S. J. V. Chelvanayakam

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Ceylonese Parliament
for Kankesanthurai
In office
1947–1952
Succeeded byS. Natesan
In office
1956–1977
Preceded byS. Natesan
Succeeded byA. Amirthalingam
Personal details
Born(1898-03-31)31 March 1898
Ceylon Law College
ProfessionLawyer

Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Illankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK) and Tamil United Liberation Front
(TULF) and a political leader of the Ceylon Tamil community for more than two decades. Chelvanayakam has been described as a father figure to Ceylon's Tamils, to whom he was known as "Thanthai Chelva" (father Chelva).

Born into an

Supreme Court, which he rejected. As a young lawyer Chelvanayakam was not involved in politics but when the British established the Soulbury Commission to look into constitutional reform in Ceylon he and other Tamil people formed the All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) to represent Tamil interests. He was elected to Parliament in 1947 to represent Kankesanthurai
, a constituency he would represent until his death, except for a period between 1952 and 1956. Chelvanayakam left the ACTC over the party's decision to join the government and in 1949 founded his own party, ITAK, also known as the Federal Party.

Chelvanayakam and ITAK advocated

Tamil United Front (TUF) in 1972 with Chelvanayakam as its leader. TUF was renamed TULF and in 1976, at a convention presided over by Chelvanayakam, passed the Vaddukoddai Resolution calling for the "restoration and reconstitution of the free, sovereign, secular, socialist state of Tamil Eelam
".

Chelvanayakam suffered from

non-violent methods to achieve his political goals, and led several satyagraha campaigns to realise the Tamils' political demands. His methods, however, failed to secure Tamils' rights in the face of opposition from Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists. His belief that the Tamils' political aspirations could be achieved through Parliamentary institutions has been criticised as naive. With his death the era of non-violent protest was replaced by violent militancy
.

Early life and family

Chelvanayakam was born on 31 March 1898 in Ipoh, Malaya.[1][2][3] He was the son of Visvanathan Velupillai, a businessman, and Harriet Annamma Kanapathipillai.[2][4] Velupillai had been a school teacher in Tholpuram in northern Ceylon before migrating to Malaya as a contractor.[5] Chelvanayakam had two brothers (Ernest Velupillai Ponnuthurai and Edward Rajasundaram) and a sister (Atputham Isabel).[5] The family later moved from Ipoh to Taiping.[5]

Malaya had few schools and most of these catered for rich Malays.[2] It was common for expatriate Ceylon Tamils to send their children to schools in Ceylon.[2] Aged four, Chelvanayakam, his mother, his two brothers and his sister were sent to Ceylon for the children's schooling.[2][a] Velupillai remained in Malaya to provide for his family.[5] The family lived in Tellippalai, Harriet's home town, close to Harriet's siblings and their families.[2] Harriet's brother S. K. Ponniah, a Church of England minister, became Chelvanayakam's guide and adviser.[2]

Chelvanayakam was educated at

Prime Minister of Ceylon.[2][10] After graduation Chelvanayakam visited his father in Malaya in 1918[c] shortly before his death.[12][13]

Chelvanayakam married Emily Grace Barr-Kumarakulasinghe (Rathinam), daughter of R. R. Barr-Kumarakulasinghe, in 1927.[1][4][8] The Barr-Kumarakulasinghes were an influential family from Tellippalai who served the Dutch and British administrations in Ceylon.[8] R. R. Barr-Kumarakulasinghe was Maniagar (British appointed administrative chief) for the Valikamam region.[8][14] The Chelvanayakams had four sons (Manoharan, Vaseekaran, Ravindran and Chandrahasan) and a daughter (Susila).[1][8]

Chelvanayakam was a Protestant Christian and a member of the Church of South India (CSI).[15] While studying in Colombo he became a member of the Church of England as the CSI had no presence in the capital.[15] Later, when the CSI established a church in Colombo, Chelvanayakam worshipped there.[15] Though a Christian, Chelvanayakam absorbed many of the values of Hinduism.[15] He claimed he was a Christian by religion and a Hindu by culture.[15]

Education, law and business

After graduating Chelvanayakam started teaching at St. Thomas but resigned when the

