Samora Machel
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President of Mozambique | |
---|---|
In office 25 June 1975 – 19 October 1986 | |
Prime Minister | Mário da Graça Machungo (Jul–Oct 1986) |
Preceded by | Office established |
Succeeded by | Joaquim Chissano |
President of the Mozambique Liberation Front | |
In office 14 May 1970 – 19 October 1986 | |
Vice President | Marcelino dos Santos (1970–1977) |
Preceded by | Eduardo Mondlane |
Succeeded by | Joaquim Chissano |
Personal details | |
Born | Samora Moisés Machel 29 September 1933 Transvaal, South Africa |
Political party | FRELIMO |
Spouses | |
Children | 8 including Josina |
Samora Moisés Machel (29 September 1933 – 19 October 1986) was a
Machel died in office in 1986 when his presidential aircraft crashed near the Mozambican-South African border.
Early life
Machel was born in the village of Madragoa (today's Chilembene), Gaza Province, Mozambique, to a family of farmers. His grandfather had been an active collaborator of Gungunhana. Under Portuguese rule, his father, like most Black Mozambicans, was classified by the demeaning term "indígena" (native). He was forced to accept lower prices for his crops than White farmers; compelled to grow labour-intensive cotton, which took time away from the food crops needed for his family; and forbidden to brand his mark on his cattle to prevent thievery. However, Machel's father was a successful farmer: he owned four plows and 400 head of cattle by 1940. Machel grew up in this farming village and attended mission elementary school. In 1942, he was sent to school in the town of Zonguene in Gaza Province. The school was run by Catholic missionaries who educated the children in Portuguese language and culture. Although having completed the fourth grade, Machel never completed his secondary education. However, he had the prerequisite certificate to train as a nurse anywhere in Portugal at the time, since the nursing schools were not degree-conferring institutions.[citation needed]
Machel started to study nursing in the capital city of Lourenço Marques (today
Independence struggle
Part of a series on |
Marxism–Leninism |
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Machel was attracted to anti-colonial ideals and began his political activities in the Miguel Bombarda hospital in
In Dar es Salaam, Machel volunteered for military service, and was one of the second group of FRELIMO guerrillas sent for training in Algeria. Back in Tanzania, he was put in charge of FRELIMO's own training camp, at
Frelimo's founder and first president, Eduardo Mondlane, was assassinated by a parcel bomb on February 3, 1969. His deputy, Rev Uria Simango, expected to take over – but instead the FRELIMO Executive Committee appointed a presidential triumvirate, consisting of Simango, Machel and veteran nationalist and poet Marcelino dos Santos. Simango soon broke ranks, and denounced the rest of the FRELIMO leadership in the pamphlet “Gloomy Situation in Frelimo”.[7] This led to Simango's expulsion from the liberation front, and the election, in 1970, of Machel as Frelimo President, with dos Santos as Deputy President.
Like the late Mondlane, Machel identified himself with Marxism–Leninism, and under his leadership these positions became central to FRELIMO, which evolved from a broad front into a more Marxist party.[8]
The new commander of the Portuguese army in Mozambique, Gen. Kaúlza de Arriaga, boasted that he would eliminate FRELIMO in a few months. He launched the largest offensive of Portugal's colonial wars, Operation Gordian Knot, in 1970, concentrating on what was regarded as the FRELIMO heartland of Cabo Delgado in the far north. Kaúlza de Arriaga boasted of destroying a large number of guerrilla bases – but since such a base was just a collection of huts, the military significance of such supposed victories was dubious. Machel reacted by shifting the focus of the war elsewhere, stepping up FRELIMO operations in the western province of Tete. This was where a massive dam was being built at Cahora Bassa, on the Zambezi, to sell electricity to South Africa. Fearful that FRELIMO would attack the dam site, the Portuguese set up three concentric rings of defence around Cahora Bassa. This denuded the rest of Tete province of troops, and in 1972 FRELIMO crossed the Zambezi, striking further and further south. By 1973, FRELIMO units were operating in Manica and Sofala Province and began to hit the railway from Rhodesia to Beira, causing panic among the settler population of Beira, who accused the Portuguese army of not doing enough to defend white interests.[9]
The end came suddenly. On April 25, 1974, Portuguese officers, tired of fighting three unwinnable wars in Africa, overthrew the government in Lisbon. The coup was almost bloodless. Nobody came onto the streets to defend Prime Minister Marcelo Caetano. Within 24 hours, the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) was in full control of Portugal.
