and Piłsudski's in Warsaw. To put an end to the rival claims of Piłsudski and Dmowski, the composer

a failed coup against Piłsudski.[46]

As a Polish delegate at the Paris Peace Conference and a signatory of the

Danzig, Germany (modern Gdańsk, Poland); it was the intention of both Dmowski and the French that the Blue Army create a territorial fait accompli.[29][44] This proposal created much opposition from the Germans, the British and the Americans, and finally the Blue Army was sent to Poland in April 1919 via land.[44] Piłsudski was opposed to needlessly annoying the Allies, and it has been suggested that he did not care much about the Danzig issue.[48]

In regard to

the actual fighting on the ground in Galicia, and not the decisions of the diplomats in Paris, that decided that the region would be part of Poland.[51] The French did not back Dmowski's aspirations in the Cieszyn Silesia region, and instead supported the claims of Czechoslovakia.[52] Dmowski for a long time had praised the Czechs as model for national restoration in face of Germanization, and despite his dispute with Czech political leaders, his opinion of the Czech people as a whole remained positive.[53]

Forever a political opponent of Piłsudski, Dmowski favored what he called a "national state", a state in which the citizens would speak Polish and be of the

Minority Rights Treaty
forced on Poland by the Allies.

Dmowski himself was disappointed with the

German-Polish border to be somewhat farther to the west than Versailles allowed. Both of these disappointments Dmowski blamed on what he claimed was the "international Jewish conspiracy". Throughout his life, Dmowski maintained that the British Prime Minister David Lloyd George had been bribed by a syndicate of German-Jewish financiers to give Poland what Dmowski considered to be an unfavorable frontier with Germany. His relations with Lloyd George were very poor. Dmowski found Lloyd George to be arrogant, unscrupulous and a consistent advocate of ruling against Polish claims to the West and the East.[58] Dmowski was very offended by Lloyd George's ignorance of Polish affairs and in particular was enraged by his lack of knowledge about river traffic on the Vistula.[58] Dmowski called Lloyd George "the agent of the Jews".[58] Lloyd George in turn claimed in 1939 that "Poland had deserved its fate".[59]

Later life

Dmowski, 1936

Dmowski was a deputy to the 1919

Polish-Soviet War he was a member of the Council of National Defense and a vocal critic of Piłsudski's policies.[21][60] In the aftermath of the war, Polish eastern borders were similar, if somewhat smaller, from what became known as Dmowski's Line.[60]

When the time came to write a Polish constitution in the early 1920s, the National Democrats insisted upon a weak presidency and strong legislative branch. Dmowski was convinced that Piłsudski would become president and saw a weak executive mandate as the best way of crippling his rival. The

constitution of 1921 did indeed outline a government with a weak executive branch.[61] When Gabriel Narutowicz, a friend of Piłsudski, was elected president by the Sejm in 1922, he was seen by many among endecja as having been elected with the support of the parties representing the national minorities, with the notable backing of the Polish Jewish politician Yitzhak Gruenbaum.[62][63] After Narutowicz's election, the National Democrats started a major campaign of vilification of the "Jewish president" elected by "foreigners".[63] Subsequently, a fanatical National Democratic supporter, painter Eligiusz Niewiadomski assassinated Narutowicz.[62]

He was a

Minister of Foreign Affairs from October to December 1923 in the government of Wincenty Witos.[60] That year he received the Order of Polonia Restituta from the government of Władysław Sikorski.[60]

In 1926, in the aftermath of Piłsudski's

National Radical Camp (known by its Polish acronym as the ONR).[64] His last major campaign was a series of political attacks on the alleged "Judeo-Masonic" associates of President Ignacy Mościcki.[66]

Death

Weakening in health, Dmowski moved to the village of Drozdowo near Łomża, where he died on 2 January 1939 at the age of 74.[67]

Dmowski was buried at the

sanacja government snubbed him without any official representative attending.[68]