Chelvanayakam was part of a syndicate which purchased a controlling stake in the Pettiagalla Estate plantation in Balangoda.[24] He also owned a printing press which, though not profitable, was used to print ITAK's newspaper Suthanthiran (Freedom).[24][25][26]

Political career

All Ceylon Tamil Congress

With the annexation of the

Ceylon's Tamils, led by G. G. Ponnambalam, responded by demanding balanced representation (half of seats in legislature for Sinhalese with the remaining half for the combined minorities).[36][37] When the British appointed Soulbury Commission to look into constitutional reform in 1944, Ceylon's Tamils formed the All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) to represent Tamil interests.[38]

As a young lawyer Chelvanayakam was not involved in politics but when the ACTC was established in 1944 he became one of its principal organisers.[38] Ponnambalam was the ACTC's president and Chelvanayakam was effectively his deputy.[38][39] Chelvanayakam was part of the delegation, led by Ponnambalam, to the Soulbury Commission which argued unsuccessfully for balanced representation.[38] Chelvanayakam stood as the ACTC candidate for Kankesanthurai in the 1947 parliamentary election. He won the election and entered Parliament.[40]

In the 19th and 20th centuries the British recruited large numbers of South Indians, primarily

Illankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK, Federal Party) on 18 December 1949.[6][51][53]

Illankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi

ITAK had four main aims: creation of a

non-violent resistance) against the Sinhala Only Act on Galle Face Green opposite the Parliament.[59] The satyagrahis were attacked by a Sinhalese mob as the police looked on, and ITAK MPs E. M. V. Naganathan and V. N. Navaratnam were thrown in Beira Lake.[60][61][62]

Bandaranaike–Chelvanayakam Pact

Prime Minister of Ceylon
from 1956 to 1959

With escalating discrimination against Tamils and

anti-Tamil riots the Tamil political leadership became convinced that the way forward was to have a separate and sovereign Tamil state.[63] At its fourth annual convention in Trincomalee on 19 August 1956 ITAK passed four resolutions: autonomy for Tamil provinces within a federal structure; equal status for Sinhala and Tamil languages; restoration of citizenship and voting rights for Indian Tamils; and cessation of state-sponsored colonisation of Tamil land.[64][65][66] Chelvanayakam gave Prime Minister S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, leader of the SLFP, until 20 August 1957 to meet ITAK's demands, stating that otherwise a campaign of non-violent civil disobedience would be launched.[65][67] Initially Bandaranaike was indifferent to ITAK's demands but, following campaigns by some parts of the English language media and advice by prominent Ceylonese, entered into negotiations with ITAK in April 1957.[65][68] The Bandaranaike–Chelvanayakam Pact (B-C Pact) was signed on 26 July 1957.[65][68] The pact provided the establishment of regional councils (Draft Regional Council Bill) with powers over specified subjects (e.g. agriculture, colonisation, cooperatives, education, electricity, fisheries, health, housing, industries, lands and land developments, roads, social services and water schemes) and powers of taxation and borrowing; amalgamation and division of regions; and allowing regional councils to allocate land in colonisation schemes to residents from their regions.[69][70] Chelvanayakam wasn't entirely happy with the pact, which he considered an "interim adjustment" towards a federal state.[68]

The B-C Pact was opposed by

Buddhist monks, staged a protest against the B-C pact on Bandaranaike's lawn at Rosemead Place, Colombo demanding abrogation of the pact.[74] Bandaranaike obliged, publicly tearing the pact into pieces.[74]

At its sixth annual convention in

anti-Tamil rioting.[77][78] Bandaranaike blamed ITAK for precipitating the violence and banned the party along with the Jathika Vimukthi Peramuna (National Liberation Front).[79][80][81] ITAK's leaders, including Chelvanayakam, were arrested on 4 June 1958 as they left Parliament and imprisoned.[82] The ITAK leaders were placed under house arrest which meant that Chelvanayakam could not communicate with the public until late 1958 when the detention order was lifted.[20][81]

Chelvanayakam was re-elected in the March 1960 parliamentary election which resulted in a hung parliament.[83][84] The new Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake tried to get ITAK's support for his minority government but refused to give into ITAK's demands to end state-sponsored colonisation of Tamil-majority areas by Sinhalese, regional autonomy and the rights of Indian Tamils.[85] As a result, ITAK started negotiations with the opposition SLFP who agreed to introduce the provisions of the B-C pact as bills in parliament.[86] During the negotiations on forming an alternate stable government Chelvanayakam informed the Governor-General that ITAK would support a SLFP government for a full term and as result the Governor-General dissolved parliament.[86]

