Roman triumph

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Panel from a representation of a triumph of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius; a winged genius hovers above his head
Scene from the Triumphs of Caesar by Andrea Mantegna (1482–94, Royal Collection)

The Roman triumph (triumphus) was a civil ceremony and religious rite of ancient Rome, held to publicly celebrate and sanctify the success of a military commander who had led Roman forces to victory in the service of the state or, in some historical traditions, one who had successfully completed a foreign war.

On the day of his triumph, the general wore a crown of laurel and an all-purple, gold-embroidered triumphal

Jupiter. The general rode in a four-horse chariot through the streets of Rome in unarmed procession with his army, captives, and the spoils of his war. At Jupiter's temple on the Capitoline Hill
, he offered sacrifice and the tokens of his victory to Jupiter.

In Republican tradition, only the Senate could grant a triumph. The origins and development of this honour were obscure: Roman historians placed the first triumph in the mythical past. Republican morality required that the general conduct himself with dignified humility, as a mortal citizen who triumphed on behalf of Rome's Senate, people, and gods. Inevitably, the triumph offered the general extraordinary opportunities for self-publicity, besides its religious and military dimensions. Most triumphal celebrations included a range of popular games and entertainments for the Roman masses.

Most Roman festivals were calendar fixtures, tied to the worship of particular deities. While the triumphal procession culminated at Jupiter's temple, the procession itself, attendant feasting, and public games promoted the general's status and achievement. By the Late Republican era, triumphs were drawn out and extravagant, motivated by increasing competition among the military-political adventurers who ran Rome's nascent empire. Some triumphs were prolonged by several days of public games and entertainments. From the Principate onwards, the triumph reflected the Imperial order and the pre-eminence of the Imperial family. The triumph was consciously imitated by medieval and later states in the royal entry and other ceremonial events.

Background and ceremonies

The vir triumphalis

In Republican Rome, truly exceptional military achievement merited the highest possible honours, which connected the vir triumphalis ("man of triumph", later known as a triumphator) to Rome's mythical and semi-mythical past. In effect, the general was close to being "king for a day", and possibly close to divinity. He wore the regalia traditionally associated both with the ancient

Jupiter, and laid tokens of victory at the feet of Jupiter's statue, thus dedicating the triumph to the Roman Senate, people, and gods.[1]

Triumphs were tied to no particular day, season, or religious festival of the

Publicola (504 BCE), of six other Republican triumphs, and of the very first Roman triumph by Romulus.[3] Pompey postponed his third and most magnificent triumph for several months to make it coincide with his own dies natalis (birthday).[4][5]

Religious dimensions aside, the focus of the triumph was the general himself. The ceremony promoted him – however temporarily – above every mortal Roman. This was an opportunity granted to very few. From the time of

public slave would remind him from time to time of his own mortality (a memento mori).[11]

The procession

Rome's earliest "triumphs" were probably simple victory parades, celebrating the return of a victorious general and his army to the city, along with the fruits of his victory, and ending with some form of dedication to the gods. This is probably so for the earliest legendary and later semi-legendary triumphs of Rome's regal era, when the king functioned as Rome's highest magistrate and war-leader. As Rome's population, power, influence, and territory increased, so did the scale, length, variety, and extravagance of its triumphal processions.

The procession (pompa) mustered in the open space of the Campus Martius (Field of Mars) probably well before first light. From there, all unforeseen delays and accidents aside, it would have managed a slow walking pace at best, punctuated by various planned stops en route to its final destination of the Capitoline temple, a distance of just under 4 km (2.48 mi). Triumphal processions were notoriously long and slow;[12] the longest could last for two or three days, and possibly more, and some may have been of greater length than the route itself.[13]