Political outlook

Theorist of nationalism

From his early student years, Dmowski was opposed to socialism and suspicious of federalism; he desired Polish independence and a strong Polish state, and saw socialism and conciliatory federalist policies as prioritizing an international idea over the national one.[5][69] Over the years he became an influential European nationalist thinker.[47][70] Dmowski had a scientist's background and thus preferred logic and reason over emotion and passion.[71] He once told famous pianist Ignacy Jan Paderewski that music was "mere noise".[71] Dmowski felt very strongly that Poles should abandon what he considered to be foolish romantic nationalism and useless gestures of defiance and should instead work hard at becoming businessmen and scientists.[71][72] Dmowski was very much influenced by Social Darwinist theories, then popular in the Western world, and saw life as a merciless struggle between "strong" nations who dominated and "weak" nations who were dominated.[71]

In his 1902 book Myśli nowoczesnego Polaka (Thoughts of a Modern Pole), Dmowski denounced all forms of Polish Romantic nationalism and traditional Polish values.[9] He sharply criticized the idea of Poland as a spiritual concept and as a cultural idea.[9] Instead Dmowski argued that Poland was merely a physical entity that needed to be brought into existence through pragmatic bargaining and negotiating, not via what Dmowski considered to be pointless revolts – doomed to failure before they even began – against the partitioning powers.[9] For Dmowski, what the Poles needed was a "healthy national egoism" that would not be guided by what Dmowski regarded as the unrealistic political principles of Christianity.[9] In the same book, Dmowski blamed the fall of the old Commonwealth on its tradition of tolerance.[9] While at first critical of Christianity, Dmowski viewed some sects of Christianity as beneficial to certain nations, through not necessarily Poland. Later in 1927 he revised this earlier view and renounced his criticism of Catholicism, seeing it as an essential part of the Polish identity.[73] Dmowski saw all minorities as weakening agents within the nation that needed to be purged.[9][74] In his 1927 book Kościół, Naród I Państwo (Church, Nation and State), Dmowski wrote:

"Catholicism is not a supplement to Polishness; it is somehow rooted in its very existence and to an important extent it even forms its existence. The attempt to separate Catholicism from Polishness in Poland, cutting off the nation from religion and Church, would mean destroying the very existence of the nation. The Polish State is a Catholic State. This is not because the vast majority of its inhabitants are Catholics or because of the percentage of Catholics. From our point of view, Poland is Catholic in the full sense of the word, because we are a national state, and our people is a Catholic people".[75]

In the pre-war years, the history of Poland was contested terrain as different ideological forces pulled Polish nationalists in opposite directions, represented by Dmowski and Piłsudski.

polonized or forced to emigrate.[78] The success of his nationalistic ideas, also adopted and propagated by nationalists in other countries (such as Lithuania and Ukraine) contributed to the disappearance of the tolerant, multiethnic Polish-Lithuanian identity.[77]

Dmowski admired

Italian Fascism. In the summer of 1926 Dmowski wrote a series of articles admiring Mussolini and the Italian fascist model, and helped organize the Camp of Great Poland (OWP), a broad anti-Sanacja front modeled on Italian fascism that was known for its anti-Jewish rhetoric and violence.[79][80] Later he nonetheless tried to ensure that OWM would not blindly imitate the Italian or German models.[65]

Antisemitism

Dmowski often communicated his belief in an "international Jewish conspiracy" aimed against Poland.

occupied Poland and made it their mission in 1939–1944.[90] In his 1931 novel Dziedzictwo, Dmowski wrote: "A Jewish woman will always be a Jew, a Jewish man, a Jew. They have another skin, they smell differently, they carry the evil among the nations".[91][92] In his 1938 essay Hitleryzm a Źydzi, Dmowski wrote:

"The tool of the Jews was Wilson, who was concerned that the Allied troops did not cross the German border...Lloyd George stopped regions from becoming part of Poland as they were before: the great majority of our Upper Silesia, Malborg, Sztum and Kwidzyn, and also Gdansk. Lloyd George acted like an agent of the Jews, and nothing gave the impression that Wilson was any less dependent on them. The Jews, therefore, negotiated an agreement with German Freemasonry, who, in return for help at the conference on the border question, agreed to provide them with a leading position in the German Republic. Eventually, after the peace, the Jews worked for Germany and against Poland in England, American, and even in France, but especially stove so that Germany became less and less a German state and more a Jewish one".[93]

