Scotland in the High Middle Ages

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Dunnottar Castle in the Mearns occupies one of the best defensive locations in Great Britain. The site was in use throughout the High Middle Ages, and the castle itself dates to the fourteenth century.
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The High Middle Ages of Scotland encompass Scotland in the era between the death of Domnall II in 900 AD and the death of King Alexander III in 1286, which was an indirect cause of the Wars of Scottish Independence.

At the close of the ninth century, various competing kingdoms occupied the territory of modern Scotland.

Kingdom of Northumbria in the southeast and the Pictish and Gaelic Kingdom of Alba in the east, north of the River Forth. By the tenth and eleventh centuries, northern Great Britain was increasingly dominated by Gaelic culture, and by the Gaelic regal lordship of Alba, known in Latin as either Albania or Scotia, and in English
as "Scotland". From its base in the east, this kingdom acquired control of the lands lying to the south and ultimately the west and much of the north. It had a flourishing culture, comprising part of the larger Gaelic-speaking world and an economy dominated by agriculture and trade.

After the twelfth-century reign of

Norse-Gaelic west and the Gaelicisation of many of the noble families of French and Anglo-French origin. National cohesion was fostered with the creation of various unique religious and cultural practices. By the end of the period, Scotland experienced a "Gaelic revival", which created an integrated Scottish national identity. By 1286, these economic, institutional, cultural, religious and legal developments had brought Scotland closer to its neighbours in England and the Continent, although outsiders continued to view Scotland as a provincial, even savage place. By this date, the Kingdom of Scotland
had political boundaries that closely resembled those of the modern nation.

Historiography

G.W.S. Barrow, are concerned with the Norman and Scoto-Norman cultures introduced to Scotland after the eleventh century. For much of the twentieth century, historians tended to stress the cultural change that took place in Scotland during this time.[3] However, scholars such as Cynthia Neville and Richard Oram, while not ignoring cultural changes, argue that continuity with the Gaelic past was just as, if not more, important.[4]

Since the publication of Scandinavian Scotland by Barbara E. Crawford in 1987, there has been a growing volume of work dedicated to the understanding of Norse influence in this period. However, from 849 on, when Columba's relics were removed from Iona in the face of Viking incursions, written evidence from local sources in the areas under Scandinavian influence all but vanishes for three hundred years.[5] The sources for information about the Hebrides and indeed much of northern Scotland from the eighth to the eleventh century, are thus almost exclusively Irish, English or Norse. The main Norse texts were written in the early thirteenth century and should be treated with care. The English and Irish sources are more contemporary, but according to historian Alex Woolf, may have "led to a southern bias in the story", especially as much of the Hebridean archipelago became Norse-speaking during this period.[6]

There are various traditional clan histories dating from the nineteenth century such as the "monumental" The Clan Donald[7] and a significant corpus of material from the Gaelic oral tradition that relates to this period, although their value is questionable.[8]

Origins of the Kingdom of Alba

Main articles: Origins of the Kingdom of Alba and Scandinavian Scotland
Sueno's Stone Located in Forres, in the old kingdom of Fortriu, this gigantic probably post-Pictish monument marks some kind of military triumph

At the close of the ninth century, various polities occupied Scotland. The

ruler of Moray was called not only "king" in both Scandinavian and Irish sources, but before Máel Snechtai, "King of Alba".[14]

However, when

Viking invasions, most strenuously felt in the Pictish kingdom's heartland of Fortriu.[26]

Scandinavian-influenced territories

Kingdom of the Isles

Main article: Kingdom of the Isles

The Kingdom of the Isles comprised the Hebrides, the islands of the Firth of Clyde and the Isle of Man from the 9th to the 13th centuries AD. The islands were known to the Norse as the Suðreyjar, or "Southern Isles" as distinct from the Norðreyjar or "Northern Isles" of Orkney and Shetland, which were held by the Earls of Orkney as vassals of the Norwegian crown throughout the High Middle Ages.