Some ancient and modern sources suggest a fairly standard processional order. First came the captive leaders, allies, and soldiers (and sometimes their families) usually walking in chains; some were destined for execution or further display. Their captured weapons, armour, gold, silver, statuary, and curious or exotic treasures were carted behind them, along with paintings, tableaux, and models depicting significant places and episodes of the war. Next in line, all on foot, came Rome's senators and magistrates, followed by the general's lictors in their red war-robes, their fasces wreathed in laurel, then the general in his four-horse chariot. A companion, or a public slave, might share the chariot with him or, in some cases, his youngest children. His officers and elder sons rode horseback nearby. His unarmed soldiers followed in togas and laurel crowns, chanting "io triumphe!" and singing ribald songs at their general's expense. Somewhere in the procession, two flawless white oxen were led for the sacrifice to Jupiter, garland-decked and with gilded horns. All this was done to the accompaniment of music, clouds of incense, and the strewing of flowers.[14]

Almost nothing is known of the procession's infrastructure and management. Its doubtless enormous cost was defrayed in part by the state but mostly by the general's loot, which most ancient sources dwell on in great detail and unlikely superlatives. Once disposed, this portable wealth injected huge sums into the Roman economy; the amount brought in by

Octavian's triumph over Egypt triggered a fall in interest rates and a sharp rise in land prices.[15] No ancient source addresses the logistics of the procession: where the soldiers and captives, in a procession of several days, could have slept and eaten, or where these several thousands plus the spectators could have been stationed for the final ceremony at the Capitoline temple.[16]

The route

The following schematic is for the route taken by "some, or many" triumphs, and is based on standard modern reconstructions.

Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus
. Once the sacrifice and dedications were completed, the procession and spectators dispersed to banquets, games, and other entertainments sponsored by the triumphing general.

Banquets, games, and entertainments

In most triumphs, the general funded any post-procession banquets from his share of the loot. There were feasts for the people and separate, much richer feasts for the elite; some went on for most of the night. Dionysius offers a contrast to the lavish triumphal banquets of his time by giving Romulus's triumph the most primitive possible "banquet" – ordinary Romans setting up food-tables as a "welcome home", and the returning troops taking swigs and bites as they marched by. He recreates the first Republican triumphal banquet along the same lines.[21] Varro claims that his aunt earned 20,000 sesterces by supplying 5,000 thrushes for Caecilius Metellus's triumph of 71 BCE.[22]

Some triumphs included ludi as fulfillment of the general's vow to a god or goddess, made before battle or during its heat, in return for their help in securing victory.[23] In the Republic, they were paid for by the triumphing general. Marcus Fulvius Nobilior vowed ludi in return for victory over the Aetolian League and paid for ten days of games at his triumph.

Commemoration

Detail from the Arch of Titus showing Titus as triumphator
Sack of Jerusalem
.

Most Romans would never have seen a triumph, but its symbolism permeated Roman imagination and material culture. Triumphal generals minted and circulated characteristically detailed, high value coins to propagate their triumphal fame and generosity empire-wide. Pompey's issues for his three triumphs are typical. One is an aureus (a gold coin) that has a laurel-wreathed border enclosing a head which personifies Africa; beside it, Pompey's title "Magnus" ("The Great"), with wand and jug as symbols of his augury. The reverse identifies him as proconsul in a triumphal chariot attended by Victory. A triumphal denarius (a silver coin) shows his three trophies of captured arms, with his augur's wand and jug. Another shows a globe surrounded by triumphal wreaths, symbolising his "world conquest", and an ear of grain to show that his victory protected Rome's grain supply.[24] A notable coin, minted by Lucius Manlius Torquatus, a supporter of Sulla, references Sulla's victory over Mithridates VI of Pontus. This coin depicts a quadriga with Sulla's legend and the general partially visible in his chariot. This established a precedent for the Imperial period, where coins often depicted triumphal arches erected by emperors to commemorate their victories. Germanicus' achievements in Germany in 15-16 CE are depicted on coins showing Tiberius in a quadriga.[25]

In Republican tradition, a general was expected to wear his triumphal regalia only for the day of his triumph; thereafter, they were presumably displayed in the atrium of his family home. As one of the nobility, he was entitled to a particular kind of funeral in which a string of actors walked behind his bier wearing the

Imperial cult
.

