Rosalia (festival)

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Rosalia
Cult of the Saints, Pentecost, Green Week

In the

Romans cared for their dead, reflecting the value placed on tradition (mos maiorum, "the way of the ancestors"), family lineage, and memorials ranging from simple inscriptions to grand public works. Several dates on the Roman calendar were set aside as public holidays or memorial days devoted to the dead.[2]

As a religious expression, a rosatio might also be offered to the cult statue of a deity or to other revered objects. In May, the

military standards with garlands. The rose festivals of private associations and clubs are documented by at least forty-one inscriptions in Latin and sixteen in Greek, where the observance is often called a rhodismos.[3]

Flowers were traditional symbols of rejuvenation, rebirth, and memory, with the red and purple of roses and violets felt to evoke the color of blood as a form of propitiation.

cult of the saints
.

Cultural and religious background

The Roses of Heliogabalus (1888) by Lawrence Alma-Tadema: "suffocation by erotically charged flowers" became a topos of the late 19th century[8]

In Greece and Rome, wreaths and garlands of flowers and greenery were worn by both men and women for festive occasions.

Greek lyric poetry from the Archaic period onward.[10] In Latin literature, to be "in the roses and violets" meant experiencing carefree pleasure.[11] Floral wreaths and garlands "mark the wearers as celebrants and likely serve as an expression of the beauty and brevity of life itself."[12] Roses and violets were the most popular flowers at Rome for wreaths, which were sometimes given as gifts.[13]

Flowers were associated with or offered to some deities, particularly the goddesses Aphrodite (Roman Venus), Persephone[14] (Proserpina), and Chloris[15] (Flora). Roses and fragrances are a special attribute of Aphrodite,[16] and also of Dionysus, particularly in Imperial-era poetry as a wine god for drinking parties or with the presence of Eros ("Love, Desire").[17] The Greek romance novel Daphnis and Chloe (2nd century AD) describes a pleasure garden, with roses and violets among its abundant flora, centered on a sacred space for Dionysus.[18] At Rome Venus was a goddess of gardens as well as love and beauty.[19] Venus received roses at her ritual cleansing (lavatio) on April 1 and at the wine festival (Vinalia) celebrated in her honor April 23.[20]

A lavish display of flowers was an expression of conviviality and liberal generosity. An Imperial-era

lilies.[22] When the emperor made a formal arrival (adventus) at a city, garlands of flowers might be among the gestures of greeting from the welcome delegation.[23] According to an account in the Historia Augusta ("presumably fictional"), the decadent emperor Heliogabalus buried the guests at one of his banquets in an avalanche of rose petals.[24] In Greek culture, the phyllobolia was the showering of a victorious athlete or bridal couple with leaves or flower petals.[25]

José de Ribera

Classical mythology preserves a number of stories in which blood and flowers are linked in divine metamorphosis.[26] When Adonis, beloved of Aphrodite, was killed by a boar during a hunt, his blood produced a flower. A central myth of the Roman rites of Cybele is the self-castration of her consort Attis, from whose blood a violet-colored flower sprang. In the Gnostic text On the Origin of the World, possibly dating to the early 4th century,[27] the rose was the first flower to come into being, created from the virgin blood of Psyche ("Soul") after she united sexually with Eros.[28] In the 4th-century poem Cupid Crucified by the Gallo-Roman poet Ausonius, the god Cupid (the Roman equivalent of Eros) is tortured in the underworld by goddesses disappointed in love, and the blood from his wounds causes roses to grow.[29]

In

afterlife. In the Imperial period, the wreath might be roses, under the influence of the Romanized cult of Isis.[30] The statue of Isis was adorned with roses following the Navigium Isidis, an Imperial holiday March 5 when a ceremonial procession represented the "sailing" of Isis.[31] In the Metamorphoses of Apuleius, the protagonist Lucius is transformed into an ass, and after a journey of redemption returns to human form by eating roses and becoming an initiate into the mysteries of Isis.[26] A festival called the Rhodophoria, preserved in three Greek papyri, is the "rose-bearing" probably for Isis, or may be the Greek name for the Rosalia.[32]

Roses and violets as funerary flowers

The making of rose garlands by multiple Cupids and Psyches, in a wall painting from Pompeii: the Psyche on the right holds a libation bowl, a symbol of religious piety often depicted as a rosette[33]

Roses had funerary significance in Greece, but were particularly associated with death and entombment among the Romans.

oil of roses"[38] to maintain the integrity of his body against abuse in death.[39] In Greek and Latin poetry, roses grow in the blessed afterlife of the Elysian Fields.[40]

Bloodless sacrifice to the dead could include rose garlands and violets as well as

Hyacinthus.[43] Claudian writes of the "bloody splendor" of roses in the meadow from which Proserpina will be abducted to the underworld, with hyacinths and violets contributing to the lush flora.[44] Roses and the ominous presence of thorns may intimate bloodshed and mortality even in the discourse of love.[45]

A wreathed maenad (attendant of Dionysus) holds Cupid as he extends a rose, in a wall painting from the House of Lucius Caecilius Iucundus, Pompeii

Conversely, roses in a funerary context can allude to festive banqueting, since Roman families met at burial sites on several occasions throughout the year for libations and a shared meal that celebrated both the cherished memory of the beloved dead and the continuity of life through the family line.[46] In Roman tomb painting, red roses often spill bountifully onto light ground.[37] These ageless flowers created a perpetual Rosalia and are an expression of Roman beliefs in the soul's continued existence.[47]

The bones or ashes of the deceased may be imagined as generating flowers, as in one Latin epitaph that reads:

Here lies Optatus, a child ennobled by devotion: I pray that his ashes may be violets and roses, and I ask that the Earth, who is his mother now, be light upon him, for the boy's life was a burden to no one.[48]

Roses were planted at some tombs and

Roman Catholic practices criticized by some Protestants, especially in the 19th century, as too "pagan" in origin.[51]

Rose and violet festivals

Silvanus, holding pomegranates, grapes, and other produce, attended by hound (2nd–3rd century)

Although the rose had a long tradition in funerary art,

vows for the wellbeing of the emperor and prescribes a sacrifice to Silvanus on five occasions in the year, among them the Rosalia. Although Silvanus is typically regarded as a deity of the woods and the wild, Vergil describes him as bearing flowering fennel and lilies.[55] In other inscriptions, three donors to Silvanus had adopted the cultic name Anthus (Greek anthos, "flower") and a fourth, of less certain reading, may have the Latin name Florus, the masculine form of Flora.[56] Since trees are the form of plant life most often emblematic of Silvanus, his connection with flowers is obscure. His female counterparts the Silvanae, primarily found in the Danubian provinces, are sometimes depicted carrying flower pots or wreaths.[57] Through his epithet Dendrophorus, "Tree-bearer," he was linked to the Romanized cult of Attis and Cybele in which celebrants called dendrophori participated.[58]

When well-to-do people wrote a will and made end-of-life preparations, they might set aside funds for the maintenance of their memory and care (cura) after death, including rose-adornment. One epitaph records a man's provision for four annual observances in his honor: on the Parentalia, an official festival for honoring the dead February 13; his birthday (dies natalis); and a Rosaria and Violaria.[59] Guilds and associations (collegia) often provided funeral benefits for members, and some were formed specifically for that purpose. Benefactors might fund communal meals and rose-days at which members of the college honored the dead.[60] The College of Aesculapius and Hygia at Rome celebrated a Violet Day on March 22 and a Rose Day May 11, and these flower festivals are frequent among the occasions observed by dining clubs and burial societies.[61]

Most evidence for the Rosalia comes from

Floral Tribute for Venus (1690 or earlier), attributed to Abraham Brueghel

At

Imperial cult marking a birthday, marriage, or other anniversary of the emperor or his family).[63] The three-day Rosalia was among the occasions observed by a group of hymnodes, a male choir organized for celebrating Imperial cult, as recorded in a Greek inscription on an early 2nd-century altar. The eukosmos, the officer of "good order" who presided over the group for a year, was to provide one mina (a monetary unit) and one loaf for celebrating the Rosalia on the Augustan day, which was the first day of the month called Panemos on the local calendar.[64] On the second of Panemos, the group's priest provided wine, a table setting, one mina, and three loaves for the Rosalia. The grammateus, a secretary or administrator, was responsible for a mina, a table setting worth one denarius, and one loaf for the third day of Rosalia.[65] The group seems to have functioned like a collegium at Rome, and as a burial society for members.[66]

Inscriptions from

God, and chose to participate in the customs of the community while adapting them in ways "acceptable to his Jewish faith".[70]

A cult statue is wreathed with roses in A Bacchanal by Sebastiano Ricci (1659–1734)

In

Thracian Horseman.[75]

Some scholars think that customs of the Rosalia were assimilated into Bacchic festivals of the dead by the Roman military, particularly in Macedonia and Thrace.[76] A Greek inscription of 138 AD records a donation for rose-adornment (rhodismos) to the council in Histria, in modern Dobruja, an area settled by the Thracian Bessi, who were especially devoted to Dionysus.[77] Macedonia was famed for its roses, but nearly all evidence for the Rosalia as such dates to the Roman period.[78]