The various kingdoms that comprised Scotland circa 1100

After Ragnall ua Ímair,

Håkon Eiriksson[29] and Thorfinn Sigurdsson
as rulers over the Hebrides as vassals of the Kings of Norway or Denmark.

Godred Crovan became the ruler of Dublin and Mann from 1079[30][31] and from the early years of the twelfth century the Crovan dynasty asserted themselves and ruled as "Kings of Mann and the Isles" for the next half-century. The kingdom was then sundered due to the actions of Somerled whose sons inherited the southern Hebrides while the Manx rulers held on to the "north isles" for another century.[32]

The North

The Scandinavian influence in Scotland was probably at its height in the mid eleventh century[33] during the time of Thorfinn Sigurdsson, who attempted to create a single political and ecclesiastical domain stretching from Shetland to Man.[34] The permanent Scandinavian holdings in Scotland at that time must therefore have been at least a quarter of the land area of modern Scotland.[Note 3]

By the end of the eleventh century, the Norwegian crown had come to accept that Caithness was held by the Earls of Orkney as a fiefdom from the Kings of Scotland although its Norse character was retained throughout the thirteenth century.

Harald Maddadson, an earl of Orkney in the early thirteenth century.[Note 4]

In the ninth century, Orcadian control stretched into Moray, which was a semi-independent kingdom for much of this early period.

Lulach (1057–1058) became rulers of the entire Scottish kingdom for a time.[44] However, Moray was subjugated by the Scottish kings after 1130, when the native ruler, Óengus of Moray was killed leading a rebellion. Another revolt in 1187 was equally unsuccessful.[45]

South west Scotland

A coin showing Magnus Barefoot, King of Norway (1093–1103)

By the mid-tenth century Amlaíb Cuarán controlled

Norse-Gael) settlement in the area is not convincing.[48]

The ounceland system seems to have become widespread down the west coast including much of Argyll, and most of the southwest apart from a region near the inner

rebellion of the Galwegians was crushed.[51]

Strathclyde

Main article: Kingdom of Strathclyde

The main language of Strathclyde and elsewhere in the

William Rufus annexed the southern portion in 1092.[53] The territory was granted by Alexander I to his brother David, later King David I, in 1107.[55]

Kingdom of Alba or Scotia

Main article: Kingdom of Alba

Gaelic kings: Domnall II to Alexander I

The Pictish Beast, by far the most common animal depiction on Pictish stones, with unclear political or mythological meaning[56]

Domnall mac Causantín's nickname was dásachtach. This simply meant a madman, or, in early Irish law, a man not in control of his functions and hence without legal culpability.[57] The following long reign (900–942/3) of his successor Causantín is more often regarded as the key to the formation of the Kingdom of Alba.[58]

The period between the accession of

Northumbrians at the Battle of Carham (1018). The Scots had probably some authority in Strathclyde since the later part of the ninth century, but the kingdom kept its own rulers, and it is not clear that the Scots were always strong enough to enforce their authority.[61]

The reign of King

Gruoch, in his play Macbeth.[Note 5]

Máel Coluim III
, from a later genealogy

It was Máel Coluim III, not his father Donnchad, who did more to create the

Norman Conquest of England and the Harrying of the North. Marianus Scotus narrates that "the Gaels and French devastated the English; and [the English] were dispersed and died of hunger; and were compelled to eat human flesh".[63]

Máel Coluim's Queen Margaret was the sister of the native claimant to the English throne,

William the Conqueror invaded and Máel Coluim submitted to his authority, giving his oldest son Donnchad as a hostage.[66] From 1079 onwards there were various cross-border raids by both parties and Máel Coluim himself and Edward, his eldest son by Margaret, died in one of them in the Battle of Alnwick, in 1093.[67]

Tradition would have made his brother

Prince of Cumbria
.