For Dmowski, one of Poland's principal problems was that not enough Polish-speaking Catholics were middle-class, while too many ethnic Germans and Jews were. To remedy this perceived problem, he envisioned a policy of confiscating the wealth of Jews and ethnic Germans and redistributing it to Polish Catholics. Dmowski was never able to have this program passed into law by the Sejm, but the National Democrats did frequently organize "Buy Polish" boycott campaigns against German and Jewish shops. The first of Dmowski's antisemitic boycotts occurred in 1912 when he attempted to organize a total boycott of Jewish businesses in Warsaw as "punishment" for the defeat of some Endecja candidates in the elections for the Duma, which Dmowski blamed on Warsaw's Jewish population.[94] Throughout his life, Dmowski associated Jews with Germans as Poland's principal enemies; the origins of this identification stemmed from Dmowski's deep anger over the forcible "Germanization" policies carried out by the German government against its Polish minority during the Imperial period, and over the fact that most Jews living in the disputed German/Polish territories had chosen to assimilate into German culture, not Polish culture.[95] In Dmowski's opinion Jewish community was not attracted to the cause of Polish independence and was likely to ally itself with potential enemies of Polish state if it would benefit their status.[95]

Dmowski was also a vocal opponent of freemasonry,[64] as well as of feminism.[96]

Recognition and legacy

Statue of Dmowski in Warsaw
The Roman Dmowski Roundabout in Warsaw in 2022

Dmowski is considered one of the most influential conservative politicians in the history of modern Poland, although his legacy is controversial and he continues to be a highly polarizing figure. He has been called "the father of Polish nationalism" and the "icon of the contemporary Polish political right" who, as a signatory of the Treaty of Versailles, played a critical role in the restoration of Polish independence after World War I.[97][26][98] Conversely, he has been described as the founder of contemporary Polish antisemitism and criticized for his disdain for women's rights.[99] Dmowski's life and work has been subject to numerous academic articles and books. Andrzej Walicki in 1999 noted that main sources on Dmowski are Andrzej Micewski's Roman Dmowski (1971), Roman Wapiński's Roman Dmowski (1988) and Krzysztof Kawalec's Roman Dmowski (1996).[26]

Suppressed in

fascist and an enemy of progressive politics; due to similar protests plans to raise statues or memorials elsewhere have been delayed.[101][102][103] The political commentator, Janusz Majcherek, wrote in 2005: "Instead of a modern Conservative Party, such as was able to modernize Britain or Spain, we find in Poland a cheap copy of the Endecja, in which an old-fashioned pre-war nationalism mingles with a pre-Vatican II Catholicism, united in its rejection of modernization and mistrust of the West".[104] Both Jarosław Kaczyński and Lech Kaczyński have cited Dmowski as an inspiration. Lech, then the mayor of Warsaw, supported the erection of the Dmowski statue in 2006.[98]

On 8 January 1999, he was honoured by the Polish Sejm with special legislation "for his achievement for the independence of Poland and expansion of Polish national consciousness". The document honours him also for founding Polish school of

political realism and responsibility, shaping Polish (especially the Western) borders and "emphasizing the firm connection between Catholicism and Polishness for the survival of the Nation and the rebuilding of the State".[70][105]

Dmowski was awarded several state awards: the Grand Cross of the

University of Poznań (1923). He refused other awards.[106] On 11 November 2018 (100th anniversary of Polish Independence), he was posthumously awarded the Order of the White Eagle
.

Selected works

  • Myśli nowoczesnego Polaka (Thoughts of a Modern Pole), 1902.
  • Niemcy, Rosja a sprawa polska (Germany, Russia and the Polish Cause), 1908. French translation published under the title: La question polonaise (Paris 1909).
  • Separatyzm Żydów i jego źródła (Separatism of Jews and its Sources), 1909.
  • Upadek myśli konserwatywnej w Polsce (The Decline of Conservative Thought in Poland), 1914.
  • Polityka polska i odbudowanie państwa (Polish Politics and the Rebuilding of the State), 1925.
  • Zagadnienie rządu (On Government), 1927.
  • Kościół, naród i państwo (The Church, Nation and State), 1927.
  • Świat powojenny i Polska (The World after War and Poland), 1931.
  • Przewrót (The Coup), 1934.
Wikiquote has quotations related to Roman Dmowski.