Bacchic rites

Although ivy and grapevines are the regular vegetative attributes of

Athens roses and violets could be adornments for Dionysian feasts. In a fragment from a dithyramb praising Dionysus, the poet Pindar (5th century BC) sets a floral scene generated by the opening up of the Seasons (Horae), a time when Semele
, the mortal mother of Dionysus, is to be honored:

pre-Raphaelite John William Waterhouse: the sleeping red-gowned Ariadne is surrounded by roses, with the sailing background implying both the departure of Theseus and the advent of Dionysus, foreshadowed by his leopards[79]

... as the chamber of the purple-robed Horai is opened,
the nectar-bearing flowers bring in the sweet-smelling spring.
Then, then, upon the immortal earth are cast
the lovely tresses of violets, and roses fitted to hair
and voices of songs echo to the accompaniment of pipes
and choruses come to Semele of the circling headband.
[80]

Dionysus was an equalizing figure of the democratic

Joannes Lydus related the festival name to Anthousa, which he said was the Greek equivalent of the Latin Flora.[84] The three-day festival, which took place at the threshold between winter and spring, involved themes of liminality and "opening up", but despite its importance in early Athens, many aspects elude certainty. It was primarily a celebration of opening the new wine from the previous fall's vintage.[85] On the first day, "Dionysus" entered borne by a wheeled "ship" in a public procession, and was taken to the private chamber of the king's wife[86] for a ritual union with her; the precise ceremonies are unknown, but may be related to the myth of Ariadne, who became the consort of Dionysus after she was abandoned by the Athenian culture hero Theseus.[87]

Child's ceremonial wine vessel (chous) for the Anthesteria, depicting Eros as a chubby boy who pulls a cart and extends his hand toward his own wreathed chous (ca. 410 BC)

In keeping with its theme of new growth and transformation,[88] the Anthesteria was also the occasion for a rite of passage from infancy to childhood—a celebratory moment given the high rate of infant mortality in the ancient world. Children between the age of three and four received a small jug (chous) specially decorated with scenes of children playing at adult activities. The chous itself is sometimes depicted on the vessel, adorned with a wreath. The following year, the child was given a ceremonial taste of wine from his chous.[89] These vessels are often found in children's graves, accompanying them to the underworld after a premature death.[90]

The Anthesteria has also been compared with the Roman

Lemuria,[91] with the second day a vulnerable time when the barrier between the world of the living and the dead became permeable, and the shades of the dead could wander the earth. On the third day, the ghosts were driven from the city, and Hermes Chthonios ("Underworld Hermes") received sacrifices in the form of pots of grains and seeds.[92] Although the identity of the shades is unclear, typically the restless dead are those who died prematurely.[93]

Wine and roses

The priestess of Thessalonica who bequeathed a tract of vineyard for the maintenance of her memory required each Dionysian initiate who attended to wear a rose wreath.[72] In a Dionysian context, wine, roses, and the color red are trappings of violence and funerals as well as amorous pursuits and revelry. Dionysus is described by Philostratus (d. ca. 250 AD) as wearing a wreath of roses and a red or purple cloak as he encounters Ariadne,[94] whose sleep is a kind of death from which she is awakened and transformed by the god's love.[95]

Bust of Dionysus, wearing a leopardskin and with flowers in his wreath, on a 3rd-century mosaic

The crown that symbolized Ariadne's immortal union with Dionysus underwent metamorphosis into a constellation, the Corona Borealis; in some sources, the corona was a diadem of jewels, but for the Roman dramatist Seneca[96] and others it was a garland of roses. In the Astronomica of Manilius (1st century AD), Ariadne's crown is bejeweled with purple and red flowers—violets, hyacinths, poppies, and "the flower of the blooming rose, made red by blood"—and exerts a positive astrological influence on cultivating flower gardens, weaving garlands, and distilling perfume.[97]

Dionysian scenes were common on

Bacchic libations during the funeral rites the hero Aeneas conducts for his dead father.[99] In the Dionysiaca of Nonnus (late 4th–early 5th century AD), Dionysus mourns the death of the beautiful youth Ampelos by covering the body with flowers—roses, lilies, anemones—and infusing it with ambrosia. The dead boy's metamorphosis creates the first grapevine, which in turn produces the transformative substance of wine for human use.[100]

Rites of Adonis

"The blood of the dead Adonis turns into an anemone" (Ovid, Met. X 735) (1609), by Hendrick Goltzius

The rites of Adonis (

Adoneia) also came to be regarded as a Rosalia in the Imperial era.[101] In one version of the myth, blood from Aphrodite's foot, pricked by a thorn, dyes the flowers produced from the body of Adonis when he is killed by the boar.[102] In the Lament for Adonis attributed to Bion
(2nd century BC), the tears of Aphrodite match the blood shed by Adonis drop by drop,

and the blood and tears become flowers upon the ground. Of the blood comes the rose, and of the tears the

According to myth, Adonis was born from the incestuous union of

heavenly Aphrodite, a third with chthonic Persephone, and a third on the mortal plane. The theme is similar to Persephone's own year divided between her underworld husband and the world above.[104]

For

eternal child" (puer) to complete his rite of passage into the adult life of the city-state, and thus as a cautionary tale involving the social violations of "incest, murder, license, possessiveness, celibacy, and childlessness".[106]

Dying Adonis attended by hound, on a funerary monument with floral motifs on its corner feet (latter 3rd century BC)

Women performed the Adoneia with ceremonial

gardens of Adonis", container-grown annuals from "seeds planted in shallow soil, which sprang up quickly and withered quickly",[108] compressing the cycle of life and death.[107] The festival, often nocturnal, was not a part of the official state calendar of holidays, and as a private rite seems like the Rosalia to have had no fixed date.[109] Although the celebration varied from place to place, it generally had two phases: joyful revelry like a marriage feast in celebration of the love between Aphrodite and Adonis, and ritual mourning for his death. Decorations and ritual trappings for the feast, including the dish gardens, were transformed for the funeral or destroyed as offerings: the garlanded couch became the lying-in bier (prothesis).[110]

The iconography of Aphrodite and Adonis as a couple is often hard to distinguish in Greek art from that of Dionysus and Ariadne.[111] In contrast to Greek depictions of the couple enjoying the luxury and delight of love, Roman paintings and sarcophagi almost always frame their love at the moment of loss, with the death of Adonis in Aphrodite's arms posing the question of resurrection.[112] At Madaba, an Imperial city of the Province of Arabia in present-day Jordan, a series of mythological mosaics has a scene of Aphrodite and Adonis enthroned, attended by six Erotes and three Charites ("Graces"). A basket of overturned roses near them has been seen as referring to the Rosalia.[113]

In late antiquity, literary works set at a Rosalia—whether intended for performance at the actual occasion, or only using the occasion as a fictional setting—take the "lament for Adonis" as their theme.[114] Shared language for the Roman festival of Rosalia and the floral aspects of the Adoneia may indicate similar or comparable practices, and not necessarily direct assimilation.[115]

The violets of Attis

Reclining Attis with radiate crown, holding a shepherd's crook (damaged) in his left hand and in his right pomegranates, pine cones, and wheat: his partial nudity shows that he has undergone complete castration, and the bearded head on which he leans is most likely the river god Sangarius[116] or Gallus[117] (from Ostia, 2nd century AD)

From the reign of

Megalensia in April.[120]

The most vivid and complex account

Jupiter. Unable to achieve his aim, the king of gods relieved himself by masturbating on the rock,[124] from which was born Acdestis or Agdistis, a violent and supremely powerful hermaphroditic deity. After deliberations, the gods assign the cura of this audacity to Liber, the Roman god identified with
Dionysus: cura means variously "care, concern, cure, oversight."

Liber sets a snare, replacing the waters of Agdistis's favorite spring (

exposed, but it is discovered and reared by a goatherd
. This child is Attis.

Ionian Dancing Girl (1902) by John William Godward, a companion to the same violet-wreathed figure in With Violets Wreathed and Robe of Saffron Hue, an example of classicizing myth in Victorian painting[126]

The exceptionally beautiful Attis grows up favored by the Mother of the Gods and by Agdistis, who is his constant companion. Under the influence of wine, Attis reveals that his accomplishments as a hunter are owing to divine favor—an explanation for why wine is religiously prohibited (

bacchant
, Attis then throws himself under a pine tree, and cuts off his genitals as an offering to Agdistis. He bleeds to death, and from the flux of blood is born a violet flower.

The Mother of the Gods wraps the genitals "in the garment of the dead" and covers them with earth, an aspect of the myth attested in ritual by inscriptions regarding the sacrificial treatment of animal scrota.[128] The would-be bride, whose name is Violet (Greek Ia), covers Attis's chest with woollen bands, and after mourning with Agdistis kills herself. Her dying blood is changed into purple violets. The tears of the Mother of the Gods become an almond tree, which signifies the bitterness of death. She then takes the pine tree to her sacred cave, and Agdistis joins her in mourning, begging Jupiter to restore Attis to life. This he cannot permit; but fate allows the body to never decay, the hair to keep growing, and the little finger to live and to wave in perpetual motion.