Scoto-Norman kings: David I to Alexander III

Image of David I, a pious and revolutionary Scoto-Norman king

The period between the accession of

William I, Scotland's Kings became ambivalent about the culture of most of their subjects.[71] As Walter of Coventry tells us, "The modern kings of Scotland count themselves as Frenchmen, in race, manners, language and culture; they keep only Frenchmen in their household and following, and have reduced the Gaels to utter servitude."[72]

This situation was not without consequence. In the aftermath of William's capture at

Middle English-speakers and French-speakers among them. William of Newburgh related that the Scots first attacked the Scoto-English in their own army, and Newburgh reported a repetition of these events in Scotland itself.[73] Walter Bower, writing a few centuries later about the same events confirms that "there took place a most wretched and widespread persecution of the English both in Scotland and Galloway".[74]

William I, known as Guillaume le Lion. His title among the native Scots was probably Uilleam Garbh (i.e. "William the Rough").[71]

The first instance of strong opposition to the Scottish kings was perhaps the revolt of

MacWilliams.[75]
The threat from the latter was so grave that, after their defeat in 1230, the Scottish crown ordered the public execution of the infant girl who happened to be the last of the MacWilliam line. According to the Lanercost Chronicle:

the same Mac-William's daughter, who had not long left her mother's womb, innocent as she was, was put to death, in the burgh of Forfar, in view of the market place, after a proclamation by the public crier. Her head was struck against the column of the market cross, and her brains dashed out.[76]

Many of these resistors collaborated, and drew support not just in the peripheral Gaelic regions of Galloway, Moray, Ross and Argyll, but also from eastern "Scotland-proper", and elsewhere in the Gaelic world. However, by the end of the twelfth century, the Scottish kings had acquired the authority and ability to draw in native Gaelic lords outside their previous zone of control in order to do their work, the most famous examples being

Wars of Independence
, which followed soon after the death of Alexander III.

Geography

Main article: Geography of Scotland in the Middle Ages
Map of comital and other Lordships in Medieval Scotland, c. 1230

At the beginning of this period, the boundaries of Alba contained only a small proportion of modern Scotland. Even when these lands were added to in the tenth and eleventh centuries, the term Scotia was applied in sources only to the region between the River Forth, the central Grampians and the River Spey and only began to be used to describe all of the lands under the authority of the Scottish crown from the second half of the twelfth century.[81] By the late thirteenth century when the Treaty of York (1237) and Treaty of Perth (1266) had fixed the boundaries with the Kingdom of the Scots with England and Norway respectively, its borders were close to the modern boundaries. After this time both Berwick and the Isle of Man were lost to England, and Orkney and Shetland were gained from Norway in the fifteenth century.[82]

The area that became Scotland in this period is divided by geology into five major regions: the

Islands. Some of these were further divided by mountains, major rivers and marshes. Most of these regions had strong cultural and economic ties elsewhere: to England, Ireland, Scandinavian and mainland Europe. Internal communications were difficult and the country lacked an obvious geographical centre.[83] Dunfermline emerged as a major royal centre in the reign of Malcolm III and Edinburgh began to be used to house royal records in the reign of David I, but, perhaps because of its proximity and vulnerability to England, it did not become a formal capital in this period.[84]

The expansion of Alba into the wider Kingdom of Scotland was a gradual process combining external conquest and the suppression of occasional rebellions with the extension of seigniorial power through the placement of effective agents of the crown.[85] Neighbouring independent kings became subject to Alba and eventually disappeared from the records. In the ninth century the term mormaer, meaning "great steward", began to appear in the records to describe the rulers of Moray, Strathearn, Buchan, Angus and Mearns, who may have acted as "marcher lords" for the kingdom to counter the Viking threat.[86] Later the process of consolidation is associated with the feudalism introduced by David I, which, particularly in the east and south where the crown's authority was greatest, saw the placement of lordships, often based on castles, and the creation of administrative sheriffdoms, which overlay the pattern of local thegns. It also saw the English earl and Latin comes begin to replace the mormaers in the records. The result has been seen as a "hybrid kingdom, in which Gaelic, Anglo-Saxon, Flemish and Norman elements all coalesced under its 'Normanised', but nevertheless native lines of kings".[85]