The building and dedication of monumental public works offered local, permanent opportunities for triumphal commemoration. In 55 BCE, Pompey inaugurated Rome's first stone-built Theatre as a gift to the people of Rome, funded by his spoils. Its gallery and colonnades doubled as an exhibition space and likely contained statues, paintings, and other trophies carried at his various triumphs.[28] It contained a new temple to Pompey's patron goddess Venus Victrix ("Victorious Venus"); the year before, he had issued a coin which showed her crowned with triumphal laurels.[29] Julius Caesar claimed Venus as both patron and divine ancestress; he funded a new temple to her and dedicated it during his quadruple triumph of 46 BCE. He thus wove his patron goddess and putative ancestress into his triumphal anniversary.

deified Titus. Prior to this, the senate voted Titus a triple-arch at the Circus Maximus to celebrate or commemorate the same victory or triumph.[30]

Awarding a triumph

In

people's assemblies; the senate and people thus controlled the state's coffers and rewarded or curbed its generals. Some triumphs seem to have been granted outright, with minimal debate. Some were turned down but went ahead anyway, with the general's direct appeal to the people over the senate and a promise of public games at his own expense. Others were blocked or granted only after interminable wrangling. Senators and generals alike were politicians, and Roman politics was notorious for its rivalries, shifting alliances, back-room dealings, and overt public bribery.[31] The senate's discussions would likely have hinged on triumphal tradition, precedent, and propriety; less overtly but more anxiously, it would hinge on the extent of the general's political and military powers and popularity, and the possible consequences of supporting or hindering his further career. There is no firm evidence that the Senate applied a prescribed set of "triumphal laws" when making their decisions,[32][33] Valerius Maximus extrapolated various "triumphal laws" from disputed historic accounts of actual practice. They included one law that the general must have killed at least 5,000 of the enemy in a single battle, and another that he must swear an oath that his account was the truth. No evidence has survived for either of these laws, or any other laws relating to triumphs.[34]

Ovation

Main article: Ovation

A general might be granted a "lesser triumph", known as an Ovation. He entered the city on foot, minus his troops, in his magistrate's toga and wearing a wreath of

Alban Mount. His ovation was of triumphal proportions. It included a large painting, showing his siege of Syracuse, the siege engines themselves, captured plate, gold, silver, and royal ornaments, and the statuary and opulent furniture for which Syracuse was famous. Eight elephants were led in the procession, symbols of his victory over the Carthaginians. His Spanish and Syracusan allies led the way wearing golden wreaths; they were granted Roman citizenship and lands in Sicily.[35]

In 71 BCE, Crassus earned an ovation for quashing the Spartacus revolt, and increased his honours by wearing a crown of Jupiter's "triumphal" laurel.[36] Ovations are listed along with triumphs on the Fasti Triumphales.

Sources

Segment XX of the Fasti triumphales, a portion recording triumphs during the First Punic War

The

Lucius Cornelius Balbus (19 BCE).[37] Fragments of similar date and style from Rome and provincial Italy appear to be modeled on the Augustan Fasti, and have been used to fill some of its gaps.[38]

Many ancient historical accounts also mention triumphs. Most Roman accounts of triumphs were written to provide their readers with a moral lesson, rather than to provide an accurate description of the triumphal process, procession, rites, and their meaning. This scarcity allows only the most tentative and generalised (and possibly misleading) reconstruction of triumphal ceremony, based on the combination of various incomplete accounts from different periods of Roman history.

Evolution

Origins and Regal era

Africa Proconsolaris, dated 3rd century CE, now in the Sousse Archaeological Museum
, Tunisia

The origins and development of this honour are obscure. Roman historians placed the first triumph in the mythical past; some thought that it dated from

maenads, satyrs, and assorted drunkards.[41][42][43] Arrian attributed similar Dionysian and "Roman" elements to a victory procession of Alexander the Great.[44] Like much in Roman culture, elements of the triumph were based on Etruscan and Greek precursors; in particular, the purple, embroidered toga picta
worn by the triumphal general was thought to be derived from the royal toga of Rome's Etruscan kings.