Arnobius explicitly states that the rituals performed in honor of Attis in his day reenact aspects of the myth as he has told it, much of which developed only in the Imperial period, in particular the conflict and intersections with Dionysian cult.

Corybantes, youths who performed armed dances and in mythology served as guardians for infant gods.[131] For the Dies Sanguinis ("Day of Blood") on March 24, the devotees lacerated themselves in a frenzy of mourning, spattering the effigy with the blood craved as "nourishment" by the dead. Some followers may have castrated themselves on this day, as a preliminary to becoming galli, the eunuch priests of Cybele. Attis was placed in his "tomb" for the Sacred Night that followed.[132]

According to

mysteries of the Magna Mater and Attis at the Vaticanum.[138]

Although scholars have become less inclined to view Attis within the rigid schema of "dying and rising vegetation god", the vegetal cycle remains integral to the funerary nature of his rites.[139] The pine tree and pine cones were introduced to the iconography of Attis for their cult significance during the Roman period.[140] A late 1st- or 2nd-century statue of Attis from Athens has him with a basket containing pomegranates, pine cones, and a nosegay of violets.[141]

Vegetal aspects of spring festivals

Perceived connections with older spring festivals that involved roses helped spread and popularize the Rosalia, and the private dies violae or violaris of the Romans was enhanced by the public prominence of Arbor intrat ceremonies.

Neoplatonic philosopher Porphyry
(d. ca. 305 AD) saw both Adonis and Attis as aspects of the "fruits of the earth":

The Awakening of Adonis (1900) by Waterhouse

Attis is the symbol of the blossoms which appear early in the spring, and fall off before the complete fertilization; whence they further attributed castration to him, from the fruits not having attained to seminal perfection: but Adonis was the symbol of the cutting of the perfect fruits.[144]

Porphyry linked Attis, Adonis, Korē (Persephone as "the Maiden", influencing "dry" or grain crops), and Dionysus (who influences soft and shell fruits) as deities of "seminal law":

For Korē was carried off by Pluto, that is, the sun going down beneath the earth at seed-time; but Dionysus begins to sprout according to the conditions of the power which, while young, is hidden beneath the earth, yet produces fine fruits, and is an ally of the power in the blossom symbolized by Attis, and of the cutting of the ripened corn symbolized by Adonis.

Roses and violets are typically among the flower species that populate the meadow from which Persephone was abducted as

comparative mythologist Mircea Eliade saw divine metamorphosis as a "flowing of life" between vegetal and human existence. When violent death interrupts the creative potential of life, it is expressed "in some other form: plant, fruit, flower". Eliade related the violets of Attis and the roses and anemones of Adonis to legends of flowers appearing on battlefields after the deaths of heroes.[146]

Military Rosaliae

The Eagle of a military standard on a Roman soldier's funerary monument (1st–2nd century AD)

The

Bean Kalends" (Kalendae Fabariae),[152] may have pertained to rites of the dead[153] and like the days of the Lemuria was marked on the calendar as nefastus, a time when normal activities were religiously prohibited. In the later Empire, the Rosaliae signorum coincided with the third day of the "Bean Games" (Ludi Fabarici) held May 29 – June 1, presumably in honor of Carna.[154] A civilian inscription records a bequest for rose-adornment "on the Carnaria", interpreted by Mommsen as Carna's Kalends.[155]

Sculpture from a 3rd-century military headquarters at

Mogontiacum (present-day Mainz), in the province of Germania Superior, records the dedication of an altar to the Genius of the military unit (a centuria), on May 10. Although the inscription does not name the Rosaliae, the date of the dedication, made in connection with Imperial cult, may have been chosen to coincide with it.[157]

Military standards are arrayed (top center left) in the presence of a lustral sacrifice, on a relief panel from Trajan's Column; under the tree are military trumpeters playing tubae and cornua

The Rosaliae signorum were part of devotional practices characteristic of the army surrounding the military standards. The

Minucius Felix tried to demonstrate that because of the cruciform shape, the soldiers had been worshipping the Christian cross without being aware of it.[165]

Most evidence of the Rosalia from the Empire of the 1st–3rd centuries points toward festivals of the dead. Soldiers commemorated fallen comrades,[166] and might swear an oath on the manes (deified spirits) of dead brothers-in-arms.[167] Hooey, however, argued against interpreting the Rosaliae signorum as a kind of "poppy day". Roman rose festivals, in his view, were of two distinct and mutually exclusive kinds: the celebratory and licentious festivals of spring, and the somber cult of the dead. Transferred from the civilian realm, the old festivals of vegetative deities were celebrated in the Eastern Empire in a spirit of indulgence and luxury that was uniquely out of keeping with the public and Imperial character of other holidays on the Feriale Duranum.[168] This "carnival" view of the Rosaliae signorum was rejected by William Seston, who saw the May festivals as celebratory lustrations after the first battles of the military campaigning season, coordinate with the Tubilustrium that fell on May 23 between the two rose-adornments.[169]

Archaeological Museum of Milan
)

The Tubilustrium was itself a purification ritual. Attested on calendars for both March 23 and May 23, it was perhaps originally monthly. The lustration (

Corybantes or Kouretes who attended Cybele and Attis, and Roman ceremonies of apotropaic trumpet blasts or the beating of shields by the Salian priests,[172] who were theologically identified with the Kouretes as early as the 1st century BC.[173]

Tacitus records the performance of noise rituals on the trumpets by the military in conjunction with a

pax deorum, the "treaty" or peace of the gods, by means of a procession, public prayers, and offerings. The military calendar represented by the Feriale Duranum prescribed supplicationes also for March 19–23, the period that began with the Quinquatria, an ancient festival of Minerva and Mars, and concluded with a Tubilustrium. The Crisis of the Third Century prompted a revival and expansion of the archaic practice of supplicatio in connection with military and Imperial cult.[179]

On the calendar

Calendar of Filocalus (354 AD), which places the Rosalia on May 23[180]

In the later Empire, rose festivals became part of the iconography for the month of May. The date would vary locally to accommodate the blooming season.

Ludi Florae, a series of games in honor of the goddess Flora that opened April 28 of the Julian calendar and concluded May 3. Flora was a goddess of flowers and blooming, and her festivities were enjoyed with a notable degree of sexual liberty. In the 2nd century AD, Philostratus connects rose garlands with Flora's festival.[183] A Greek epigram from the Palatine Anthology has May personified announce "I am the mother of roses".[184]

Among explanations for the month's name was that it derived from

Arval Brothers, an archaic priesthood of Rome, after their banquets for the May festival of Dea Dia.[186]

The Soul of the Rose (1908), Psyche in the garden of Cupid by Waterhouse

Although the month opened with the revelry of Flora, in mid-May the Romans observed the three-day Lemuria for propitiating the wandering dead.

dalmatica, carries a basket of roses on his left arm while holding a single flower in his right hand to smell.[182] In other pictorial calendars, the Rose King or related imagery of the rose festival often substitutes for or replaces the traditional emblem of Mercury and his rites to represent May.[191]

In Ovid's

dies religiosus, when it was religiously prohibited to begin any new undertaking, specifically including marriage "for the sake of begetting children".[194]

In the 4th century, the Rosalia was marked on the official calendar as a public holiday at the amphitheater with games (ludi) and theatrical performances. A calendar from Capua dating to 387 AD notes a Rosaria at the amphitheater on May 13.[195]

Christianization

crown of stars
and a rose wreath

In the 6th century, a "Day of Roses" was held at

anacreontic poems that he says he presented publicly on "the day of the roses", and declamations by the Christian rhetorician Procopius[197] and poetry by Choricius of Gaza are also set at rose-days.[198]

Roses were in general part of the imagery of

Early Christian funerary art,[199] as was ivy.[200] Martyrs were often depicted or described with flower imagery, or in ways that identified them with flowers.[29] Paulinus of Nola (d. 431) reinterpreted traditions associated with the Rosalia in Christian terms for his natal poem (natalicium) about Saint Felix of Nola, set January 14:[201]

Sprinkle the ground with flowers, adorn the doorways with garlands. Let winter breathe forth the purple beauty (purpureum) of spring; let the year be in flower before its time, and let nature submit to the holy day. For you also, earth, owe wreaths to the martyr’s tomb. But the holy glory of the doorway to the heavens encircles him, flowering with the twin wreaths of war and peace.[202]

At one of the earliest extant

martyr shrines, now part of the Basilica of Sant'Ambrogio in Milan, a mosaic portrait dating perhaps as early as 397–402 depicts Saint Victor within a classically inspired wreath of lilies and roses, wheat stalks, grapes on the vine, and olive branches: the circular shape represents eternity, and the vegetation the four seasons.[203] In the Christian imagination, the blood-death-flower pattern is often transferred from the young men of Classical myth—primarily Adonis and Attis—to female virgin martyrs.[204] Eulalia of Mérida is described by Prudentius (d. ca. 413) as a "tender flower" whose death makes her "a flower in the Church's garland of martyrs": the flow of her purple blood produces purple violets and blood-red crocuses (purpureas violas sanguineosque crocos), which will adorn her relics.[205] The rose can also symbolize the blood shed with the loss of virginity in the sacrament of marriage.[206]

Drawing on the custom of floral crowns as awards in the Classical world,

rosarium, a crown or garland of roses) for Marian prayer beads was objected to by some Christians, including Alanus de Rupe, because it evoked the "profane" rose wreath of the Romans.[214]

Memorial to Thérèse of Lisieux, inscribed with her motto "After my death, I will let fall a shower of roses"; she wears a floral wreath[215]

Five Wounds of Christ and hence of the Resurrection.[227]

The living bodies and corpses of saints were said to exude a floral "odor of sanctity" as one of the most notable signs of their holiness.