Economy and society

Economy

Main articles: Economy of Scotland in the High Middle Ages and Economy of Scotland in the Middle Ages
Burghs established in Scotland before the accession of Máel Coluim, essentially Scotland-proper's first towns

The Scottish economy of this period was dominated by agriculture and by short-distance, local trade. There was an increasing amount of foreign trade in the period, as well as exchange gained by means of military plunder. By the end of this period, coins were replacing barter goods, but for most of this period most exchange was done without the use of metal currency.[87]

Most of Scotland's agricultural wealth in this period came from

ploughgate.[91] It may have measured about 104 acres (0.42 km2),[92] divided into 4 raths.[93] Cattle, pigs and cheeses were among the chief foodstuffs,[94]
from a wide range of produce including sheep, fish, rye, barley, bee wax and honey.

David I established the first chartered

Flemish, English, French and German, rather than Gaelic Scots. The burgh's vocabulary was composed totally of either Germanic and French terms.[96] The councils that ran individual burghs were individually known as lie doussane, meaning the dozen.[97]

Demography and language

Main articles: Demographics of Scotland and Celtic languages

The population of Scotland in this period is unknown. The first reliable information in 1755 shows the inhabitants of Scotland as 1,265,380. Best estimates put the Scottish population for earlier periods in the High Middle Ages between 500,000 and 1,000,000 people, growing from a low point to a high point.[98] Linguistically, the majority of people within Scotland throughout this period spoke the

Scottish monarchs probably favoured the French language, as evidenced by reports from contemporary chronicles, literature and translations of administrative documents into the French language. English, with French and Flemish, became the main language of Scottish burghs. However, they were, in Barrow's words, "scarcely more than villages ... numbered in hundreds rather than thousands".[100]

Society

Main articles: Society of Scotland in the High Middle Ages and Scottish society in the Middle Ages
Pre-Norman Gaelic Society[101]

This is a rough model based on early Gaelic legal texts. The terminology was very different in Scottish Latin sources.

  • Nemed (sacred person, highest rank)
    • Ard rí (high king)
    • Rí ruirech (provincial king)
    • Rí túath (tribal king)
    • Flaith (lord)
  • Nemed (non-rulers)
    • Clerics
    • Fili (poets)
  • Dóernemid (lit. base Nemed)
    • Brithem (tradesman, harpist, etc)
  • Saoirseach (freeman)
    • Bóaire (cattle lord)
    • Ócaire (little lord)
    • Fer midboth (semi-independent youth)
    • Fuidir (semi freeman)
  • Unfree
    • Bothach (serf)
    • Senchléithe (hereditary serf)
    • Mug (slave)

The legal tract known as

cottars and grazing tenants (gresemen).[104] The non-free naviti, neyfs or serfs existed in various forms of service, with terms with their origins in Irish practice, including cumelache, cumherba and scoloc who were tied to a lord's estate and unable to leave it without permission, but who records indicate often absconded for better wages or work in other regions or in the developing burghs.[103]

The introduction of feudalism from the time of David I, not only introduced sheriffdoms that overlay the pattern of local thanes,

manorial system on the English model impracticable.[105] Obligations appear to have been limited to occasional labour service, seasonal renders of food, hospitality and money rents.[104]

Law and government

Main articles:
Government in Medieval Scotland and Legal institutions of Scotland in the High Middle Ages

Early Gaelic law tracts, first written down in the ninth century, reveal a society highly concerned with kinship, status, honour and the regulation of blood feuds. Scottish

Middle English, contain more Gaelic legal terms, examples including slains (Old Irish slán or sláinte; exemption) and cumherba (Old Irish comarba; ecclesiastic heir).[108]