Independence
Frelimo's immediate warning was that there was no such thing as democratic colonialism, and that nobody should imagine that Mozambicans would tolerate Portuguese rule just because there had been a change of government in Lisbon. Frelimo's fears were well-founded. The MFA allowed General António de Spínola to become the first post-coup President. He had been commander of the Portuguese forces in Guinea-Bissau, then Portuguese Guinea, and was believed to be deeply implicated in the assassination of the Guinean nationalist leader, Amílcar Cabral.
Spinola had no intention of letting
Initial discussions between Frelimo and the new Portuguese government, held in Lusaka in June 1974, proved fruitless. It was clear to Machel that the Portuguese foreign minister, Socialist Party leader Mário Soares, had no power to negotiate independence. So Machel sent one of his top advisers, Aquino de Bragança, to Lisbon to find out who really held power in Portugal. His answer was that Frelimo should really be talking to the MFA, particular to military intellectuals such as Col. Ernesto Melo Antunes, whose power was on the rise, as that of Spinola waned.
Machel refused to give the Portuguese the ceasefire they wanted. For as long as there was no commitment to Mozambican independence, the war would continue. Frelimo re-opened its front in Zambezia province, and stepped up operations throughout the war zone. There was little resistance. Following the collapse of the Caetano government, rank and file Portuguese soldiers saw little point in continuing to fight, preferring to stay in their barracks.[11]
More serious talks between the Lisbon government and Frelimo ensued, and this time the MFA played a dominant role. The result was an agreement, signed in Lusaka on September 7, 1974, which agreed to transfer full power to Frelimo with the date for independence set for June 25, 1975. That day there was a short-lived settler revolt against the agreement, put down within a day by Portuguese and Frelimo troops acting jointly. A transitional government was set up, containing ministers appointed by both Frelimo and Portugal, but headed by Frelimo's Joaquim Chissano as Prime Minister. Machel continued to run Frelimo from Tanzania. He returned home triumphantly, in a journey "from the Rovuma to the Maputo" (the rivers marking the northern and southern boundaries of the country), in which he addressed rallies in every major population centre in the country.
The journey was interrupted at the beach resort of Tofo, in Inhambane Province, for a meeting of the Frelimo Central Committee, which drew up Mozambique's first Constitution. This gave the outline of the one-party, socialist state which Frelimo intended to establish. Frelimo was constitutionally the leading force in Mozambican society, and the President of Frelimo would automatically be President of Mozambique.[12] On June 25, 1975, Machel proclaimed "the total and complete independence of Mozambique and its constitution into the People's Republic of Mozambique". This, he said, would be "a state of People's Democracy, in which, under the leadership of the worker-peasant alliance, all patriotic strata commit themselves to the destruction of the sequels of colonialism, and to annihilate the system of exploitation of man by man".[13]
Machel's government moved quickly to bring key areas under state control. All land was nationalized – individuals and institutions could not hold land, but leased it from the state. On July 24, 1975, just a month after independence, all health and education institutions were nationalized.[14] National health and education services were set up, and all private schools and clinics were abolished. The Catholic Church immediately lost the privileged position it had held in these areas. On February 3, 1976, the government nationalized all rented housing. “Landlords? What do we want landlords for in our country for?”, asked Machel at the rally announcing the measure. Private ownership of houses was not banned. Anyone, Mozambican or foreign, could own a house for their own use - but building private property for rent was forbidden. This changed the face of Mozambican cities – black Mozambicans moved from the suburbs into blocks in the centre of the cities, occupying houses and flats, once owned by Portuguese landlords, and many of which had now been abandoned.