Lydwine of Schiedam was said to consume nothing but spiced wine, and wept "fragrant tears of blood" which she called her roses; when these dried on her cheeks overnight, they were gathered and kept in a box. The omen of her death was the opening of roses on a mystical rosebush, and when she was buried the bag of rose blood-tears was used as her pillow.[231] Flowers, blood, and relics were interwoven in the imagery of Christian literature from the earliest period.[232]

Rose Sundays

Dürer, an altarpiece for a rosary confraternity: a whole community is joined in receiving white and red rose crowns[233]

Two days of the

liturgical calendar
have been called "Rose Sunday":

  1. The fourth Sunday of
    lexicographer saw the Golden Rose as having functions analogous to the Golden Bough, with Mary assuming attributes of Persephone.[236]
  2. In
    Santa Maria Rotunda, the basilica converted from the ancient Pantheon. Rose petals were showered through the oculus in the dome to represent the descent of the tongues of flame.[237][238][239][240] After dinner, a ludus Carnelevaris was celebrated with drinking among the knights and soldiers, followed by performances which featured the killing of animals that symbolized various sins.[241]
Following this tradition, in medieval texts Pentecost is sometimes called Rosata Pascha or simply Rosalia.[242] Eventually, Pentecost itself took on the name of "Rose Sunday" as the two became conflated and customs were transferred from to the other. The custom of scattering roses for Pentecost spread and has continued to the modern era, as reflected in contemporary feast names such as the Pasqua di rose, Pasqua delle rose, or Pâques rosées.[243] Reflecting this custom, many churches are built with a "Holy Ghost hole" in the ceiling for the release of rose petals or white doves.[244][245][246] The traditional Romanian name for Pentecost is Rusalii and is thought to derive from Rosalia.[247] The name Rusalii is also used in Russian and Ukrainian, alongside the related term "Green week" (Russian: Зелёные святки; Ukrainian: Зелені свята).
Some authors from the 19th and early-20th centuries speculated that this Rose Sunday was a Christianized form of the originally pagan festival.[248][249]

