Self-concealment
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Self-concealment is a psychological construct defined as "a predisposition to actively conceal from others personal information that one perceives as distressing or negative".[1] Its opposite is self-disclosure.[1][2]
The concealed personal information (thoughts, feelings, actions, or events) is highly intimate, negative in valence and has three characteristics: it is a subset of private information, can be consciously accessed, and is actively concealed from others. Self-concealment significantly contributes to negative psychological health.
Historical context
Secrets and secret keeping have been a longstanding interest of psychologists and psychotherapists.[3] Jourard's[4][5] work on self-disclosure and Pennebaker's research on the health benefits of disclosing traumatic events and secrets set the stage for the conceptualization and measurement of self-concealment.
Jourard's research pointed to the conclusion that stress and illness result not only from low self-disclosure, but more so from the intentional avoidance of being known by another person. In a later line of research,
and his colleagues examined the confiding-illness relation or the inhibition-disease link and found that not expressing thoughts and feelings about traumatic events is associated with long-term health effects. Pennebaker attributed the unwillingness to disclose distressing personal information to either circumstances or individual differences. The self-concealment construct, and the scale for its measurement, the Self-Concealment Scale, were introduced to permit assessment and conceptualization of individual differences on this personality dimension.Psychological effects
Self-concealment uniquely and significantly contributes to the prediction of
Individuals with increased inferiority feelings have a higher tendency toward self-concealment, which in turn results in an increase in loneliness and a decrease in happiness.[21]
Research
This section may contain an excessive number of citations. (January 2020) |
Theoretical models offered to explain the consistent finding of negative health effects for self-concealment include:
- An inhibition model developed by Pennebaker,[22][23] which would attribute these effects to the physiological work that is a consequence of the behavioral inhibition accompanying the self-concealment process.
- A preoccupation model based on the work of Wegner[24][25] that sees the thought suppression associated with self-concealment as ironically leading to intrusive thoughts and even greater preoccupation with distressing personal information, which in turn leads to poor well-being.
- Self-perception theory,[26] which argues that behavior influences attitudes—the self-concealing person observes his or her own concealing behavior and concludes that there must be a good reason for the behavior, leading to negative characterological self-attributions that fit with this conclusion (e.g. "I must be bad because I am concealing this aspect of myself").
- Self-determination theory, which explains the negative health effects of self-concealment as the consequence of the frustration of the individual's basic needs of autonomy, relatedness, and competence.[2]
Kelly offers a comprehensive review of several explanatory models and the evidence supporting each of them, concluding that a genetic component shared by high self-concealers might make them both more prone to self-conceal and more vulnerable to physical and psychological problems.[27]
Research studies have focused on the relation of self-concealment to attachment orientations,[28][29][30] help seeking and attitudes toward counseling,[31][32][33] desire for greater (physical) interpersonal distance,[30] stigma,[34][35] distress disclosure,[9] lying behavior and authenticity,[36][37][38] and psychotherapy process.[31][39][40]
Research also focuses on self-concealment in specific populations: LGBT,[16][35][41][42] multicultural,[43][44][45] and adolescents, families, and romantic partners.[36][46][47]
A recent review of 137 studies using the Self-Concealment Scale presented a working model for the antecedents of self-concealment and the mechanisms of action for its health effects. The authors conceptualize self-concealment as a "complex trait-like motivational construct where high levels of SC motivation energize a range of goal-directed behaviors (e.g., keeping secrets, behavioral avoidance, lying) and dysfunctional strategies for the regulation of emotions (e.g., expressive suppression) which serve to conceal negative or distressing personal information."[48] These mechanisms are seen as then affecting health through direct and indirect pathways, and as being "energized by a conflict between urges to conceal, and reveal—a dual-motive conflict which eventually leads to adverse physiological effects and a breakdown of self-regulatory resources".[49]
Self-Concealment Scale
The 10-item Self-Concealment Scale (SCS) Representative items include: "I have an important secret that I haven't shared with anyone", "There are lots of things about me that I keep to myself", "Some of my secrets have really tormented me", "When something bad happens to me, I tend to keep it to myself", and "My secrets are too embarrassing to share with others".