For triumphs of the Roman regal era, the surviving Imperial Fasti Triumphales are incomplete. After three entries for the city's legendary founder

Tarquinius Priscus, Servius Tullius, and finally Tarquin "the proud", the last king. The Fasti were compiled some five centuries after the regal era, and probably represent an approved, official version of several different historical traditions. Likewise, the earliest surviving written histories of the regal era, written some centuries after it, attempt to reconcile various traditions, or else debate their merits. Dionysius, for example, gives Romulus three triumphs, the same number given in the Fasti. Livy gives him none, and credits him instead with the first spolia opima, in which the arms and armour were stripped off a defeated foe, then dedicated to Jupiter. Plutarch gives him one, complete with chariot. Tarquin has two triumphs in the Fasti but none in Dionysius.[45] No ancient source gives a triumph to Romulus' successor, the peaceful king Numa
.

The Republic

Rome's aristocrats expelled their last king as a tyrant and legislated the monarchy out of existence. They shared among themselves the kingship's former powers and authority in the form of

magistracies. In the Republic, the highest possible magistracy was an elected consulship, which could be held for no more than a year at a time. In times of crisis or emergency, the Senate might appoint a dictator to serve a longer term; but this could seem perilously close to the lifetime power of kings. The dictator Camillus was awarded four triumphs but was eventually exiled. Later Roman sources point to his triumph of 396 BCE as a cause for offense; the chariot was drawn by four white horses, a combination properly reserved for Jupiter and Apollo – at least in later lore and poetry.[46] The demeanour of a triumphal Republican general, and the symbols he employed in his triumph, would have been closely scrutinised by his aristocratic peers, alert for any sign that he might aspire to be more than "king for a day".[47]

In the Middle to Late Republic, Rome's expansion through conquest offered her political-military adventurers extraordinary opportunities for self-publicity; the long-drawn series of wars between Rome and Carthage – the Punic Wars – produced twelve triumphs in ten years. Towards the end of the Republic, triumphs became still more frequent,[48] lavish, and competitive, with each display an attempt (usually successful) to outdo the last. To have a triumphal ancestor – even one long-dead – counted for a lot in Roman society and politics. Cicero remarked that, in the race for power and influence, some individuals were not above vesting an inconveniently ordinary ancestor with triumphal grandeur and dignity, distorting an already fragmentary and unreliable historical tradition.[49][50][51]

To Roman historians, the growth of triumphal ostentation undermined Rome's ancient "peasant virtues".[52] Dionysius of Halicarnassus (c. 60 BCE to after 7 BCE) claimed that the triumphs of his day had "departed in every respect from the ancient tradition of frugality".[53] Moralists complained that successful foreign wars might have increased Rome's power, security, and wealth, but they also created and fed a degenerate appetite for bombastic display and shallow novelty. Livy traces the start of the rot to the triumph of Gnaeus Manlius Vulso in 186, which introduced ordinary Romans to such Galatian fripperies as specialist chefs, flute girls, and other "seductive dinner-party amusements". Pliny adds "sideboards and one-legged tables" to the list,[54] but lays responsibility for Rome's slide into luxury on the "1400 pounds of chased silver ware and 1500 pounds of golden vessels" brought somewhat earlier by Scipio Asiaticus for his triumph of 189 BCE.[55]

The three triumphs awarded to

sesterces to each soldier (about six times their annual pay) and about 5 million to each officer.[60]

Pompey was granted a third triumph in 61 BCE to celebrate his victory over Mithridates VI of Pontus. It was an opportunity to outdo all rivals – and even himself. Triumphs traditionally lasted for one day, but Pompey's went on for two in an unprecedented display of wealth and luxury.[61] Plutarch claimed that this triumph represented Pompey's domination over the entire world – on Rome's behalf – and an achievement to outshine even Alexander's.[62][63] Pliny's narrative of this triumph dwells with ominous hindsight upon a gigantic portrait-bust of the triumphant general, a thing of "eastern splendor" entirely covered with pearls, anticipating his later humiliation and decapitation.[64]

Imperial era

Flemish tapestry in the smoking room of the Palace of the Marqués de Dos Aguas

Following Caesar's murder, his adopted son Gaius Octavian assumed the permanent title of imperator and became the permanent head of the Senate from 27 BCE (see

Jupiter Feretrius.[67]