In February 1977, at its 3rd Congress, Frelimo declared that it was now a Marxist–Leninist party, dedicated to the building of socialism, based on the “worker-peasant alliance”. The Congress re-elected Machel as President of Frelimo, and thus automatically as President of the Republic.
Frelimo was reorganized into celulas (“branches”) throughout the county. The party was to be a Leninist vanguard, and state institutions, at whatever level, were to be subordinate to the party. In 1978 elections were held. Since this was a one-party state, there was no organized opposition. Instead, candidates were presented by Frelimo at meetings – and were sometimes rejected when people complained of offences ranging from wife-beating and drunkenness to acting as an informer for the PIDE during the colonial government.
Frelimo faced a hostile environment, with the white minority governments of Ian Smith's Rhodesia and apartheid South Africa on Mozambique's borders. In March 1976, Machel's government implemented United Nations sanctions against the Smith government, and closed the borders with Rhodesia. In retaliation, Smith's Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) recruited dissatisfied Mozambicans and former Portuguese settlers and helped set up an anti-Frelimo movement. Initially this “Mozambique National Resistance” operated as an auxiliary branch of the Rhodesian armed forces. Frelimo dismissed them as “armed bandits”.[15]
As part of the measures accompanying the new Frelimo government, Machel introduced "reeducation centers" in which petty criminals, political opponents, and alleged anti-social elements such as prostitutes were imprisoned, often without trial. These were later described by foreign observers as "infamous centers of torture and death."[16] It is estimated that 30,000 inmates died in these camps.[17]
Rhodesian Bush War
Frelimo had longstanding links with Zimbabwean nationalist movements. Even during the independence war, guerrillas of ZANLA (Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army), the armed wing of ZANU (Zimbabwe African National Union), were able to operate from Frelimo-held areas in Tete province into northern areas of Rhodesia. After the implementation of the UN sanctions against the Rhodesian government, the entire length of the border was now available for nationalist incursions into Rhodesia.
ZANU leader Robert Mugabe, released from Salisbury Prison, Rhodesia in 1974, made his way into Mozambique the following year. Initially, Machel was suspicious of the apparent coup within ZANU that had brought Mugabe to power, and he was effectively rusticated to the central city of Quelimane, where he taught English.[18] Tired of the divisions within Zimbabwean nationalism, Machel sponsored an alternative to both ZANU and its rival ZAPU. This was the Zimbabwean People's Army (ZIPA), which took credit for many operations in eastern Zimbabwe, and was enthusiastically promoted by the Mozambican media. But it soon turned out that the dominant force within ZIPA were ZANLA guerrillas who had never abandoned their loyalty to ZANU and to Mugabe.[19]
Machel accepted the reality that the people doing most of the fighting in Zimbabwe were ZANLA. To bring the war to a successful conclusion, Machel embarked on a dual strategy, military and diplomatic. He sent Mozambican units into Zimbabwe to fight alongside ZANU guerrillas, while also insisting that the new British Conservative government, under Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, should resume its responsibilities as the colonial power.[20]
The UK Government hosted a conference at
Machel was fully aware of the dangerous ethnic divisions in Zimbabwe, with ZANU drawing most of its support from the
Civil War
In 1977, a rebel army known as RENAMO launched a rebellion backed by Rhodesia, plunging the country into civil war. Following the collapse of Smith's government, the rebel force began to receive backing from South Africa.[22] The movement was initially known as the RNM (translated into English as MNR), but as from 2003 adopted the acronym Renamo.
During the 1980s, the
Helped by weapons airdropped by the
At the Frelimo Fourth Congress, in April 1983, Frelimo reaffirmed its commitment to Marxism, but admitted economic mistakes, particularly in agriculture.[25] Machel was re-elected President of Frelimo, and once again warmly embraced Oliver Tambo.