Civil disobedience

Chelvanayakam was re-elected in the July 1960 parliamentary election in which the SLFP and its leftist allies achieved a majority in parliament.[87][88] No longer needing ITAK's support in parliament, the SLFP reneged on its pledges to honour the B-C pact and commenced enacting anti-Tamil policies, announcing the full operation of the Sinhala Only Act from January 1961 and using Sinhala in courts of law throughout the country.[88] ITAK launched a campaign of civil disobedience in January 1961, beginning in Jaffna.[88] Chelvanayakam started distributing leaflets outside Jaffna Kachcheri in Old Park urging Tamil civil servants to boycott government offices and cease using Sinhala.[89] The campaign was hugely successful and large crowds, including ITAK MPs, gathered in front of the Kachcheri and staged a protest rally.[89]

Early on the morning of 20 February 1961 dozens of ITAK volunteers staged a satyagraha at the Jaffna Kachcheri.[90][91] Among them were several ITAK MPs including Chelvanayakam.[90] As Government Agent M. Srikantha and Superintendent of Police Richard Arndt tried to leave Old Park in a jeep the protesters blocked their way.[90] The police baton charged the protestors, kicking and dragging them away.[60][90][91] Several protestors, including ITAK MPs A. Amirthalingam, V. Dharmalingam, V. A. Kandiah, E. M. V. Naganathan and K. Thurairatnam were injured.[90] The police fired tear gas to disperse a large crowd that had gathered to watch the satyagraha.[90] At the end of the day Chelvanayakam issued a press statement saying that it was "a great day for the Tamil-speaking people of Ceylon. This was the day we resorted to direct action to win our freedom".[90]

As the civil disobedience campaign spread to other parts of the north-east, Prime Minister

Francis John Gillingham.[94][96] The operation was successful and after a few months recuperating in London Chelvanayakam returned to Ceylon.[96]

The detention order on the ITAK leaders was lifted in October 1961.

devolve powers to districts but following protests from Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists dropped the bill in June 1964.[96] In 1964, as ITAK started preparing for a second civil disobedience campaign, the government started collapsing.[97] As several SLFP MPs defected to the opposition, the government sough ITAK's support but ITAK chose instead to support the opposition and on 3 December 1964 the government was unable to prove its majority in parliament, precipitating an election.[97]

Dudley-Chelvanayakam Pact

Dudley Senanayake, who served as Prime Minister of Ceylon on three occasions

Chelvanayakam was re-elected in the

Communist Party of Ceylon joined the Sinhala nationalist SLFP in propagating this claim.[103]

National government

ITAK joined the UNP-led seven party

backbenchers and was abandoned.[109][17][110]

Tiruchelvam resigned from the government in November 1968 when Senanayake over-ruled Tiruchelvam's decision to appoint a committee to look into declaring

Koneswaram temple, a Hindu sacred area.[111] Senanayake's decision had come after the Buddhist high chief priest of Tammankaduwa had objected to such a declaration, stating that it would result in the area getting "into the hands of those who are neither Sinhalese nor Buddhists".[111] Chelvanayakam informed Senanayake that ITAK would withdraw from the national government.[111] Thereafter ITAK sat as an independent group in Parliament, supporting or opposing the government based on the issue in question.[111]

United Front

Chelvanayakam was re-elected in the 1970 parliamentary election which resulted in the Sinhala nationalist SLFP and its leftist allies winning a large majority in Parliament.[112][113] Sensing that life was going to get even worse for Tamils under the United Front government, Chelvanayakam declared "Only God can help the Tamils".[113][114] Some Tamil youth, who felt that they had no other choice, started resorting to violence.[115] Chelvanayakam, who still commanded respect among Tamil youth, urged them to renounce violence and continue with their education.[115]

Following the 1971 JVP insurrection the United Front started implementing policies aimed at the causes of the insurrection but which further discriminated against Tamils. Jobs and land in the newly nationalised plantations were given to Sinhala youth, to the exclusion of Tamils.[116] Chelvanayakam labelled the nationalisation "highway robbery".[116] The policy of standardisation replaced the merit based system for university entrance with one based on ethnicity, discriminating against Tamil youths.[117]