See also

References

  1. ^ C.R. Phillips, The Oxford Classical Dictionary, edited by Simon Hornblower and Anthony Spawforth (Oxford University Press, 1996, 3rd edition), p. 1335; CIL 6.10264, 10239, 10248 and others. Other names include dies rosalis, dies rosae and dies rosaliorum: CIL 3.7576, 6.10234, 6.10239, 6. 10248.
  2. ^ Peter Toohey, "Death and Burial in the Ancient World," in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome (Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 366–367.
  3. glosses
    as equivalent to rosalia.
  4. ^ Patricia Cox Miller, The Corporeal Imagination: Signifying the Holy in Late Ancient Christianity (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), p. 74.
  5. ^ Christer Henriksén, A Commentary on Martial, Epigrams Book 9 (Oxford University Press, 2012), p. 59, citing Pliny, Natural History 21.64–65 and Martial, Epigram 9.11.1.
  6. ^ Marcu Beza, Paganism in Romanian Folklore (J.M. Dent, 1928), p. 43.
  7. ^ A.S. Hooey, "Rosaliae signorum," Harvard Theological Review 30.1 (1937), p. 30; Kathleen E. Corley, Marantha: Women's Funerary Rituals and Christian Origins (Fortress Press, 2010), p. 19; Kokkinia, "Rosen für die Toten," p. 208; on Jewish commemoration, Paul Trebilco, Jewish Communities in Asia Minor (Cambridge University Press, 1991, 1994 reprint), pp. 78–81.
  8. ^ Cristina Mazzoni, Saint Hysteria: Neurosis, Mysticism, and Gender in European Culture (Cornell University Press, 1996), p. 142.
  9. ^ Mireille M. Lee, "Clothing," in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome, p. 231.
  10. C. M. Bowra, Greek Lyric Poetry: From Alcman to Simonides pp. 108, 191, 264; Patricia A. Rosenmeyer, The Poetics of Imitation: Anacreon and the Anacreontic Tradition (Cambridge University Press, 1992), passim.
  11. ^ Henriksén, A Commentary on Martial, p. 59, citing Cicero, Tusculan Disputations 5.73.
  12. ^ Karen K. Hersch, The Roman Wedding: Ritual and Meaning in Antiquity (Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 91.
  13. ^ Henriksén, A Commentary on Martial, p. 256, citing Martial 9.60; Pliny, Natural History 21.14; Ovid, Metamorphoses 12.410; Statius, Silvae 1.2.22. Ludwig Friedländer, Roman Life and Manners under the Early Empire, translated by A.B. Gough (Routledge,1913), vol. 4, pp. 144–145, notes that Roman violae may at times refer to the wallflower or stock as well as violets.
  14. ^ Monica S. Cyrino, Aphrodite (Routledge, 2010), p. 36; Corinth. The Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore: Terracotta Figurines of the Classical, Hellenistic, and Roman Periods (ASCSA, 2000), vol. 18, pt. 4, pp. 124–125.
  15. ^ Ada Cohen, "Mythic Landscapes of Greece," in The Cambridge Companion to Greek Mythology (Cambridge University Press, 2007), p. 316.
  16. ^ Cyrino, Aphrodite, pp. 35–39; Ian Du Quesnay, "Three Problems in Poem 66," in Catullus: Poems, Books, Reader (Cambridge University Press, 2012), pp. 165–166.
  17. M.L. West
    , "The Anacreontea," in Hellenica: Selected Papers on Greek Literature and Thought. Volume II: Lyric and Drama (Oxford University Press, 2013), vol. 2, pp. 388–389; Laura Miguélez-Cavero, Poems in Context: Greek Poetry in the Egyptian Thebaid 200–600 AD (Walter de Gruyter, 2008), pp. 130–134 (on the wine of Dionysus as having a potent fragrance that competes with that of flowers such as roses); Xavier Riu, Dionysism and Comedy (Rowman & Littlefield, 1999), p. 108; Edoarda Barra-Salzédo, En soufflant la grâce: Âmes, souffles et humeurs en Grèce ancienne (Jérôme Villon, 2007), p. 178.
  18. ^ A.R. Littlewood, "Ancient Literary Evidence for the Pleasure Gardens of Roman Country Villas," in Ancient Roman villa Gardens, Dumbarton Oaks Colloquium on the History of Landscape Architecture 10 (Dumbarton Oaks, 1987), p. 28.
  19. ^ Michael Lipka, Roman Gods: A Conceptual Approach (Brill, 2009), p. 42.
  20. ^ Ovid, Fasti 4.138 and 869f.; Hooey, "Rosaliae signorum," p. 27.
  21. ^ Oxyrhynchus Papyri 331.1–21; The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome, p. 30.
  22. ^ Statius, Silvae 1.20; Hersch, The Roman Wedding, p. 90.
  23. ^ "Triumph," in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome, p. 123.
  24. ^ The Classical Tradition, edited by Anthony Grafton, Glenn W. Most, Salvatore Settis (Harvard University Press, 2010), p. 524.
  25. ^ Stephen G. Miller, The Berkeley Plato (University of California Press, 2009), p. 43; Bruno Currie, Pindar and the Cult of Heroes (Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 141; John H. Oakley and Rebecca H. Sinos, The Wedding in Ancient Athens (University of Wisconsin Press, 1993), p. 27.
  26. ^ a b Miller, The Corporeal Imagination, p. 74.
  27. ^ Hans-Gebhard Bethge, Bentley Layton, Societas Coptica Hierosolymitana, "On the Origin of the World (II,5 and XIII,2)," in The Nag Hammadi Library in English: The Definitive New Translation of the Gnostic Scriptures Complete in One Volume (Brill, 1977, rev. ed. 1996), p. 170.
  28. ^ The examples of Attis, Adonis, On the Origin of the World from Miller, The Corporeal Imagination, p. 74.
  29. ^ a b Miller, The Corporeal Imagination, p. 75.
  30. ^ Lorelei H. Corcoran and Marie Svoboda, Herakleides: A Portrait Mummy from Roman Egypt (Getty Publications, 2010), p. 32.
  31. ^ Apuleius, Metamorphoses 11.6.1; Miller, The Corporeal Imagination, p. 74.
  32. ^ J. Gwyn Griffiths, Apuleius of Madaurus: The Isis-Book: (Metamorphoses, Book XI) (Brill, 1975), pp 160–161.
  33. ^ Rabun Taylor, "Roman Oscilla: An Assessment," RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics 48 (2005), p. 92.
  34. ^ Frederick E. Brenk, Clothed in Purple Light: Studies in Vergil and in Latin Literature (Franz Steiner, 1999), pp. 87, 102.
  35. ^ Brenk, Clothed in Purple Light p. 87.
  36. ^ Brenk, Clothed in Purple Light, p. 87, note 2.
  37. ^ a b c d Brenk, Clothed in Purple Light, p. 88.
  38. ^ As translated by Robert Fagles.
  39. ^ Iliad 23.185–187; Cyrino, Aphrodite, pp. 63, 94. Wooden cult statues might be anointed periodically with rose oil as a preservative, according to Pausanias (9.41.7): Barbara Breitenberger, Aphrodite and Eros: The Development of Greek Erotic Mythology (Routledge, 2007), p. 60.
  40. ^ Brenk, Clothed in Purple Light, pp. 102–104, 113, citing Pindar, frg. 129 (edition of Snell); Propertius 4.7.59–62.
  41. ^ Hersch, The Roman Wedding, p. 91, citing Ovid.
  42. ^ Vergil, Aeneid 6.884 and 9.434–437; Brenk, Clothed in Purple Light, pp. 89–90, 112–113.
  43. ^ J.D. Reed, Virgil's Gaze: Nation and Poetry in the Aeneid (Princeton University Press, 2007), p. 22.
  44. ^ Claudian, De rapto Proserpina 2.92–93: sanguineo splendore rosas.
  45. ^ Rosenmeyer, The Poetics of Imitation, pp. 211–212.
  46. ^ J.M.C. Toynbee, Death and Burial in the Roman World (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1971, 1996), pp. 62–63; Regina Gee, "From Corpse to Ancestor: The Role of Tombside Dining in the Transformation of the Body in Ancient Rome," in The Materiality of Death: Bodies, Burials, Beliefs, Bar International Series 1768 (Oxford, 2008), pp. 59–68.
  47. ^ Toynbee, Death and Burial in the Roman World, p. 63.
  48. ^ Toynbee, Death and Burial in the Roman World, p. 37.
  49. ^ Toynbee, Death and Burial in the Roman World, pp. 97–98; Claire Holleran, Shopping in Ancient Rome: The Retail Trade in the Late Republic and the Principate (Oxford University Press, 2012), p. 119; John S. Kloppenborg and Richard S. Ascough, Greco-Roman Associations: Texts, Translations, and Commentary. I: Attica, Central Greece, Macedonia, Thrace (Walter de Gruyter, 2011), vol. 1, p. 327 (in regard to bequests made to associations, who might use surplus profit to benefit the membership).
  50. Whitsuntide
    , with a citation of Gail Kligman, Căluş: Symbolic Transformation in Romanian Ritual (University of Chicago Press, 1981), and see also Beza, Paganism in Romanian Folklore, pp. 42–43.
  51. ^ Goody and Poppi, "Flowers and Bones," p. 442.
  52. ^ Carole E. Newlands, Statius. Silvae Book II (Cambridge University Press, 2011), p. 94.
  53. ^ CIL 10.444.
  54. Robert E.A. Palmer
    , "Silvanus, Sylvester, and the Chair of St. Peter," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 122.4 (1978), p. 226.
  55. ^ Vergil, Eclogue 10.25.
  56. ^ Palmer, "Silvanus, Sylvester, and the Chair of St. Peter," p. 226.
  57. ^ Peter F. Dorcey, The Cult of Silvanus: A Study in Roman Folk Religion (Brill, 1992), p. 44.
  58. ^ Dorcey, The Cult of Silvanus, pp. 17, 19, 31, 82.
  59. ^ ILS 8366; Regina Gee, "From Corpse to Ancestor: The Role of Tombside Dining in the Transformation of the Body in Ancient Rome," in The Materiality of Death: Bodies, Burials, Beliefs, Bar International Series 1768 (Oxford, 2008), p. 64.
  60. ^ John F. Donahue, The Roman Community at Table During the Principate (University of Michigan Press, 2004), p. 132.
  61. ^ Donahue, The Roman Community at Table, pp. 129–133.
  62. ^ Kokkinia, "Rosen für die Toten," p. 209.
  63. ^ Steven J. Friesen, Imperial Cults and the Apocalypse of John: Reading Revelation in the Ruins (Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 129.
  64. ^ Friesen, Imperial Cults and the Apocalypse of John, p. 108. The identification of Panemos with a modern month name varies throughout the ancient calendars on which it appears; see Alan E. Samuel, Greek and Roman Chronology: Calendars and Years in Classical Antiquity (C.H. Beck, 1972).