But the deteriorating military and economic situation drove Frelimo to give the apartheid government what it said it wanted – a non-aggression pact. On March 16, 1984, on a railway carriage in the non-man's land between South Africa and Mozambique, Machel and South African President P. W. Botha signed the Nkomati Accord on Non-Aggression and Good Neighbourliness. The deal expressed in the agreement was extremely simple – South Africa would drop its support for Renamo in exchange for Mozambique dropping support for the ANC.[26]
Machel only partially honoured commitments to expel various ANC members from his territory. South African support for Renamo did not stop – massive shipments of arms were airlifted to Renamo immediately prior to the Accord, and a senior South African official, Deputy Foreign Minister Louis Nel, even visited the Renamo base at Casa Banana in Gorongosa district, using an airstrip which South Africa had helped Renamo build. In mid-1985, the Mozambican and Zimbabwean armed forces launched a joint offensive to drive Renamo out of Gorongosa. Zimbabwean paratroopers ensured the capture of Casa Banana, but Renamo leader Afonso Dhlakama fled north, and re-established the Renamo HQ in the district of Maringue. Visiting Casa Banana on September 5, Machel was optimistic. "We have broken the back of the snake, but the tail will still thrash around," he said.[27]
But in fact, the war continued, although its focus shifted northwards to
Fatal aircrash and investigations
On 19 October 1986, Machel attended a summit in Mbala, Zambia, called to put pressure on Zairean dictator Mobutu Sese Seko, over his support for the Angolan opposition movement UNITA. The strategy of the Front Line States was to move against Mobutu and Banda in an attempt to end their support for UNITA and Renamo, who they regarded as South African surrogates. Although the Zambian authorities invited Machel to stay in Mbala overnight, he insisted on returning to Maputo. He had a meeting scheduled for the following morning at which he intended to reshuffle the leadership of the armed forces. Machel thus overrode the instruction from the Security Ministry that the President should not travel at night – with fatal consequences. The plane never reached Maputo. That night it crashed into a hillside at Mbuzini, just inside South Africa. Machel and 33 others died. Nine people sitting at the back of the plane survived.[29]
The Margo Commission, set up by the South African government, but which included high-level international representation,[citation needed] investigated the incident and concluded that the accident was caused by pilot error.[30] Despite the acceptance of its findings by the International Civil Aviation Organization, the report was rejected by the Mozambican and Soviet governments. The latter submitted a minority report suggesting that the aircraft was intentionally lured off course by a decoy radio navigation beacon set up specifically for this purpose by the South Africans. Speculation about the accident has therefore continued to the present day, particularly in Mozambique.[31]
Hans Louw, a Civil Cooperation Bureau operative, claims to have helped bring about Machel's death.[32][33] Pik Botha, South African foreign affairs minister at the time, who later joined the ANC, said that the investigation into the plane crash should be re-opened.[34]
The Portuguese
In 2007, however, Jacinto Veloso, one of Machel's most unconditional supporters within Frelimo, had sustained in his memoirs that Machel's death was due to a conspiracy between the South African and the Soviet secret services, both of which had reasons to get rid of him. According to Veloso, the Soviet ambassador once asked the President for an audience to convey the
Name | Function |
---|---|
Luís Maria de Alcântara Santos | Minister of Transport & Communication |
José Carlos Lobo | Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs |
Fernando Honwana | Special Assistant to the President |
Alberto Cangela de Mendonça | Head of the National Protocol |
Cox. C. Sikumba | Ambassador of the Republic of Zambia |
Tokwalu Batale | Ambassador of the Republic of Zaire |
Aquino de Bragança | Director of the Center for African Studies, University Eduardo Mondlane |
João Tomás Navesse | Deputy Director of the Directorate of Legal & Consular Affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs |
Muradali Mamadhusen | Private Secretary to President |
Ivete Amós | Secretary of the President |