Using its large majority in Parliament, the United Front government started the process of replacing the "British imposed"

Madras, declared that ITAK would launch a non-violent struggle to agitate for a separate state.[120][121]

Tamil United Front

There was growing resentment amongst Tamils at the monopolisation of political and economic power by the Sinhalese.

promulgated.[127] In October 1972 Chelvanayakam informed the NSA that he was resigning his parliamentary seat and would seek re-election on the issue of the new constitution which he claimed had been rejected by the Tamils.[127][128] The government delayed holding a by-election in Chelvanayakam's constituency, citing the possibility of violence, which resulted in Chelvanayakam being exiled from Parliament for nearly two and half years.[128] Chelvanayakam wrote to Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike on 4 November 1973 stating that the election would be peaceful and that the government's supporters could campaign freely.[129] Bandaranaike did not respond.[129]

In the meantime, Tamil political opinion started shifting as a result of the government's perceived apathy and the Prime Minister's apparent inability to recognise the consequences of the growing ethnic tension in the country.

father of the nation.[131] For his part Chelvanayakam ingrained the concept of a "traditional homeland for the Tamil people" in the mindset of the Tamils.[131] Violence between Tamil militant youth and the government also escalated.[132]

Tamil United Liberation Front

The

S. Thondaman would be the TULF's co-leaders.[131] The TULF held its first national convention in May 1976 in Vaddukoddai and on 14 May 1976, under Chelvanayakam's chairmanship, passed the Vaddukoddai Resolution calling for the "restoration and reconstitution of the free, sovereign, secular, socialist state of Tamil Eelam".[135][136][137] On 19 November 1976, in one of his last speeches in the NSA, Chelvanayakam acknowledged that his quest to obtain the "lost rights of the Tamil speaking people" through federalism had failed.[134][138] "We have abandoned the demand for a federal constitution" he stated, "We know that the Sinhalese people will one day grant our demand and that we will be able to establish a state separate from the rest of the island."[138]

On 21 May 1976 several Tamil politicians (A. Amirthalingam, V. N. Navaratnam, K. P. Ratnam, M. Sivasithamparam and K. Thurairatnam) were delivering leaflets when they were all arrested on government orders.[139][140] Sivasithamparam was released but the others were taken to Colombo and tried for sedition.[139] All the defendants were acquitted on 10 February 1977 after a high-profile trial-at-bar[e] case in which around 70 prominent Tamil lawyers, including Chelvanayakam and G. G. Ponnambalam, acted for the defence.[134][141]

The last years of Chelvanayakam were personally difficult.[142] He had financial problems as a result of the government not paying him compensation for the nationalisation of two plantations in which he had shares.[142] Two of his sons and daughter had moved abroad.[142] He had frequent falls as a result of his Parkinson disease.[142]

In March 1977 the government sought the TULF's support for extending the life of Parliament.

Bishop of Jaffna D. J. Ambalavanar said of Chelvanayakam "like Moses, Mr. Chelvanayagam showed us the promised land, but failed to reach it on his own".[146]

Legacy

Chelvanayakam has been described as a father figure to Ceylon's Tamils, to whom he was known as "Thanthai Chelva" (Father Chelva).

Gandhi for his commitment to using non-violent methods to achieve his political goals.[145][153][154] Critics, however, faulted him for naively believing that the Ceylon Tamils' political demands could be achieved through Parliamentary institutions.[155] While many of Ceylon's political leaders gave up Christianity for reasons of political expediency, Chelvanayakam remained a Christian which led to opponents questioning his right to lead Tamils, the majority of whom were Hindu.[6][156][157]

Chelvanayakam's non-violent methods proved to be ineffective against Sinhalese-Buddhist nationalism and failed to secure Tamils' rights from successive governments.[158][159][160] With his death the era of non-violent protest was replaced by violent militancy.[161]