The last triumph listed on the Fasti Triumphales is for 19 BCE. By then, the triumph had been absorbed into the Augustan

imperial cult system, in which only the emperor[68] would be accorded such a supreme honour, as he was the supreme Imperator. The Senate, in true Republican style, would have held session to debate and decide the merits of the candidate; but this was little more than good form. Augustan ideology insisted that Augustus had saved and restored the Republic, and it celebrated his triumph as a permanent condition, and his military, political, and religious leadership as responsible for an unprecedented era of stability, peace, and prosperity. From then on, emperors claimed – without seeming to claim – the triumph as an Imperial privilege. Those outside the Imperial family might be granted "triumphal ornaments" (Ornamenta triumphalia) or an ovation, such as Aulus Plautius under Claudius. The senate still debated and voted on such matters, though the outcome was probably already decided.[69] In the Imperial era, the number of triumphs fell sharply.[70]

Imperial panegyrics of the later Imperial era combine triumphal elements with Imperial ceremonies such as the consular investiture of Emperors, and the adventus, the formal "triumphal" arrival of an emperor in the various capitals of the Empire in his progress through the provinces. Some emperors were perpetually on the move and seldom or never went to Rome.[71] Christian emperor Constantius II entered Rome for the first time in his life in 357, several years after defeating his rival Magnentius, standing in his triumphal chariot "as if he were a statue".[72] Theodosius I celebrated his victory over the usurper Magnus Maximus in Rome on June 13, 389.[73] Claudian's panegyric to Emperor Honorius records the last known official triumph in the city of Rome and the western Empire.[74][75] Emperor Honorius celebrated it conjointly with his sixth consulship on January 1, 404; his general Stilicho had defeated Visigothic King Alaric at the battles of Pollentia and Verona.[76] In Christian martyrology, Saint Telemachus was martyred by a mob while attempting to stop the customary gladiatorial games at this triumph, and gladiatorial games (munera gladiatoria) were banned in consequence.[77][78][79] In 438 CE, however, the western emperor Valentinian III found cause to repeat the ban, which indicates that it was not always enforced.[80]

In 534, well into the

Temple Menorah. The treasure had been stored in Rome's Temple of Peace after its display in Titus' own triumphal parade and its depiction on his triumphal arch; then it was seized by the Vandals during their sack of Rome in 455; then it was taken from them in Belisarius' campaign. The objects themselves might well have recalled the ancient triumphs of Vespasian and his son Titus; but Belisarius and Gelimer walked, as in an ovation. The procession did not end at Rome's Capitoline Temple with a sacrifice to Jupiter, but terminated at Hippodrome of Constantinople with a recitation of Christian prayer and the triumphant generals prostrate before the emperor.[81]

Influence

Main articles: Trionfo and Royal entry
Forum of Constantinople, from the (Madrid Skylitzes
)
Charles V announcing the capture of Tunis to Pope Paul III, as imagined in an anonymous sixteenth century tapestry

During the

Castruccio Castracani defeated the forces of the Guelph Florence in the 1325 Battle of Altopascio. Holy Roman Emperor Louis IV made him Duke of Lucca, and the city gave him a Roman-style triumph. The procession was led by his Florentine captives, made to carry candles in honour of Lucca's patron saint. Castracani followed, standing in a decorative chariot. His booty included the Florentines' portable, wheeled altar, the carroccio.[82]

Triumphs of Caesar (1484–92, now Hampton Court Palace) became immediately famous and was endlessly copied in print form. The Triumphal Procession commissioned by Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I (1512–19) from a group of artists including Albrecht Dürer was a series of woodcuts of an imaginary triumph of his own that could be hung as a frieze
54 metres (177 ft) long.

In the 1550s, the fragmentary Fasti Triumphales were unearthed and partially restored.