Osvaldo de Sousa | English interpreter of the President |
Bernardino Chiche | French interpreter of the President |
Gulamo Khan | Press Attaché |
Daniel Maquinasse | President's private photographer |
Azarias Inguane | Photographer of Jornal Notícias |
Henriques Bettencourt | Doctor of President |
Ulisses La Rosa Mesa | Personal Doctor of President |
Capitão Parente Manjate | member of staff of the Presidency |
Nacir Charamadame | member of staff of the Presidency |
Adão Gore Nhoca | member of staff of the Presidency |
Eduardo Viegas | member of staff of the Presidency |
Albino Falteira | member of staff of the Presidency |
José Quivanane | member of staff of the Presidency |
Alberto Chaúque | member of staff of the Presidency |
Orlando Garrine | Flight attendant |
Esmeralda Luísa | Flight attendant |
Sofia Arone | Flight attendant |
Ilda Carão | Flight attendant |
Iuri Novdran | Aircraft Commander |
Igor Kartmychev | Flight Engineer |
Amatoli Choulipov | Flight Engineer |
Fernando Nhanquila | Flight Engineer |
Funeral and burial
Machel's state funeral was held in
At the funeral, the acting leader of Frelimo, Marcelino dos Santos, said in a speech: "The shock of your journey from which there is no return still shudders through the body of the entire nation. You fell in the struggle against apartheid… You understood apartheid as a problem for all humanity."[37]
Samora Machel was buried in a star-shaped crypt at Mozambican Heroes' Square, a traffic junction in Maputo.[38]
Marriages and family life
In the late 1950s, when Machel was working as a nurse on Inhaca Island, he met a local girl, Sorita Tchaiakomo, and set up house with her. Their first child, Joscelina, was born on Inhaca in 1958. Idelson (1959) and Olívia (1961) were both born after the family returned to the mainland, where they lived in Mafalala, a suburb of Lourenço Marques. Machel returned to the Miguel Bombarda Hospital and was accepted onto a course of further training. At the hospital he began a relationship with another nurse, Irene Buque. She gave birth to their daughter Ornila in February 1963, three weeks before Machel left Mozambique to join Frelimo. N’tewane, Tchaiakomo's fourth child with Machel, was born that September, six months after Machel had left the country.[39] Later, Machel expressed remorse for what he had come to see as bad behaviour towards Sorita and Irene.[40]
Machel was not married to either Tchaiakomo or Buque. When he joined Frelimo in 1963 it was widely believed that the war for independence would last years, if not decades, and that the chances of Frelimo cadres being reunited with their families in Mozambique were vanishingly small. Josina Abiatar Muthemba, who had been active in the anti-colonial student organisation NESAM, arrived in Tanzania in 1965, on her second attempt to flee Mozambique. In Tanzania she worked first as an assistant to
Machel's second wife, Graça Simbine, joined Frelimo in 1973 after graduating in modern languages from Lisbon University. She worked as a teacher, first in Frelimo-held areas in Cabo Delgado province, and then at the Frelimo school in Tanzania. She became Minister for Education and Culture in newly independent Mozambique. She and Machel were married three months after Independence, in September 1975. In April 1976 a daughter, Josina, was born, and in December 1978 a son, Malengane.[42] At Independence Machel's five older children joined Josina Machel's son Samito in the Presidential household. In 1998, twelve years after Samora Machel's death, Graça Machel married Nelson Mandela, President of South Africa, thus becoming the only woman to have been First Lady of two countries.
International relationships
Samora Machel established a strong relationship with Italy, because of its interest in fighting apartheid and Portuguese colonialism. In particular, the city of Reggio Emilia organized many initiatives to draw Italian attention to the great political problems of southern Africa. On 24 and 25 March 1973, Machel took part in the first "National Conference of solidarity against colonialism and imperialism for freedom and independence of Mozambique, Angola and Guinea Bissau".[43] When Reggio Emilia sent the first solidarity ship "Amanda", Machel welcomed it at the port of Maputo. He said: "Solidarity is not a charity act. It's cooperation, mutual support between peoples striving to reach the same goal. This ship brings peace, it brings the solidarity of the whole Italian people for every population."[44] He returned to visit Reggio Emilia in 1981.