Electoral history

Electoral history of S. J. V. Chelvanayakam
Election Constituency Party Votes Result
1947 parliamentary[40] Kankesanthurai ACTC 12,126 Elected
1952 parliamentary[54] Kankesanthurai
ITAK
11,571 Not elected
1956 parliamentary[55] Kankesanthurai
ITAK
14,855 Elected
1960 March parliamentary[83] Kankesanthurai
ITAK
13,545 Elected
1960 July parliamentary[87] Kankesanthurai
ITAK
15,668 Elected
1965 parliamentary[98] Kankesanthurai
ITAK
14,735 Elected
1970 parliamentary[112] Kankesanthurai
ITAK
13,520 Elected
1975 parliamentary by[133] Kankesanthurai
TUF
25,927 Elected

Footnotes

  1. ^ According to another source Chelvanayakam's sister died aged two, before the family went to Tellippalai.[5]
  2. ^ Leading schools in colonial Ceylon were called "colleges".[7]
  3. ^ Another sources states that Chelvanayakam visited his father in 1922.[11]
  4. ^ Another sources states Chelvanayakam taught mathematics at Wesley College and was head of the science department.[18]
  5. ^ A trial-at-bar is a trial before three or more judges.
  6. ^ According to another source Chelvanayakam died on 27 March 1977.[142]

Notes

  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i Arumugam, S. (1997). Dictionary of Biography of the Tamils of Ceylon (PDF). London, UK. p. 36.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  2. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Wilson 1994, p. 1.
  3. ^ "Directory of Past Members: Samuel James Velupillai Chelvanayakam". Colombo, Sri Lanka: Parliament of Sri Lanka. Retrieved 3 May 2017.
  4. ^ a b c "Thanthai Chelva remembered on his 31st anniversary". TamilNet. 26 April 2008. Retrieved 3 May 2017.
  5. ^
    PMID 15125406
    .
  6. ^
    The Daily Mirror
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  7. .
  8. ^ a b c d e f g h i Wilson 1994, p. 2.
  9. ^ a b Rajendran 1978, p. 1.
  10. ^ Rajendran 1978, p. 9.
  11. ^ Rajendran 1978, p. 15.
  12. ^ Wilson 1994, p. 5.
  13. ^ Rajendran 1978, p. 20.
  14. ^ Arumugam, S. (1997). Dictionary of Biography of the Tamils of Ceylon (PDF). London, UK. p. 25.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  15. ^ a b c d e Wilson 1994, p. 4.
  16. ^ Rajendran 1978, pp. 9–10.
  17. ^ a b c d e Vivekananthan, C. V. (30 March 2008). "Tamil language provisions, provincial councils and 16th Amendment". The Nation. Colombo, Sri Lanka. Retrieved 3 May 2017.
  18. ^ Rajendran 1978, pp. 28–29.
  19. ^ Rajendran 1978, pp. 4–5.
  20. ^ a b Rajendran 1978, p. 10.
  21. ^ Rajendran 1978, p. 5.
  22. ^ Rajendran 1978, p. 30.
  23. ^ Wilson 1994, pp. 6–7.
  24. ^ a b Rajendran 1978, p. 4.
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  65. ^ a b c d Wilson 2000, p. 85.
  66. ^ ITAK 2000, p. 244.
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  68. ^ a b c Wilson 1994, p. 86.
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  74. ^ a b Wilson 1994, p. 88.
  75. ^ Wilson 2000, p. 89.
  76. ^ ITAK 2000, p. 256.
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  85. ^ Wilson 1994, pp. 91–92.
  86. ^ a b Wilson 1994, p. 93.
  87. ^ a b "Result of Parliamentary General Election 1960-07-20" (PDF). Colombo, Sri Lanka: Election Commission of Sri Lanka. Retrieved 3 May 2017.
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  90. ^ a b c d e f g Sabaratnam, T. (1996). The Murder of a Moderate: Political Biography of Appapillai Amirthalingam. Dehiwela, Sri Lanka: Nivetha Publishers. pp. 121–122.
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  116. ^ a b Wilson 1994, p. 121.
  117. ^ Wilson 1994, pp. 121–122.
  118. ^ a b c Wilson 1994, p. 116.
  119. ^ a b c d Wilson 1994, p. 124.
  120. ^ Wilson 1994, pp. 117–118.
  121. ^ Sabaratnam, T. (1996). The Murder of a Moderate: Political Biography of Appapillai Amirthalingam. Dehiwela, Sri Lanka: Nivetha Publishers. p. 206.
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References

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