Royal Entry of Holy Roman Emperor Charles V into Rome on April 5, 1536, after his conquest of Tunis in 1535.[86][87] Panvinio described it as a Roman triumph "over the infidel." The Emperor followed the traditional ancient route, "past the ruins of the triumphal arches of the soldier-emperors of Rome", where "actors dressed as ancient senators hailed the return of the new Caesar as miles christi," (a soldier of Christ).[88]

The extravagant triumphal entry into

Louis XIII of France in 1628 carried a depiction of Pompey.[90]

See also

References

  1. ^ A summary of disparate viewpoints regarding the Triumph is in Versnel, 56–93: limited preview via Books.Google.com
  2. ^ Versnel, p. 386.
  3. ^ Beard, p. 77.
  4. ^ Beard, p. 7.
  5. ^ Denis Feeney, Caesar's Calendar: Ancient Time and the Beginnings of History, University of California Press (2008) p. 148.
  6. ^ Beard, 72–75. See also Diodorus, 4.5 at Thayer: Uchicago.edu
  7. ^ Beard et al, 85–87: see also Polybius, 10.2.20, who suggests that Scipio's assumption of divine connections (and the personal favour of divine guidance) was unprecedented and seemed suspiciously "Greek" to his more conservative peers.
  8. ^ See also Galinsky, 106, 126–149, for Heraklean/Herculean associations of Alexander, Scipio, and later triumphing Roman generals.
  9. ^ Versnel, p. 380.
  10. Vestal Virgins
    is slung between the chariot wheels; see Beard, pp. 83–85.
  11. ^ The very few accounts are from the Imperial era of a public slave (or other figure) who stands behind or near the triumphator to remind him that he "is but mortal" or prompts him to "look behind", and are open to a variety of interpretations. Nevertheless, they imply a tradition that the triumphing general was publicly reminded of his mortal nature, whatever his kingly appearance, temporary godlike status, or divine associations. See Beard, pp. 85–92.
  12. ^ Emperor Vespasian regretted his triumph because its vast length and slow movement bored him; see Suetonius, Vespasian, 12.
  13. ^ The "2,700 wagonloads of captured weapons alone, never mind the soldiers and captives and booty" on one day of Aemilius Paulus's triumphal "extravaganza" of 167 BCE is wild exaggeration. Some modern scholarship suggests a procession 7 km long as plausible. See Beard, p. 102.
  14. ^ Summary based on Versnel, pp. 95–96.
  15. ^ Beard, pp. 159–161, citing Suetonius, Augustus, 41.1.
  16. ^ Beard, pp. 93–95, 258. For their joint triumph of 71 CE, Titus and Vespasian treated their soldiers to a very early, and possibly traditional "triumphal breakfast".
  17. ^ See map, in Beard, p. 334, and discussion on pp. 92–105.
  18. Porta Carmentalis
    by another name, or any convenient gate in the vicinity. See discussion in Beard, pp. 97–101.
  19. ^ Sometimes thought to be the same route as the modern Via dei Fori Imperiali
  20. ^ This is where Jugurtha was starved to death and Vercingetorix was strangled.
  21. ^ Beard, pp. 258–259; cf Livy's "soldiers feasting as they went" at the triumph of Cincinnatus (458 BCE).
  22. ^ Beard, p. 49.
  23. ^ Beard, pp. 263–264.
  24. ^ Beard pp. 19–21,
  25. ISBN 978-1-4073-6071-3
    .
  26. ^ Flower, Harriet I., Ancestor Masks and Aristocratic Power in Roman Culture, Oxford University Press, 1999, p. 33.
  27. ^ Taylor, Lily Ross, The Divinity of the Roman Emperor, American Philological Association, 1931 (reprinted by Arno Press, 1975), p. 57, citing Cicero, To Atticus, 1.18.6, and Velleius Paterculus, 2.40.4. Faced with this reaction, Pompey never tried it again.
  28. ^ Beard, pp. 23–25.
  29. ^ Beard, pp. 22–23.
  30. ^ Fergus Millar, "Last Year in Jerusalem: Monuments of the Jewish War in Rome", in Flavius Josephus and Flavian Rome, J. C. Edmondson, Steve Mason, J. B. Rives (eds.), pp. 101–124.
  31. ^ Beard, 196−201.