See also

References

  1. ^ Within the Camp of Great Poland from 1926
  1. ^ Walicki 1999, p.46
  2. ISBN 978-1-84631-214-4
    .
  3. ^ Laura Ann Crago (1993). Nationalism, religion, citizenship, and work in the development of the Polish working class and the Polish trade union movement, 1815–1929: a comparative study of Russian Poland's textile workers and upper Silesian miners and metalworkers. Yale University. p. 168.
  4. ^ a b c Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.213
  5. ^ a b c d e f Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.214
  6. ^ a b c d e f Kossert p. 90
  7. ^
    ISBN 978-0-313-26007-0
    .
  8. ^ a b c d e Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.215
  9. ^ a b c d e f g Zamoyski, Adam The Polish Way page 329.
  10. ^ Zamoyski pages 329–330.
  11. ^ a b Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.216
  12. ^ a b c d Kossert p. 91
  13. ISBN 0-8108-4927-5
    .
  14. ^ a b c d Zamoyski page 330.
  15. ^ Walicki 1999, p.25
  16. ^ a b Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.217
  17. ^ Zamoyski page 332.
  18. ^ a b c Kossert p. 95
  19. ^ a b c d Walicki 1999, p.26
  20. ^ a b c d Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.218
  21. ^ a b c d e f g Lerski 1996, p.116
  22. ^ a b Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.219
  23. ^ a b Walicki 1999, p.28
  24. ISBN 978-0-8032-5637-8
    .
  25. ^ a b Zamoyski, Adam The Polish Way page 333.
  26. ^
    S2CID 145366684
    ., p.12
  27. ^ a b c d e f Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.220
  28. ^ a b Zamoyski page 334.
  29. ^ a b c d e f Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.221
  30. ^ Immanuel Geiss "Tzw. polski pas graniczny 1914–1918". Warszawa 1964
  31. ^ Goeman, H.E. (2000). War and Punishment: The Causes of War Termination and the First World War. Princeton University Press. p. 105.
  32. ^ Stanisław Schimitzek, Truth or Conjecture?: German Civilian War Losses in the East, Zachodnia Agencia Prasowa, 1966, p. 366.
  33. ^ To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33: Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and Nationalist Socialist Dictatorships, pp. 151–52.
  34. ^ Bartov, Omer; Weitz, Eric D. (2013). Shatterzone of Empires: Coexistence and Violence in the German, Habsburg, Russian, and Ottoman Borderlands. Indiana University Press. p. 55.
  35. ^ The Red Prince: The Secret Lives of a Habsburg Archduke By Timothy Snyder "On the annexations and ethnic cleansing, see Geiss, Der Polnische Grenzstreifen"
  36. ^ Absolute Destruction: Military Culture and the Practices of War in Imperial Germany Isabel V. Hull page 233 Cornell University Press, 2005
  37. ^ Ewolucja systemu politycznego w Polsce w latach 1914–1998. T. 1. Odbudowanie niepodległego państwa i jego rozwój do 1945 r. Cz. 1, Zbiór studiów 1999. Polska myśl zachodnia XIX I XX wieku Czubiński Antoni
  38. ^ Macmillan, Margaret Paris 1919 pages 209–210 & 212.
  39. ^ Macmillan pages 212–213.
  40. ^ Macmillan page 210.
  41. ^ a b c Macmillan page 212.
  42. ^ Walicki, 1999, p. 2930.
  43. ^ Macmillan page 213.
  44. ^ a b c d e f Macmillan pages 213–214.
  45. ^ Macmillan page 214.
  46. ISBN 978-83-7001-914-3
    .
  47. ^ a b Walicki 1999, p.13
  48. ^ a b Lundgreen-Nielsen, K. The Polish Problem at the Paris Peace Conference pages 131–134 & pages 231–233
  49. ^ Lundgreen-Nielsen pages 223–224.