In marginalized populations
Minority groups employ self-concealment to manage perceived stigma.[51] For example, LGBT people (lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans) people, who are stigmatized (see coming out) for the characteristics inherent to their sexual identities or gender identity, employ self-concealment as a result.[52][53]
Self-concealment is observed in African, Asian and Latin American international college students.[54] For African Americans in particular their self-concealment correlates with the degree of their Afrocentric cultural values.[55] Arab and Middle Eastern people have been documented employing the following identity negotiation strategies:
- Humorous Accounting: A stigmatized minority will employ humor as a way to establish common ground.
- Educational Accounting: A stigmatized minority will make an effort to educate the person questioning their stigmatized identity. This method is a common method used by Muslim women who wear hijabs in the study.
- Defiant Accounting: A stigmatized minority will challenge the person questioning their identity by confronting the right to interrogate a stigmatized identity.
- Cowering: A stigmatized minority will meet the demands of the person questioning their stigmatized identity due to real, or perceived fears of violence.better source needed]
Self-concealment strategies can also present in those with sexual
See also
- Coping
- Impression management
- Personal boundaries
- Personality psychology
- Secrets and secrecy
- Social anxiety disorder § Psychological factors
Notes
- ^ a b c d e Larson & Chastain (1990).
- ^ a b Uysal, Lin & Knee (2009).
- ^ Larson (1993).
- ^ Jourard (1971a).
- ^ Jourard (1971b).
- ^ Pennebaker & Chew (1985).
- ^ Pennebaker, Zech & Rimé (2001).
- ^ Cepeda-Benito & Short (1998).
- ^ a b Kahn & Hessling (2001).
- ^ Kelly & Achter (1995).
- ^ Pennebaker, Colder & Sharp (1990).
- ^ Ichiyama et al. (1993).
- ^ Cramer & Lake (1998).
- ^ King, Emmons & Woodley (1992).
- ^ Endler et al. (2002).
- ^ a b Potoczniak, Aldea & DeBlaere (2007).
- ^ Cramer, Gallant & Langlois (2005).
- ^ Barr, Kahn & Schneider (2008).
- ^ Wismeijer et al. (2009).
- ^ Uysal & Lu (2011).
- ^ Akdoğan & Çimşir (2019).
- ^ Pennebaker (1985).
- ^ Pennebaker & Beall (1986).
- ^ Wegner, Lane & Dimitri (1994).
- ^ Wegner, Lane & Pennebaker (1995).
- ^ Bem (1967).
- ^ Kelly (2002), p. 217.
- ^ Lopez (2001).
- ^ Lopez, Mitchell & Gormley (2002).
- ^ a b Yukawa, Tokuda & Sato (2007).
- ^ a b Fedde (2010).
- ^ Hao & Liang (2007).
- ^ Kimura & Mizuno (2004).
- ^ Masuda & Boone (2011).
- ^ a b Pachankis & Goldfried (2010).
- ^ a b Brunell et al. (2010).
- ^ Engels, Finkenauer & van Kooten (2006).
- ^ Lopez & Rice (2006).
- ^ Kahn, Achter & Shambaugh (2001).
- ^ Wild (2004).
- ^ Agyemang (2007).
- ^ Selvidge, Matthews & Bridges (2008).
- ^ Masuda et al. (2009).
- ^ Engels et al. (2005).
- ^ Masuda, Anderson & Sheehan (2009).
- ^ Finkenauer et al. (2009).
- ^ Frijns et al. (2009).
- ^ Larson et al. (2015), p. 708.
- ^ Larson et al. (2015), p. 709.
- ^ Cramer & Barry (1999).
- ^ a b Plante et al. (2013).
- ^ Johnson et al. (2010).
- ^ Adams (2010).
- ^ Constantine, Okazaki & Utsey (2004).
- ^ Wallace & Constantine (2005).
- ^ Marvasti (2005).
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