  32. ^ See discussion in Beard, pp. 199–206, 209–210. Livy's "triumphal laws" hark back to earlier, traditional but probably reinvented triumphs of Republican Rome's expansion to Empire and its defeat of foreign kings; his notion was that triumphal generals must possess the highest level of imperium (Livy, 38.38.4, in the 206 BCE case of Scipio Africanus), but this is contradicted in Polybius 11.33.7 and Pompey's status at his first triumph.
  33. auspices
    before battle might have been formally reserved to the highest magistrate on the field, while a victory proved that a commander must have pleased the gods – whatever the niceties of his authority. Conversely, a lost battle was a sure sign of religious dereliction; see Veit Rosenberger, "The Gallic Disaster", The Classical World, (The Johns Hopkins University Press), 96, 4, 2003, p. 371, note 39.
  34. ^ Beard, pp. 206–211, citing Valerius Maximus, Memorable Facts and Sayings, 2. 8. 1.
  35. Ab Urbe Condita
    , 26, 21; cf. Plutarch Marcellus 19–22.
  36. ^ Beard, p. 265.
  37. ^ Romulus' three triumphs are in Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Antiquitates Romanae, 2.54.2 & 2.55.5). Dionysius may have seen the Fasti. Livy (1.10.5–7) allows Romulus the spolia opima, not a "triumph". Neither author mentions the two triumphs attributed by the Fasti to the last king of Rome, Tarquin. See Beard, 74 and endnotes 1 &2.
  38. ^ Beard, 61–62, 66–67. The standard modern edition of the Fasti Triumphales is that of Attilio Degrassi, in Inscriptiones Italiae, vol. XIII, fasc. 1 (Rome, 1947)
  39. ^ Versnel considers it an invocation for divine help and manifestation, derived via an unknown pre-Greek language through Etruria and Greece. He cites the chant of "Triumpe", repeated five times, which terminates the Carmen Arvale, a now-obscure prayer for the help and protection of Mars and the Lares. Versnel, pp. 39–55 (conclusion and summary on p. 55).
  40. ^ Beard et al, vol. 1, 44–45, 59–60: see also Plutarch, Romulus (trans. Dryden) at The Internet Classics Archive MIT.edu
  41. ^ Bowersock, 1994, 157.
  42. ^ Ovid, The Erotic Poems, 1.2.19–52. Trans P. Green.
  43. ^ Pliny attributes the invention of the triumph to "Father Liber" (identified with Dionysus): see Pliny, Historia Naturalis, 7.57 (ed. Bostock) at Perseus: Tufts.edu
  44. ^ Bosworth, 67–79, notes that Arrian's attributions here are non-historic and their details almost certainly apocryphal: see Arrian, 6, 28, 1–2.
  45. ^ Beard, p. 74.
  46. ^ Beard, p. 235.
  47. ^ Flower, Harriet, "Augustus, Tiberius, and the End of the Roman Triumph", Classical Antiquity, 2020, 39 (1): 1–28 [1]
  48. ^ Beard, p. 42; four were clustered in one year (71 BCE), including Pompey's second triumph.
  49. ^ Cicero, Brutus, 62.
  50. ^ See also Livy, 8, 40.
  51. ^ Beard, 79, notes at least one ancient case of what seems blatant fabrication, in which two ancestral triumphs became three.
  52. ^ Beard, 67: citing Valerius Maximus, 4.4.5., and Apuleius, Apol.17
  53. ^ Dionysus of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 2.34.3.
  54. ^ Livy, 39.6–7: cf Pliny, Historia Naturalis, 34.14.
  55. ^ Beard, p. 162.
  56. ^ Beard, 16; he was aged 25 or 26 in some accounts.
  57. ^ Dio Cassius, 42.18.3.
  58. ^ Pliny, Historia Naturalis, 8.4: Plutarch, Pompey, 14.4.
  59. ^ Beard, 16, 17.
  60. ^ Beard, 39–40, notes that the introduction of such vast sums into the Roman economy would have left substantial traces, but none are evidenced (citing Brunt (1971), 459–460; Scheidel (1996); Duncan-Jones (1990), 43, & (1994), 253).
  61. ^ Beard, 9, cites Appian's very doubtful "75,100,000" drachmae carried in the procession as 1.5 times his own estimate of Rome's total annual tax revenue (Appian, Mithradates, 116).
  62. ^ Beard, 15–16, citing Plutarch, Pompey, 45, 5.
  63. ^ Beard, 16. For further elaboration on Pompey's 3rd triumph, see also Plutarch, Sertorius, 18, 2, at Thayer Uchicago.edu: Cicero, Man. 61: Pliny, Nat. 7, 95.