  65. ^ Friesen, Imperial Cults and the Apocalypse of John, p. 112.
  66. ^ Friesen, Imperial Cults and the Apocalypse of John, p. 111.
  67. ^ Paul Trebilco, Jewish Communities in Asia Minor (Cambridge University Press, 1991, 1994 reprint), p. 81; Barbara Levick, The Government of the Roman Empire: A Sourcebook (Routledge, 2000, 2nd ed.), pp. 209–210 (with a date of 85, presumably a typographical error since the date is noted as the eleventh consulship of Domitian). On Stodmenos, see Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World, edited by Richard J. A Talbert (Princeton University Press, 2000), p. 971.
  68. ^ Trebilco, Jewish Communities in Asia Minor, pp. 78–81.
  69. ^ Trebilco, Jewish Communities in Asia Minor, p. 79. The inscription deals with legal titles to property, and unlike Christians at this time, Jews held full rights as Roman citizens to own property.
  70. ^ Trebilco, Jewish Communities in Asia Minor, pp. 80–81. Some Jewish wedding practices, including the wearing of rose crowns by the bridegroom or bride, were also compatible with or assimilated from Imperial society in general; Michael L. Satlow, "Slipping toward Sacrament: Jews, Christians, and Marriage," in Jewish Culture and Society under the Christian Roman Empire (Peeters, 2002), p. 74.
  71. ^ Inscriptiones Graecae X/2 260; Richard S. Ascough, "Paul's 'Apocolypticism' and the Jesus Associations at Thessalonica and Corinth," in Redescribing Paul and the Corinthians (Society of Biblical Literature, 2011), p. 164.
  72. ^ a b Kloppenborg and Ascough, Greco-Roman Associations, p. 373.
  73. ^ Kloppenborg and Ascough, Greco-Roman Associations, p. 325.
  74. ^ Kloppenborg and Ascough, Greco-Roman Associations, pp. 372–374.
  75. ^ Kloppenborg and Ascough, Greco-Roman Associations, pp. 327–329.
  76. ^ Hendrik Wagenvoort, "The Journey of the Souls of the Dead to the Isles of the Blessed," Mnemosyne 24.2 (1971), p. 124; Martin P. Nilsson, "The Bacchic Mysteries of the Roman Age," Harvard Theological Review 46.4 (1953), p. 187.
  77. ^ Beza, Paganism in Romanian Folklore, p. 43.
  78. ^ Kloppenborg and Ascough, Greco-Roman Associations, pp. 327–329.
  79. ^ Karl Kilinski II, Greek Myth and Western Art: The Presence of the Past (Cambridge University Press, 2013), p. 106.
  80. Walter Friedrich Otto
    , Dionysus: Myth and Cult, translated by Robert B. Palmer (Indiana University Press, 1965, originally published 1960 in German), p. 159.
  81. ^ Richard Seaford, Cosmology and the Polis: The Social Construction of Space and Time in the Tragedies of Aeschylus (Cambridge University Press, 2012), pp. 101–102.
  82. Carl Kerenyi
    , Dionysos: Archetypal Image of Indestructable Life (Princeton University Press, 1976), p. 300.
  83. ^ Walter Burkert, Homo Necans p. 214.
  84. ^ Lydus, De mensibus 4.73; Clifford Ando, "The Palladium and the Pentateuch: Towards a Sacred Topography of the Later Roman Empire," Phoenix 55 (2001), p. 400.
  85. ^ Noel Robertson, "Athens' Festival of the New Wine," Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 95 (1993), p. 197ff. Robertson argues that the Anthesteria was not a festival of the dead, and believes those elements have been attributed to it erroneously.
  86. ^ The word for "king" is basileus, an indication that the ceremony evokes a time before Athens was a democracy; Seaford, Cosmology and the Polis, pp. 87–88.
  87. ^ Seaford, Cosmology and the Polis, pp. 85–87, 101, 133, citing Apollodorus, Against Nature 73; Burkert, Greek Religion pp. 109, 164, 239.
  88. ^ Neils, "Children and Greek Religion," in Coming of Age in Ancient Greece, p. 145.
  89. ^ Neils, "Children and Greek Religion," p. 145; John H. Oakley, "Death and the Child," p. 177; Lesley A. Beaumont, "The Changing Face of Childhood," p. 75; and H.A. Shapiro, "Fathers and Sons, Men and Boys," pp. 89, 103, all in Coming of Age in Ancient Greece. See also Burkert, Greek Religion, pp. 237–238.
  90. ^ Beaumont, "The Changing Face of Childhood," p. 75; Oakley, "Death and the Child," p. 177.
  91. ^ Burkert, Homo Necans, p. 226.
  92. ^ Burkert, Greek Religion, pp. 218, 222.
  93. ^ Kerenyi, Dionysos: Archetypal Image of Indestructable Life, p. 364.
  94. ^ Philostratus, Imagines 1.15; Terence Cave, Retrospectives: Essays in Literature, Poetics and Cultural History (Modern Humanities Research Association, 2009), p. 73.
  95. ^ Susan Guettel Cole, "Finding Dionysus," in A Companion to Greek Religion p. 333; Nina da Vinci Nichols, Ariadne's Lives (Associated University Presses, 1995), p. 14 et passim; Zahra Newby, "In the Guise of Gods and Heroes: Portrait Heads on Roman Mythological Sarcophagi," in Life, Death and Representation: Some New Work on Roman Sarcophagi (Walter de Gruyter, 2011), pp. 201–205.
  96. ^ Seneca, Phaedra 769, as noted by Michael Coffey and Roland Mayer, Seneca: Phaedra (Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 159–160; and Hercules Furens 18, as noted by John G. Fitch, Seneca's Hercules Furens: A Critical Text with Introduction and Commentary (Cornell University Press, 1987), pp. 125–126.
  97. Houseman), as noted by Michael Murrin, "Renaissance Allegory from Petrarch to Spenser," in The Cambridge Companion to Allegory (Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 172, with reference to the influence of the passage on Edmund Spenser
    , Faerie Queene 6.10.14.
  98. ^ Janet Huskinson, Roman Children's Sarcophagi: Their Decoration and Its Social Significance (Oxford University Press, 1996), p. 30; Paul Zanker and Björn C. Ewald, Living with Myths: The Imagery of Roman Sarcophagi (Oxford University Press, 2012), p. 102 et passim; Newby, "In the Guise of Gods and Heroes," pp. 201–205.
  99. ^ Vergil, Aeneid 5.77–81; Brenk, Clothed in Purple Light, p. 88.
  100. ^ Nonnus, Dionysiaca 11.241–243; Miguélez-Cavero, Poems in Context, p. 132.
  101. ^ Dominic Perring, "'Gnosticism' in Fourth-Century Britain: The Frampton Mosaics Reconsidered," Britannia 34 (2003), p. 108.
  102. ^ Rina Talgam, "The Ekphrasis Eikonos of Procopius of Gaza: The Depiction of Mythological Themes in Palestine and Arabia during the Fifth and Sixth Centuries," in Christian Gaza in Late Antiquity (Brill, 2004), pp. 223–224.
  103. ^ Brenk, Clothed in Purple Light, p. 87; translation by J.M. Edmonds at theoi.com. Pausanias (6.24.7) also connects roses to the story of Aphrodite and Adonis; Cyprino, Aphrodite, p. 96.
  104. ^ Gina Salapata, "Τριφίλητος Ἄδωνις: An Exceptional Pair of Terra-cotta Arulae from South Italy," in Studia Varia from the J. Paul Getty Museum (Getty Publications, 2001), vol. 2, p. 34; J.P. Massaut, "Mystique rhénane et humanisme chrétien d'Eckhart à Érasme. Continuité, convergence ou rupture?" in The Late Middle Ages and the Dawn of Humanism Outside Italy (Leuven University Press, 1972), p. 128, citing as an example Ausonius, Epistolarum liber 4.49.
  105. H.J. Rose
    , A Handbook to Greek Mythology (Routledge, 1928, 6th ed. 1958, 1964 paperback edition), p. 101.
  106. ^ Robert A. Segal, "Adonis: A Greek Eternal Child," in Myth and the Polis (Cornell University Press, 1991), pp. 64–85.
  107. ^ a b Salapata, "Τριφίλητος Ἄδωνις," p. 35.
  108. ^ Rose, A Handbook to Greek Mythology, p. 101.
  109. ^ Salapata, "Τριφίλητος Ἄδωνις," p. 34.
  110. ^ Salapata, "Τριφίλητος Ἄδωνις," pp. 35–36.
  111. ^ Salapata, "Τριφίλητος Ἄδωνις," p. 36.
  112. ^ Salapata, "Τριφίλητος Ἄδωνις," pp. 38 and 48 (note 138).
  113. ^ Talgam, "The Ekphrasis Eikonos of Procopius," p. 223.
  114. ^ Talgam, "The Ekphrasis Eikonos of Procopius," p. 223; David Westberg, "The Rite of Spring: Erotic Celebration in the Dialexis and Ethiopoiiai of Procopius of Gaza," in Plotting With Eros: Essays on the Poetics of Love and the Erotics of Reading (Museum Tusculanum Press, 2009), p. 189.
  115. ^ Westberg, "The Rite of Spring," in Plotting with Eros, p. 189.
  116. ^ Maria Grazia Lancellotti, Attis, Between Myth and History: King, Priest, and God (Brill, 2002), p.116.
  117. ^ Jaime Alvar, Romanising Oriental Gods: Myth, Salvation and Ethics in the Cults of Cybele, Isis and Mithras, translated by Richard Gordon (Brill, 2008), p. 38.
  118. ^ Lancellotti, Attis, p. 81; Bertrand Lançon, Rome in Late Antiquity (Routledge, 2001), p. 91; Philippe Borgeaud, Mother of the Gods: From Cybele to the Virgin Mary, translated by Lysa Hochroth (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), pp. 51, 90, 123, 164. Scholars are divided as to whether the full program of observances was put in place under Claudius, or gradually expanded until the time of Antoninus Pius: Gary Forsythe, Time in Roman Religion: One Thousand Years of Religious History (Routledge, 2012), p. 88; Alvar, Romanising Oriental Gods, p. 286.
  119. ^ Francisco R. Adrados, Festival, Comedy and Tragedy: The Greek Origins of Theatre, translated by Christopher Holme (Brill, 1975, originally published 1972 in Spanish), p. 395.
  120. ^ Lucretius, De rerum natura 2.627–628.; Hooey, "Rosaliae signorum," p. 27.
  121. ^ Alvar, Romanising Oriental Gods, p. 65; Gasparao, Soteriology, p. 41.