Foreign honours
- Cuba
- Recipient of the Order of José Martí
- Recipient of the Order of Playa Girón
- Italy
- Knight Grand Cross with Collar of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic[45]
- North Korea
- Order of the National Flag, First Class[46]
- Portugal
- Grand Collar of the Order of Prince Henry[47]
- Soviet Union
- Lenin Peace Prize[48]
- Recipient of the Order of Friendship of Peoples[49]
- Tanzania
- Order of the Uhuru Torch of Mount Kilimanjaro, First Class[50]
- East Timor
- Yugoslavia
- Order of the Yugoslav Great Star[52]
Legacy
Eponyms
- Samora Machel Air Force Base in Mbala, Northern Zambia.
- Samora Machel Avenue, in the Dar es Salaam central business district in Tanzania (about 1.75 km)
- Samora Machel Stadium, in Iringa, Tanzania
- Samora Machel
- Samora Machel Avenue, in Gaborone, Botswana
- Samora Machel Avenue, in Harare, Zimbabwe
- Samora Machel Avenue, in Luanda, Angola
- Zambezi River in Tete, Mozambique(762 metres)
- Samora Machel constituency, (formerly Wanaheda constituency in 2003) in Khomas Region, Namibia
- Samora Machel House, residence for female students at the University of Limpopo, Turfloop Campus
- Samora Machel School of Veterinary Medicine, University of Zambia
- Samora Machel Street, in Russian Federation
- Samora Machel Street, in Asokoro, Abuja, Nigeria
- Samora Machel Street, in Utrecht, Netherlands
- Samora Machel Road, in Accra, Ghana[53]
- Samora Machel Park, in Reggio Emilia, Italy
- Samora Machel Avenue, Mbombela (formerly Nelspruit), South Africa
- Samora Machel Street (Formerly Aliwal Street) in Durban, South Africa
Memorial
A memorial at the Mbuzini crash site was inaugurated on January 19, 1999, by Nelson Mandela and his wife Graça, and by President Joaquim Chissano of Mozambique. Now the monument is made professional and the memorial service is held on October 19 each year. Designed by Mozambican architect José Forjaz, at a cost to the South African government of 1.5 million Rand (US$300,000), the monument comprises 35 steel tubes symbolising the number of lives lost in the air crash. At least eight foreigners were killed there, including the four Soviet crew members, Machel's two Cuban doctors and the Zambian and Zairean ambassadors to Mozambique.[54]
There is a large street in downtown Dar es Salaam, the de facto capital of Tanzania, called Samora Avenue. One of the largest streets in Harare, the capital of Zimbabwe, was renamed Samora Machel Avenue (from Jameson Avenue) after independence in a gesture of gratitude for Machel's support for black liberation activities before majority rule. Also, a street in Moscow bears his name and the Zimbabwean band R.U.N.N. family had a hit song that mourned his loss.
Printed sources
- Munslow, Barry (ed.). Samora Machel, An African Revolutionary: Selected Speeches and Writings, London: Zed Books, 1985.
See also
References
- JSTOR 2636927
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- ^ Full text available macua.blogs.com/files/uria-simango-glomy-situation-in-frelimo.doc
- OCLC 30979404
- OCLC 726828235See also Vieira, Sergio, Participei, por isso Testemunho, Maputo 2010
- ^ How Fast the Wind? Southern Africa 1975-2000, Sergio Viera, William Martin, and Immanueal Wallerstein, Africa World Press, 1992, page 19
- OCLC 726828235
- ^ An English translation of the constitution was published in the Frelimo English-language magazine Mozambique Revolution, in 1975. The official Portuguese text is in the first issue of the Mozambican government's official gazette, Boletim da República, 1 Series, no. 1, June 25, 1975,
- ^ The full text of the independence speech can be found in vozdarevolucao.blogspot.co.uk/2009/06/mensagem-da-proclamacao-da.html
- ^ Ron Hallis (director), Joyce Sikakane and Ophera Hallis (producers). Samora Machel Son of Africa (Motion picture). Event occurs at Interview with Samora Machel at 11:30 minutes. Retrieved December 11, 2013.
we nationalised schools and hospitals that were serving the minority; they were institutions or privilege
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- ^ Peter Worthington, "Machel Through Rose-Tinted Specs," Financial Post (Canada), November 1, 1986.