  64. ^ Beard, 35: Pliny, Historia Naturalis, 37, 14–16.
  65. ^ Beard, pp. 297–298.
  66. ^ Syme, 272–275: Google Books Search
  67. ^ Southern, 104: Google Books Search
  68. ^ Very occasionally, a close relative who had glorified the Imperial gens might receive the honor.
  69. ^ Suetonius, Lives, Claudius, 24.3: given for the conquest of Britain. Claudius was "granted" a triumph by the Senate and gave "triumphal regalia" to his prospective son-in-law, who was still "only a boy." Thayer: Uchicago.edu Archived 2012-06-30 at archive.today
  70. ^ Beard, 61–71.
  71. ^ On triumphal entrances to Rome in the fourth century, see discussion in Schmidt-Hofner, pp. 33–60, and Wienand, pp. 169–197.
  72. ^ Beard pp. 322–323.
  73. ^ "Theodosius I – Livius". www.livius.org. Archived from the original on 2015-04-29.
  74. ^ Claudian (404). Panegyricus de Sexto Consulatu Honorii Augusti. Retrieved 21 August 2013.
  75. ^ Beard, 326.
  76. ^ Gibbon, Edward (1776–1789). "Chapter XXX". The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. pp. 39–41. Retrieved 21 August 2013. After the retreat of the barbarians, Honorius was directed to accept the dutiful invitation of the senate, and to celebrate, in the Imperial city, the auspicious aera of the Gothic victory, and of his sixth consulship.
  77. ^ Wace, Henry (1911). "Entry for "Honorius, Flavius Augustus, emperor"". Dictionary of Christian Biography and Literature to the End of the Sixth Century A.D., with an Account of the Principal Sects and Heresies. Archived from the original on 21 October 2014. Retrieved 21 August 2013. The customary games took place with great magnificence, and on this occasion St. Telemachus sacrificed himself by attempting to separate the gladiators.
  78. ^ Theodoret (449–450). "Book V, chapter 26". Ecclesiastical History. Archived from the original on 20 September 2013. Retrieved 21 August 2013. When the admirable emperor was informed of this he numbered Telemachus in the array of victorious martyrs, and put an end to that impious spectacle.
  79. ^ Foxe, John (1563). "Chapter III, section on "The Last Roman 'Triumph.'"". Actes and Monuments (a.k.a. Foxe's Book of Martyrs). Archived from the original on 30 May 2013. Retrieved 21 August 2013. [F]rom the day Telemachus fell dead ... no other fight of gladiators was ever held there.
  80. ISBN 978-0-935748-46-8
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  81. ^ Beard, 318–321. Procopius' account is the source for a "marvelous set piece" of Belisarius' triumph, in Robert Graves' historical novel Count Belisarius.
  82. ^ Zaho and Bernstein, 2004, p. 47.
  83. ^ Beard, p. 54.
  84. ^ Zaho and Bernstein, 2004, pp. 4, 31 ff.
  85. ^ De fasti et triumphi Romanorum a Romulo usque ad Carolum V, Giacomo Strada, Venice, 1557 (Latin text, accessed 22 August 2013)
  86. ^ Beard, p. 53; in preparation, Pope Paul III arranged the clearance of any buildings that obstructed the traditional Via Triumphalis.
  87. ^ Pinson, Yona (2001). "Imperial Ideology in the Triumphal Entry into Lille of Charles V and the Crown Prince (1549)" (PDF). Assaph: Studies in Art History. 6: 212. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2014-02-23. Already in his Imperial Triumphal Entry into Rome (1536) the Emperor appeared as a triumphant Roman Imperator: mounted on a white horse and wearing a purple cape, he embodied the figure of the ancient conqueror. At the head of a procession marching along the ancient Via Triumphalis, Charles had re-established himself as the legitimate successor to the Roman Empire.
  88. ISBN 978-1-931112-69-7. Archived
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  89. ^ Beard, 31. See 32, Fig. 7 for a contemporary depiction of Henri's "Romanised" procession.
  90. ^ Beard, 343, footnote 65.

Bibliography

External links

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