  122. ^ Arnobius of Sicca, Adversus Nationes 6–7, drawing on sources he identifies as "Timotheus, a man not disreputable in matters of theology," and "Valerius the pontifex", possibly Marcus Valerius Messala, the consul of 53 BC and author of a treatise identifying Aion with Janus on the etymological basis of Ia, the name "Violet" in the story of Attis. Summary based on that of Lancelotti, Attis, pp. 3–5; Alvar, Romanising Oriental Gods, pp. 65–67; and Giulia Sfameni Gasparro (combining the versions of Arnobius and Pausanias), Soteriology and Mystic Aspects in the Cult of Cybele and Attis (Brill, 1985), pp. 38–41.
  123. ^ Alvar, Romanising Oriental Gods, p. 64.
  124. ^ Alvar, Romanising Oriental Gods, p. 65.
  125. ^ J.N. Adams, entry on sinus (muliebris), The Latin Sexual Vocabulary (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982), pp. 90–91. In Pausanias, the impregnating edible is an almond, with the almond tree playing a role later in the version of Arnobius; Gasparro, Soteriology, p. 38.
  126. ^ Vern G. Swanson, John William Godward: The Eclipse of Classicism (Antique Collectors Club Limited, 1997), p. 65; Rosemary J. Barrow, The Use of Classical Art and Literature by Victorian Painters, 1860–1912: Creating Continuity With the Traditions of High Art (Mellen Research University Press, 2007), p. 39.
  127. polemical
    emphasis".
  128. ^ Alvar, Romanising Oriental Gods, p. 275.
  129. ^ Lancellotti, Attis, pp. 89–90, 138ff. et passim; Jan N. Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Near East (Brill, 2008), pp. 294–296, 298.
  130. ^ Ovid, Fasti 2.537–540; Lancellotti, Attis, pp. 90–91; Gasparro, Soteriology, p. 42. Lancellotti emphasizes the non-cyclical permanence of Attis's death (p. 138) marked by rituals that recall funeral cult.
  131. ^ Michele Renee Salzman, On Roman Time: The Codex Calendar of 354 and the Rhythms of Urban Life in Late Antiquity (University of California Press, 1990), pp. 166–167.
  132. ^ Salzman, On Roman Time, p. 167; Lancellotti, Attis, pp. 82 and 90.
  133. ^ Sallustius, Peri Theōn 4.10, as cited by Alvar, Romanising Oriental Gods, p. 277.
  134. ^ Macrobius, Saturnalia 1.21.10; Forsythe, Time in Roman Religion, p. 88.
  135. ^ Tertullian, Adversus Iudaeos 8; Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 2.1; Forsythe, Time in Roman Religion, p. 88; Salzman, On Roman Time, p. 168.
  136. ^ Damascius, Vita Isidori excerpta a Photio Bibl. (Cod. 242), edition of R. Henry (Paris, 1971), p. 131; Salzman, On Roman Time, p. 168.
  137. ^ Alvar, Romanising Oriental Gods, pp. 277, 286–287. The Lavatio is mentioned by Ovid in the Augustan period, and other literary references indicate it was "well established" by the Flavian period; Forsythe, Time in Roman Religion, p. 89.
  138. ^ Specifically at the Gaianum, near the Phrygianum sanctuary associated with Cybele; Salzman, On Roman Time, pp. 165, 167. Lawrence Richardson, A New Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), p. 180, suggests that Initium Caiani might instead refer to the "entry of Gaius" (Caligula) into Rome on March 28, 37 AD, when he was acclaimed as princeps. The Gaianum was a track used by Caligula for chariot exercises. Salzman (p. 169) sees the Gaianum as a site alternative to the Phrygianum, access to which would have been obstructed in the 4th century by the construction of St. Peter's.
  139. ^ Gasparro, Soteriology, pp. 44–45; H.S. Versnel, Inconsistencies in Greek and Roman Religion: Transition and Reversal in Myth and Ritual (Brill, 1993, 1994), vol. 2, p. 154.
  140. Hittite
    new year festival in the spring.
  141. ^ Gasparro, Soteriology, p. 48.
  142. ^ Hooey, "Rosaliae signorum," p. 27.
  143. Late Antiquity
    (p. 268).
  144. Italian humanist Paulus Marsus
    noted that "Atys castrated means nothing other than the flower that falls before the fruit"; Rebecca Zorach, Blood, Milk, Ink, Gold: Abundance and Excess in the French Renaissance (University of Chicago Press, 2005), p. 72.
  145. Homeric Hymn to Demeter, one of the earliest treatments of the myth. Ovid places Proserpina among violets and lilies at Metamorphoses 5.332, and dwells on the abundance and variety of flowers—with the rose the favored choice of the attendant nymphs
    —in his treatment of the same myth for the month of April at Fasti 4.429–442. Claudian, De raptu Proserpina 2.92–93, lists roses, hyacinths and violets.
  146. ^ Mircea Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion, translated by Rosemary Sheed (University of Nebraska Press, 1996, translation originally published in 1958), p. 302.
  147. ^ Hooey, "Rosaliae signorum," pp. 27–28.
  148. ^ Lucinda Dirven, The Palmyrenes of Dura-Europos: A Study of Religious Interaction in Roman Syria (Brill, 1999), pp. 184–185; Nigel Pollard, Soldiers, Cities, and Civilians in Roman Syria (University of Michigan Press, 2000), pp. 143 (especially note 126), 146.
  149. ^ Duncan Fishwick, "Dated Inscriptions and the Feriale Duranum," in Syria 65 (1988), p. 356; Douglas W. Geyer, Fear, Anomaly, and Uncertainty in the Gospel of Mark (Scarecrow Press, 2002), p. 138, citing R.O. Fink, A.S. Hooey, and W.S. Snyder, "The Feriale Duranum," Yale Classical Studies 7 (1940), p. 115. Stefan Weinstock, "A New Greek Calendar and Festivals of the Sun," Journal of Roman Studies 38 (1948), p. 38, gives the date as May 10. Steven K. Drummond and Lynn H. Nelson, The Western Frontiers of the Imperial Rome (M.E. Sharpe, 1994), p. 203, place it on May 9.
  150. ^ Michael Lipka, Roman Gods: A Conceptual Approach (Brill, 2009), p. 43.
  151. Kalends
    of June.
  152. ^ Macrobius, Saturnalia 1.12.33.
  153. ^ In the conjecture of Wissowa; William Warde Fowler, The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic (London, 1908), p 131. Fowler is cautious about over-interpreting the evidence to characterize all these occasions as "rites of the dead".
  154. ^ Salzman, On Roman Time, pp. 92, 122, 127; Macrobius, Saturnalia 1.12.33.
  155. ^ CIL 3.3893; Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 131.
  156. ^ Fishwick, "Dated Inscriptions and the Feriale Duranum," pp. 351–352.
  157. ^ CIL 13.6681; Fishwick, "Dated Inscriptions and the Feriale Duranum," p. 356.
  158. ^ CIL 7.1030 is an example of such a dedication from Roman Britain: Drummond and Nelson, The Western Frontiers of Imperial Rome, p. 214; G.R. Watson, The Roman Soldier (Cornell University Press, 1969, 1985), p. 130.
  159. ^ Hooey, "Rosaliae signorum," p. 19; Pat Southern, The Roman Army: A Social and Institutional History (Oxford University Press, 2006), p. 161; Brian Campbell, The Roman Army, 31 BC–AD 337: A Sourcebook (Routledge, 1994), n.p.
  160. ^ Hooey, "Rosaliae signorum," p. 17; Graham Webster, The Roman Imperial Army: Of the First and Second Centuries A.D. (University of Oklahoma Press, 1979, 3rd ed. 1998), p. 133.
  161. ^ Allen Brent, Cyprian and Roman Carthage (Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 182.
  162. ^ Pliny, Natural History 13.3.23; Suetonius, Claudius 13; Hooey, "Rosaliae signorum," pp. 17–19; Webster, The Roman Imperial Army, pp. 106 (note 16) and 133.
  163. ^ Hooey, "Rosaliae signorum," pp. 18 and 32, citing Claudian 10.187–188 and 295–297.
  164. ^ Webster, The Roman Imperial Army, p. 106, citing Suetonius, Claudius 13.
  165. Minucius Felix
    29.6–7; p. 206
  166. ^ Hooey, "Rosaliae signorum," pp. 23–25.
  167. ^ Silius Italicus, Punica 6.113–116; Charles W. King, "The Roman Manes: The Dead as Gods," in Rethinking Ghosts in World Religions (Brill, 2009), p. 112.
  168. ^ Hooey, "Rosaliae signorum," pp. 23–26, 32–35. Webster, The Roman Imperial Army, p. 150, accepts Hooey's "carnival" interpretation.
  169. ^ William Seston, "Feldzeichen," in Scripta Varia. Mélanges d'histoire romaine, de droit, d'épigraphie et d'histoire du christianisme (Publications de l'École française de Rome, 1980), p. 273.
  170. ^ Jörg Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine: Time, History, and the Fasti, translated by David M.B. Richardson (Wiley-Blackwell, 2011, originally published in German 1995), pp. 28–29; Pat Southern, The Roman Army: A Social and Institutional History (Oxford University Press, 2006), p. 159.
  171. ^ Southern, The Roman Army, p. 159; Yann Le Bohec, The Imperial Roman Army (Routledge, 2001, originally published 1989 in French), p. 50; Webster, The Roman Imperial Army, p. 140.
  172. ^ Salzman, On Roman Time,, pp. 166–167. Alvar, Romanising Oriental Gods, p. 73, cites Julian, Oratio 5.169c, on the sounding of trumpets after the castration of Attis.
  173. ^ The Salii identified with the Kouretes by Dionysius of Halicarnassus 2.70–71 (see also Catullus 63, who attributes the tripudium dance of the Salii to the ecstatic followers of Cybele and Attis); Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, p. 296.
  174. ^ Tacitus, Annales 1.28; Southern, The Roman Army, p. 159; Rüpke, The Roman Calendar, p. 28, especially note 44.
  175. ^ Rüpke, The Roman Calendar, p. 28, citing Juvenal 6.442–443 and Livy 26.5.9.
  176. ^ Rüpke, The Roman Calendar, p. 28. Rüpke argues that the Tubilustrium continued to be monthly, with the likely exception of February—a month already largely consumed with the care of the dead—but in other months its spot on calendars was overwritten by festivals that doubled up on the date.
  177. ^ Webster, The Roman Imperial Army, p. 134.