A Judex (pl. judices) represents a post-Norman continuity with the ancient Gaelic orders of lawmen called in English today Brehons. Bearers of the office almost always have Gaelic names north of the Forth or in the south-west. Judices were often royal officials who supervised baronial, abbatial and other lower-ranking "courts".[109] However, the main official of law in the post-Davidian Kingdom of the Scots was the Justiciar who held courts and reported to the king personally. Normally, there were two Justiciarships, organised by linguistic boundaries: the Justiciar of Scotia and the Justiciar of Lothian. Sometimes Galloway had its own Justiciar too.[110]

Fife
.

The office of Justiciar and Judex were just two ways that Scottish society was governed. In the earlier period, the king "delegated" power to hereditary native "officers" such as the Mormaers/Earls and Toísechs/Thanes. It was a

Fife.[114] Although King David I tried to build up Roxburgh as a capital,[114] in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, more charters were issued at Scone than any other location. Other popular locations were nearby Perth, Stirling, Dunfermline and Edinburgh.[115] In the earliest part of this era, Forres and Dunkeld seem to have been the chief royal residences.[116]

Records from the Scandinavian-held lands are much-less well documented by comparison.

legal system and it is known that the Hebrides were taxed using the Ounceland measure.[117] Althings were open-air governmental assemblies that met in the presence of the jarl and the meetings were open to virtually all free men. At these sessions decisions were made, laws passed and complaints adjudicated.[118] Examples include Tingwall and Law Ting Holm in Shetland, Dingwall in Easter Ross, and Tynwald on the Isle of Man.[119][120]

Warfare

Main article: Warfare in Medieval Scotland

Land warfare

David I knighting a squire

By the twelfth century the ability of lords and the king to call on wider bodies of men beyond their household troops for major campaigns had become the "common" (communis exertcitus) or "Scottish army" (exercitus Scoticanus), the result of a universal obligation based on the holding of variously named units of land.[121] Later decrees indicated that the common army was a levy of all able-bodied freemen aged between 16 and 60, with 8-days warning.[122] It produced relatively large numbers of men serving for a limited period, usually as unarmoured or poorly armoured bowmen and spearmen.[123] In this period it continued to be mustered by the earls and they often led their men in battle, as was the case in the Battle of the Standard in 1138. It would continue to provide the vast majority of Scottish national armies, potentially producing tens of thousands of men for short periods of conflict, into the early modern era.[124]

There also developed obligations that produced smaller numbers of feudal troops. The Davidian Revolution of the twelfth century was seen by Geoffrey Barrow as bringing "fundamental innovations in military organization". These included the knight's fee, homage and fealty, as well as castle-building and the regular use of professional cavalry,[125] as knights held castles and estates in exchange for service, providing troops on a 40-day basis.[122] David's Norman followers and their retinues were able to provide a force of perhaps 200 mounted and armoured knights, but the vast majority of his forces were the "common army" of poorly armed infantry, capable of performing well in raiding and guerrilla warfare. Although such troops were only infrequently able to stand up to the English in the field, nonetheless they did manage to do so critically in the wars of independence at Stirling Bridge in 1297 and Bannockburn in 1314.[123]

Marine warfare

Oseberg ship in the Viking Ship Museum in Oslo

The Viking onslaught of the British Isles was based on superior sea-power, which enabled the creation of the thalassocracies of the north and west. In the late tenth century the naval battle of "Innisibsolian" (tentatively identified as taking place near the Slate Islands of Argyll)[126][127] was won by Alban forces over Vikings, although this was an unusual setback for the Norse. In 962 Ildulb mac Causantín, King of Scots, was killed (according to the Chronicle of the Kings of Alba) fighting the Norse near Cullen, at the Battle of Bauds,[128] and although there is no evidence of permanent Viking settlement on the east coast of Scotland south of the Moray Firth, raids and even invasions certainly occurred. Dunnottar was taken during the reign of Domnall mac Causantín[129] and the Orkneyinga saga records an attack on the Isle of May, by Sweyn Asleifsson and Margad Grimsson.[130] The

feudal obligations.[137] Viking naval power was disrupted by conflicts between the Scandinavian kingdoms, but entered a period of resurgence in the 13th century when Norwegian kings began to build some of the largest ships seen in Northern European waters, until Haakon Haakonson's ill-fated expedition in 1263 left the Scottish crown the most significant power in the region.[138]