  50. ^ a b Lundgreen-Nielsen page 225.
  51. ^ Lundgreen-Nielsen pages 225–226.
  52. ^ Lundgreen-Nielsen pages 238–240.
  53. ^ Wybór pism Romana Dmowskiego: Przypisy do "Polityki polskiej i odbudowania panśtwa". Kościół, narod i państwo. Świat powojenny i polska Roman Dmowski, Antonina Bogdan, Stanisław Bojarczuk Instytut Romana Dmowskiego, page 210 1988 – History
  54. ^
    ISBN 978-0-313-30571-9
    .
  55. ISBN 978-0-87052-747-0
    .
  56. ISBN 978-0-300-10586-5
    .
  57. ISBN 978-0-299-19463-5
    .
  58. ^ a b c Lundgreen-Nielsen page 217.
  59. ISBN 0199253404
    .
  60. ^ a b c d e Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.222
  61. ISBN 978-0-19-822114-2
    .
  62. ^ a b Walicki 1999, p.30
  63. ^
    ISBN 978-0-86516-245-7
    .
  64. ^ a b c d e f Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.223
  65. ^ a b Walicki 1999, p.31
  66. ^ a b Zamoyski, Adam The Polish Way page 347.
  67. ^ a b c Chrzanowski and Konopczyński (1946), p.224
  68. ISBN 978-1-905791-70-5
    .
  69. ^ Walicki 1999, p.23
  70. ^ a b c Walicki 1999, p.14
  71. ^ a b c d e f g h Macmillan, Margaret Paris 1919 page 209.
  72. ^ a b Walicki 1999, p.15
  73. ^ Modras, Ronald (1994). The Catholic Church and Antisemitism in Poland, 1933–1939. Chur. p. 30.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  74. ^ Walicki 1999, p.32
  75. ^ Kossert p. 97
  76. ^ Patrice M. Dabrowski, "Uses and Abuses of the Polish Past by Józef Piłsudski and Roman Dmowski," The Polish Review (2011) 56#1 pp. 73-109
  77. ^ a b Walicki 1999, p.19-20
  78. ISBN 978-1-135-28617-0
    .
  79. ISBN 978-1-57607-940-9
    .
  80. ISBN 978-0-8214-4420-7
    .
  81. ISBN 978-1-135-15097-6
    .
  82. ^ pages 301–308 of his 1925 book Polityka Polska i odbudowanie państwa (Polish Politics and the Rebuilding of the State)
  83. ISBN 978-1-107-04074-8
    .
  84. ^ Mendelsohn page 38.
  85. ^ a b Walicki 1999, p.33
  86. ISBN 9780300095463
    .
  87. ^ Paulsson page 70.
  88. ISBN 978-1-85109-439-4
    .
  89. ^ Walicki 1999, p.28-29
  90. ^ Israel Oppenheim, "The Radicalization of the Endecja's Anti-Jewish Line during and after the 1905 Revolution," Shvut (2000), Vol. 9, pp 32–66.
  91. ^ Kossert pp. 98–99
  92. ISBN 9781845116972
    .
  93. ^ Kossert p. 98
  94. ^ Paulsson page 21.
  95. ^ a b Paulsson page 41.
  96. ISBN 978-0-8214-1695-2
    .
  97. ISBN 978-1-84631-525-1.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link
    )
  98. ^ a b Kossert p.100.
  99. ^ Krzemiński, Ireneusz (2016). "Dmowski i antysemityzm narodowo-katolicki" (PDF). Nigdy Więcej (22).
  100. ^ "Mosty Romana Dmowskiego, Wrocław" (in Polish). dolny-slask.org.pl. Retrieved 19 September 2013.
  101. ^ wiadomości.wp.pl. "Odsłonięto pomnik Romana Dmowskiego – Wiadomości". Wiadomosci.WP.PL. Retrieved 19 September 2013.
  102. ^ "Roman Dmowski na pomnik. Białystok zrobi krok do tyłu?" (in Polish). Wyborcza.pl. 3 February 2002. Retrieved 19 September 2013.
  103. ^ "Dmowski zasłonięty balonami. Ale tylko w przenośni". M.wyborcza.pl. 9 November 2011. Retrieved 19 September 2013.
  104. ^ Kossert p.102
  105. ^ "Uchwała Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z dnia 8 stycznia 1999 r. o uczczeniu pamięci Romana Dmowskiego". (29.7 KB)
  106. ^ Kunert and Smogorzewska 1998, 388.

Further reading

In Polish

External links

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