  178. ^ Versnel, Inconsistencies in Greek and Roman Religion, pp. 311–312, 321; Jörg Rüpke, Domi Militiae: Die Religiöse Konstruktion des Krieges in Rom (Franz Steiner, 1990), pp. 144–146.
  179. ^ Brent, Cyprian and Roman Carthage, pp. 144, 149, 172–174, 182–183, 188, 191–197, 218–219, 227, 244, 248 (describing the principles of imperial supplicationes in regard to the universal supplicatio of Decius and the pax deorum).
  180. ^ Salzman, On Roman Time, p. 112.
  181. ^ Salzman, On Roman Time p. 98.
  182. ^ a b Salzman, On Roman Time p. 97.
  183. ^ Hooey, "Rosaliae signorum," p. 27, citing Philostratus, Epigram 55.
  184. ^ Anthologia Palatina 9.580.4, as cited by Hooey, "Rosaliae signorum," p. 27: εἰμὶ ῥόδων γενέτης (eimi rhodōn genetēs).
  185. ^ H.H.J. Brouwer, Bona Dea: The Sources and a Description of the Cult (Brill, 1989), pp. 232, 354; Macrobius, Saturnalia 1.12.16–33. These identifications probably reflect the influence of Varro, who tended to see a great number of goddesses as ultimately representing Terra.
  186. ^ Hooey, "Rosaliae signorum," p. 27, note 57, citing the Acta Fratrum Arvalium.
  187. H.H. Scullard
    , Festivals and Ceremonies of the Roman Republic (Cornell University Press, 1981), pp. 110–111, 115–116.
  188. ^ Salzman, On Roman Time, pp. 97–99; Holleran, Shopping in Ancient Rome, pp. 58, 119, 208–210.
  189. ^ Holleran, Shopping in Ancient Rome, p. 210.
  190. ^ Macellus rosas sumat: Phillips, Oxford Classical Dictionary, p. 1335.
  191. ^ Salzman, On Roman Time, pp. 97–99.
  192. ^ Ovid, Fasti 5.228 (de quorum per me volnere surgit honor); Carole E. Newlands, Playing with Time: Ovid and the Fasti (Cornell University Press, 1995), p. 110; Hersch, The Roman Wedding, p. 91.
  193. ^ Hersch, The Roman Wedding, p. 91.
  194. ^ Hersch, The Roman Wedding, pp. 46–47 and 90, citing Macrobius, Saturnalia 1.16.18, noting that the Lemuria and the procession of the Argei, which even the Romans themselves regarded as obscure and dauntingly archaic, endowed the entire month with an uneasy feeling.
  195. ^ Feriale Capuanum (387 AD): III id. mai(as) Rosaria Amphitheatri; Salzman, On Roman Time p. 98.
  196. ^ Nicole Belayche, "Pagan Festivals in Fourth-Century Gaza," p. 17, citing Chorichius, and Talgam, "The Ekphrasis Eikonos of Procopius," pp. 223–224, both in Christian Gaza in Late Antiquity.
  197. ^ Not the historian.
  198. ^ Westberg, "The Rite of Spring," in Plotting with Eros, p. 189: ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῶν ῥόδων; Talgam, "The Ekphrasis Eikonos of Procopius," p. 223.
  199. ^ Robin M. Jensen, "Christian Art," in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome (Oxford University Press, 2010), p. 93.
  200. ^ Gillian MacKie, "Symbolism and Purpose in an Early Christian Martyr Chapel: The Case of San Vittore in Ciel d'Oro, Milan," Gesta 34.2 (1995), pp. 93–94.
  201. ^ Patricia Cox Miller, "'The Little Blue Flower Is Red': Relics and the Poeticizing of the Body," Journal of Early Christian Studies 8.2 (2000), p. 228.
  202. ^ Paulinus of Nola, Carmen 14.110–116 = CSEL 30:50, as cited by Miller.
  203. ^ MacKie, "Symbolism and Purpose in an Early Christian Martyr Chapel," pp. 93–95.
  204. ^ Miller, The Corporeal Imagination, p. 205.
  205. ^ Miller, The Corporeal Imagination, pp. 75–76, quoting Jill Ross.
  206. ^ John D. Miller, Beads and Prayers: The Rosary in History and Devotion (Burns & Oats, 2002), pp. 166–167.
  207. ^ Ronald Lightbown, Carlo Crivelli (Yale University Press, 2004), p. 268.
  208. ^ Miller, The Corporeal Imagination, p. 75, citing the Passio Mariani et Iacobi.
  209. ^ Ambrose, Expositio in Lucam 7.128 (=PL 15, col. 1821), as noted by Clare Stancliffe, "Red, White and Blue Martyrdom," in Ireland in Early Mediaeval Europe. Studies in memory of Kathleen Hughes (Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 32; Lightbown, Carlo Crivelli, p. 268.
  210. ^ Lightbown, Carlo Crivelli, p. 269.
  211. ^ Ambrose, On Virgins 4.17; Boniface Ramsey, Ambrose (Routledge, 1997), pp. 110 and 223, note 40.
  212. CSEL
    55, p. 349, as cited by Stancliffe, "Red, White and Blue Martyrdom," pp. 30–31.
  213. ^ Dante, Paradiso 13.13–15, as noted by Robert Hollander and Jean Hollander, Dante: Paradiso (Anchor Books, 2007), p. 353.
  214. development of the rosary, preferred the term "psalter
    ".
  215. ^ John J. Delaney, Dictionary of Saints (Random House, 2005), p. 656.
  216. ^ Stephen Wilson, "Cults of Saints in the Churches of Central Paris," in Saints and Their Cults: Studies in Religious Sociology, Folklore, and History (Cambridge University Press, 1983), p. 242.
  217. ^ A Glossary of Ecclesiastical Terms, edited by Orby Shipley (London, Oxford and Cambridge, 1872), pp. 99–100.
  218. ^ Richard Griffiths, Pen and the Cross: Catholicism and English Literature 1850–2000 (Continuum, 2010), p. 39.
  219. ^ Charlene Spretnak, Missing Mary: The Queen of Heaven and Her Re-emergence in the Modern Church (Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), pp. 222–223; Lorraine Kochanske Stock, "Lords of the Wildwood: The Wild Man, the Green Man, and Robin Hood," in Robin Hood in Popular Culture: Violence, transgression, and justice (D.S. Brewer, 2000), pp. 242, 245–247; J. Miller, Beads and Prayers, pp. 166–167.
  220. ^ Ambrose, De virginibus 3, noted by Winston-Allen, Stories of the Rose, p. 88.
  221. ^ Sedulius, Paschale carmen, as cited by Winston-Allen, Stories of the Rose, p. 88.
  222. ^ Lightbown, Carlo Crivelli, p. 268.
  223. ^ Timothy Matovina, Latino Catholicism: Transformation in America's Largest Church (Princeton University Press, 2012), p. 175.
  224. ^ Juliana Flinn, Mary, the Devil, and Taro: Catholicism and Women's Work in a Micronesian Society (University of Hawaii Press, 2010), pp. 147–148, 151.
  225. ^ Winston-Allen, Stories of the Rose, pp. 88–89 et passim; J. Miller, Beads and Prayers, p. 166.
  226. Ambrose of Milan
    , on Psalm 118: Cernis Rosam, hoc est dominici corporis sanguineum, as quoted by R.T. Hampson, Medii Aevi Kalendarium, or Dates, Charters, and Customs of the Middle Ages (London,1841), vol. 1, p. 87.
  227. ^ J. Miller, Beads and Prayers, p. 166.
  228. ^ Constance Classen, The Color of Angels: Cosmology, Gender and the Aesthetic Imagination (Routledge, 1998), pp. 36–37.
  229. ^ Lightbown, Carlo Crivelli, p. 269.
  230. ^ Classen, The Color of Angels, p. 37.
  231. ^ Classen, The Color of Angels, pp. 38–39.
  232. ^ Miller, The Corporeal Imagination, p. 73.
  233. ^ Nathan Mitchell, The Mystery of the Rosary: Marian Devotion and the Reinvention of Catholicism (New York University Press, 2009), pp. 25–27.
  234. ^ P.M.J. Rock, "Golden Rose," in The Catholic Encyclopedia (1909), vol. 6, p. 629; Matthew Bunson, Our Sunday Visitor's Encyclopedia of Catholic History (Our Sunday Visitor, 1995, 2004), p. 403.
  235. ^ The station on this fourth Sunday of Lent was at S. Croce in Ierusalemme, and the route took the Pope back to the Lateran Palace, where he presented the rose to the city prefect; H. E. J. Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 1073–1085 (Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 14, citing Benedict, cap. 36, p. 150.
  236. ^ Hampson, Medii Aevi Kalendarium, pp. 342–343.
  237. ^ Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, p. 14, citing Benedict, cap. 61, p. 157
  238. ^ Cristina Mazzoni, Saint Hysteria: Neurosis, Mysticism, and Gender in European Culture (Cornell University Press, 1996), p. 144
  239. ^ F.G. Holweck, entry on "Paschal Tide," The Catholic Encyclopedia (New York, 1911), vol. 11, p. 517
  240. ^ Hampson, Medii Aevi Kalendarium, pp. v and 86–87, also citing the Liber Pollicitus (n. 59, also found as Liber Politicus) of Benedict. See also Johann Herolt, Sermo xxvi, Sermones Discipuli in Quadragesima (Venice, 1599), p. 84; Francesco Antonio Zaccaria, Onomasticum Rituale selectum (1787), p. 122; Sanctissimi domini nostri Benedicti Papae XIV Bullarium (1827), vol. 12, p. 133; Adriano Cappelli, Cronologia, cronografia e calendario perpetuo (Hoepli, 1998), p. 142.
  241. ^ This included "the killing of a bear to symbolize the devil who tempted the flesh, of bullocks to symbolize their pride, and of a cockerel to symbolize their lusts; thus, they might live chastely and soberly, and keep a good Easter": Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, p. 14, citing Benedict, cap. 7(5), p. 172.
  242. ^ Hampson, Medii Aevi Kalendarium, p. 341.
  243. ^ Mazzoni, Saint Hysteria, p. 144.
  244. ^ Gertrud Muller Nelson, To Dance With God: Family Ritual and Community Celebration (Paulist Press, 1986), p. 27
  245. ^ Diana L. Eck, Encountering God: A Spiritual Journey from Bozeman to Banaras (Beacon Press, 1993, 2003), p. 130
  246. ^ Christopher Hill, Holidays and Holy Nights: Celebrating Twelve Seasonal Festivals of the Christian Year (Theosophical Publishing House, 2003), pp. 151–152.
  247. ^ Theodore A. Koehler,"The Christian Symbolism of the Rose", Roses and the Arts: A Cultural and Horticultural Engagement, Central State University, Wilberforce, Ohio, May 8, 1986.[1]
  248. ^ John G.R. Forlong, Encyclopedia of Religions (1906, reprint 2008), vol. 3, p. 205
  249. ^ White, C.A. (1893). "The Pope's Golden Rose". Notes and Queries. 3. London: Oxford University Press: 343.