Christianity and the Church

Main article: Christianity in Medieval Scotland
The Monymusk Reliquary, c. 750, thought to be the Brecbennoch, purportedly enclosing the bones of Columba, and which was carried into the Battle of Bannockburn in 1314.[139]

By the tenth century, all of northern Britain was Christianised, except the Scandinavian north and west, which had been lost to the church in the face of Norse settlement.

Saints

Like every other Christian country, one of the main features of medieval Scottish Christianity was the

St. Andrews and it became increasingly associated with Scottish national identity and the royal family.[146] It was renewed as a focus for devotion with the patronage of Queen Margaret,[148] who also became important after her canonisation in 1250 and the ceremonial transfer of her remains to Dunfermline Abbey, as one of the most revered national saints.[146]

Organisation

King Olav Tryggvason of Norway, who forcibly Christianised Orkney.[149] Painting by Peter Nicolai Arbo

There is some evidence that Christianity made inroads into the Viking-controlled

Olav Tryggvasson in 995 when he stopped at South Walls on his way from Ireland to Norway. The King summoned the jarl Sigurd the Stout and said "I order you and all your subjects to be baptised. If you refuse, I'll have you killed on the spot and I swear I will ravage every island with fire and steel." Unsurprisingly, Sigurd agreed and the islands became Christian at a stroke,[149] receiving their own bishop in the early eleventh century.[Note 6] Elsewhere in Scandinavian Scotland the record is less clear. There was a Bishop of Iona until the late tenth century and there is then a gap of more than a century, possibly filled by the Bishops of Orkney, before the appointment of the first Bishop of Mann in 1079.[153][Note 7]

Abernethy round tower, which dates from c. 1100[155]

At the beginning of the period Scottish monasticism was dominated by

Cistercian houses.[158]

Before the twelfth century most Scottish churches had collegiate bodies of clergy who served over a wide area, often tied together by devotion to a particular missionary saint.

Celestine III (Cum universi, 1192) by which all Scottish bishoprics except Galloway were formally independent of York and Canterbury. However, unlike Ireland, which had been granted four Archbishoprics in the same century, Scotland received no Archbishop and the whole Ecclesia Scoticana, with individual Scottish bishoprics (except Whithorn/Galloway), became the "special daughter of the see of Rome". It was in practice run by special councils made up of all its bishops, with the bishop of St Andrews emerging as the most important player.[161]

Culture

Main article: Culture of Scotland in the High Middle Ages
Book of Deer, Folio 5r contains the text of the Gospel of Matthew from 1:18 through 1:21. Note the Chi Rho monogram in the upper left corner. The margins contain Gaelic text.

As a predominantly Gaelic society, most Scottish cultural practices throughout this period mirrored closely those of

Moray to the Scottish king himself. Scotland's kings maintained an ollamh righe, a royal high poet who had a permanent place in all medieval Gaelic lordships, and whose purpose was to recite genealogies when needed, for occasions such as coronations.[163]

Before the reign of David I, the Scots possessed a flourishing literary elite who regularly produced texts in both Gaelic and Latin that were frequently transmitted to Ireland and elsewhere. Dauvit Broun has shown that a Gaelic literary elite survived in the eastern Scottish lowlands, in places such as

French flourished as a literary language, and produced the Roman de Fergus, one of the earliest pieces of non-Celtic vernacular
literature to survive from Scotland.