- ^ Geoff Hill, "A Crying Field to Remember," The Star (South Africa), November 13, 2007.
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- ^ Partido Frelimo, Colecção IV Congresso, Maputo, 1983.
- ^ The full text of the agreement, and the speeches made at the ceremony can be found in a collection published by the Mozambican Information Ministry: Pela Paz: Acordo de Nkomati, Maputo, 1984.
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- ^ "Accident description". Aviation Safety Network. Retrieved December 18, 2007.
- ^ "Samora Machel remembered". BBC News. October 19, 2001. Retrieved March 30, 2008.
- ^ "Ex-CCB man in Machel death claim". Daily Dispatch. Retrieved October 6, 2008.
- ^ "A Case of Assassination?" (PDF). University of Cape Town. Archived from the original (PDF) on October 1, 2011. Retrieved October 6, 2008.
- ^ "Probe Samora Machel's death - Pik Botha". Sunday Independent. Retrieved October 6, 2008.
- ^ José Milhazes, Samora Machel: Atentado ou Acidente?, ed. Alêtheia, Lisboa, 2010.
- OCLC 893691382
- ^ a b "Thousands Line Streets for Machel Funeral". Los Angeles Times. October 28, 1986.
- New York Times. October 29, 1986.
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- ^ Martins, Helder, Porque SAKRANI?: Memorias dum Medico duma Guerrilha Esquecida, Maputo, 2001.
- OCLC 475379458; Sopa, Antonio (ed), Samora: Man of the People, Maputo, 2001; LeFanu, Sarah, S is for Samora: A Lexical Biography of Samora Machel and the Mozambican Dream, London, 2012.
- OCLC 53224174
- ^ "Prima "Conferenza nazionale di solidarietà" al Teatro Municipale di Reggio Emilia" (in Italian). Retrieved December 9, 2013.
- ^ "Kitabu, primo quaderno del Tavolo Reggio-Africa" (in Italian). May 20, 2013. Retrieved December 9, 2013.
- ^ "MACHEL SAMORA S.E. Moises decorato di Gran Cordone". PRESIDENZA DELLA REPUBBLICA. Retrieved July 6, 2021.
- ISBN 978-1-134-76625-3.
- ^ "O Presidente Ramalho Eanes (1976-1986) condecora o Presidente Samora Machel de Moçambique de Grande-Colar da Ordem do Infante D. Henrique. Novembro de 1981. MPR". Ordens Honoríficas Portuguesas. Retrieved July 6, 2021.
- ^ "Samora Machel". South African History Online. Retrieved July 8, 2021.
- ^ "Визит президента Народной республики Мозамбик С. М. Машела в СССР. (1981)". NET FILM. Retrieved July 6, 2021.
- ^ FRELIMO Leader Samora Machel Honoured By President Julius Nyerere of Tanzania | May 1975, retrieved December 26, 2022
- ^ "Samora Machel posthumously decorated by Timor-Leste".
- ^ "Јачање сарадње". Borba. 61 (282): 1. October 13, 1983.
- ^ "Samora Machel Road". AfricaLocal.net.
- ^ "Monument for Machel plane crash site", Panafrican News Agency January 5, 1999.
External links
- Samora Machel Archive at marxists.org
- Speech by Nelson Mandela at the unveiling of the Samora Machel Memorial
- The TRC's Special Investigation into the death of President Samora Machel
- A case of assassination? President Samora Machel and the plane crash at Mbuzini Archived October 1, 2011, at the Wayback Machine
- Biographical notes on Samora Machel
- Graça Machel and Mandela
- Historic film essay on Frelimo and Samora Machel's rehabilitation program