There is no extant literature in the English language in this era. There is some Norse literature from Scandinavian parts such as

Orkneyinga Saga, which pertains to the early history of the Earldom of Orkney, was written down in Iceland
.

Museum of Scotland
)

In the Middle Ages, Scotland was renowned for its musical skill. Gerald of Wales, a medieval clergyman and chronicler, explains the relationship between Scottish and Irish music:

Scotland, because of her affinity and intercourse [with Ireland], tries to imitate Ireland in music and strives in emulation. Ireland uses and delights in two instruments only, the harp namely, and the tympanum. Scotland uses three, the harp, the tympanum and the crowd. In the opinion, however, of many, Scotland has by now not only caught up on Ireland, her instructor, but already far outdistances her and excels her in musical skill. Therefore, [Irish] people now look to that country as the fountain of the art.[169]

Playing the harp (clarsach) was especially popular with medieval Scots – half a century after Gerald's writing, King Alexander III kept a royal harpist at his court. Of the three medieval harps that survive, two come from Scotland (Perthshire), and one from Ireland. Singers also had a royal function. For instance, when the king of Scotland passed through the territory of Strathearn, it was the custom that he be greeted by seven female singers, who would sing to him. When Edward I approached the borders of Strathearn in the summer of 1296, he was met by these seven women, "who accompanied the King on the road between Gask and Ogilvie, singing to him, as was the custom in the time of the late Alexander kings of Scots".[170]

Outsiders' views

Scottish atrocities depicted in the fourteenth century Luttrell Psalter

The Irish thought of Scotland as a provincial place. Others thought of it as an outlandish or barbaric place. "Who would deny that the Scots are barbarians?" was a rhetorical question posed in the 12th century by the Anglo-Flemish author of

Louis IX of France was reported to have said to his son "I would prefer that a Scot should come from Scotland and govern the people well and faithfully, than that you, my son, should be seen to govern badly."[171]

This characterisation of the Scots was often politically motivated, and many of the most hostile writers were based in areas frequently subjected to Scottish raids. English and French accounts of the Battle of the Standard contain many accounts of Scottish atrocities. For instance, Henry of Huntingdon notes that the Scots: "cleft open pregnant women, and took out the unborn babes; they tossed children upon the spear-points, and beheaded priests on altars: they cut the head of crucifixes, and placed them on the trunks of the slain, and placed the heads of the dead upon the crucifixes. Thus wherever the Scots arrived, all was full of horror and full of savagery."[172] A less hostile view was given by Guibert of Nogent in the First Crusade, who encountered Scots and wrote: "You might have seen a crowd of Scots, a people savage at home but unwarlike elsewhere, descend from their marshy lands, with bare legs, shaggy cloaks, their purse hanging from their shoulders; their copious arms seemed ridiculous to us, but they offered their faith and devotion as aid."[171]

There was also a general belief that Scotland-proper was an island, or at least a

Benedictine monk and cartographer, drew a map in this manner in the mid-thirteenth century and called the "island" Scotia ultra marina.[173] A later medieval Italian map applies this geographical conceptualization to all of Scotland.[174] The Arab geographer al-Idrisi, shared this view: "Scotland adjoins the island of England and is a long peninsula to the north of the larger island. It is uninhabited and has neither town nor village. Its length is 150 miles."[175]

National identity

Main article: Scottish national identity
William I
, (1143–1214)

In this period, the word "Scot" was not the word used by the vast majority of Scots to describe themselves, except to foreigners, among whom it was the most common word. The Scots called themselves Albanach or simply Gaidel. Both "Scot" and Gaidel were ethnic terms that connected them to the majority of the inhabitants of Ireland. As the author of De Situ Albanie notes at the beginning of the thirteenth century: "The name Arregathel [Argyll] means margin of the Scots or Irish, because all Scots and Irish are generally called 'Gattheli'."[176]

Likewise, the inhabitants of English and Norse-speaking parts were ethnically linked with other regions of Europe. At

Melrose, people could recite religious literature in the English language.[177] In the later part of the twelfth century, the Lothian writer Adam of Dryburgh describes Lothian as "the Land of the English in the Kingdom of the Scots".[178] In the Northern Isles the Norse language evolved into the local Norn, which lingered until the end of the eighteenth century, when it finally died out[179] and Norse may also have survived as a spoken language until the sixteenth century in the Outer Hebrides.[180]

Scotland came to possess a unity that transcended Gaelic, English, Norman and Norse ethnic differences and by the end of the period, the Latin, Norman-French and English word "Scot" could be used for any subject of the Scottish king. Scotland's multilingual Scoto-Norman monarchs and mixed Gaelic and Scoto-Norman aristocracy all became part of the "Community of the Realm", in which ethnic differences were less divisive than in Ireland and Wales.[181]

Notes

  1. ^ Amlaíb and his brother Auisle "ravaged the whole of Pictland and took their hostages" and later occupied this territory for a protracted period.[12]
  2. James VI/I traced his origin to Fergus, saying, in his own words, that he was a "Monarch sprunge of Ferguse race".[19]
  3. ^ The land areas of the Suðreyjar are as follows: the Isle of Man is 572 square kilometres (221 sq mi);[35] the Islands of the Clyde 574 square kilometres (222 sq mi);[36] the Inner Hebrides 4,158 square kilometres (1,605 sq mi);[37] the Outer Hebrides 3,070 square kilometres (1,185 sq mi).[38] Caithness and Sutherland have a combined area of 7,051 square kilometres (2,722 sq mi)[39] The land area of Viking Scotland would have been greater still if place name evidence in Argyll and the south west is taken into account.
  4. A. A. M. Duncan.[42]
  5. ^ For example, Duncan/Donnchad was not a "good old king, but a headstrong young one".[44]
  6. Archbishop of Nidaros (today's Trondheim).[152]
  7. ^ The conversion of Scandinavian Scotland and the resultant end to slavery and integration of Viking society into mainstream European culture was a significant event. It took place at an early date, although the popular image of marauding berserkers and of the Norse as "enemies of social progress" remains.[154]

Citations

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  57. ^ Kelly (1998) p. 92.
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  86. ^ Webster (1997) p. 22.
  87. ^ Stringer (2005) pp. 66–69.
  88. ^ Barrow (1981) p. 12.
  89. ^ Barrow (1981) p. 18.
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  91. ^ Barrow (1981) pp. 12–15.
  92. ^ Barrow (1981) p. 15.
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  • Snyder, Edward D., "The Wild Irish: A study of Some English Satires Against the Irish, Scots and Welsh", in Modern Philology, Vol. 17, No. 12, (April 1920), p. 687–725.
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  • Stringer, Keith J., The Reign of Stephen: Kingship, Warfare, and Government in Twelfth-Century England (London, 1993).
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  • Taylor, Simon, "Place-names and the Early Church in Eastern Scotland", in Barbara Crawford (ed.), Scotland in Dark Age Britain, (Aberdeen, 1996), pp. 93–110.
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  • Watson, W. J., The Celtic Place-Names of Scotland, (Edinburgh, 1926) reprinted, with an Introduction, full Watson bibliography and corrigenda by Simon Taylor (Edinburgh, 2004).
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  • Woolf, Alex, "Dun Nechtain, Fortriu and the Geography of the Picts", in Scottish Historical Review, LXXXV, 2, No. 220 (St Andrews, 2006a) pp. 182–201.
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  • Young, Alan, "Buchan in the 13th century" in Alexander Grant & Keith J. Stringer (eds.) Medieval Scotland: Crown, Lordship and Community Essays Presented to G. W. S Barrow, (Edinburgh, 1993).

External links

Primary sources

Secondary sources

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