Serbian nationalism

Extended-protected article
Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

For other uses, see Serbian nationalism (disambiguation).
Monument to Karađorđe and Church of Saint Sava in Belgrade

Serbian nationalism asserts that

Vuk Stefanović Karadžić and Serbian statesman Ilija Garašanin.[1]
Serbian nationalism was an important factor during the
Austro-Hungarian Empire, and again during the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Yugoslav Wars of the 1990s.[2]

After 1878, Serbian nationalists merged their goals with those of

Chetnik movement.[3]

The decentralization of the

ethnicities seeking independence.[5]

History

Serbian Revolution

Further information:
History of Serbs, and Serbian historiography
Vuk Karadžić, Serbian linguist.
Ilija Garašanin, Serbian statesman.

The origins of Serbian nationalism date back to the 19th century, beginning with the 1804

Štokavian dialect regardless of their religious affiliation or geographical origin.[1] However, Karadžić acknowledged the right of some Štokavian-speaking peoples to call themselves names other than Serbs.[1] German historian Michael Weithmann considers Karadžić's theory that all southern Slavs are Serbs as a "dangerous political and ideological idea in scientific shape" while Czech historian Jan Rychlik considers Karadžić to have been a "propagator of greater Serbian ideology".[6] Ilija Garašanin was another early proponent of Serbian nationalism and a proponent of a Greater Serbia - a Serbian state whose borders were extended to include all Serbs in the Balkan region.[1]

Battle of Kosovo (1870), painting by Adam Stefanović, a depiction of the Battle of Kosovo of 1389

After Serbia was recognized as an independent state in 1878, both South Slavs and the Serbian government considered their peoples in Habsburg-ruled Austria-Hungary to be under occupation, resulting in increasing antagonism between Serbia and Austria-Hungary from the late 19th century to the early 20th century.[1]

World War I

Further information:
Unification or Death

In 1914 Austrian

centralist vision of Yugoslavia as opposed to a confederal or federal state as advocated by non-Serbs.[3] The antagonism between a centralized Yugoslavia supported by Serbian nationalists and a decentralized Yugoslavia supported by Croatian and Slovenian nationalists was the main cause of unstable governance in Yugoslavia during the interwar period.[3]

Yugoslavia

Further information: Yugoslavia, Yugoslavism, Creation of Yugoslavia, World War II in Yugoslavia, and Chetniks

In 1920, the centralized vision of Yugoslavia as supported by Serbian nationalists was enacted in the Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes passed on Serbian national and religious holiday

Serb Cultural Club which attacked the new Yugoslav nationalism under the motto of "Strong Serbdom, Strong Yugoslavia".[3]

Draža Mihailović, Yugoslav Serb general

Yugoslavia was invaded and occupied by the

Chetnik forces of Draža Mihailović against both the Axis forces and the communist Yugoslav Partisans.[3] The war saw the rise of an extreme anti-Muslim variant of Serbian nationalism practised by the Chetniks who massacred Bosnian Muslims during the war.[3]

In the aftermath of World War II and the seizure of power by the Yugoslav Partisans,

Brotherhood and Unity".[3] Tito's later expulsion of the nationalist-leaning Serbian communist official Aleksandar Ranković in the 1960s was perceived as an attack on Serbian nationalism.[3] After the ousting of Ranković, Serbian nationalist intellectuals increasingly began viewing Yugoslavia as a detrimental experience for the Serb nation.[3]

Serbian nationalism escalated following the death of Tito in 1980.

Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts of 1986.[8] The Memorandum claimed to promote solutions to restore Yugoslav unity, but it focused on fiercely condemning Titoist Yugoslavia of having economically subjugated Serbia to Croatia and Slovenia and accused ethnic Albanians of committing genocide against Serbs in Kosovo.[9] The Memorandum was harshly condemned by the ruling League of Communists of Yugoslavia as well as the government of Serbia led by Ivan Stambolić.[10] Members who would later support Serbian nationalism chose follow the party line and denounced the Memorandum as well. Slobodan Milošević
, at the time a Serbian communist official, did not speak publicly about the issue, but in a meeting with members of the secret police he formally endorsed the official government denouncement of the Memorandum, stating:

The appearance of the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences represents nothing else but the darkest nationalism. It means the liquidation of the current socialist system of our country, that is the disintegration after which there is no survival for any nation or nationality. ... Tito's policy of brotherhood and unity ... is the only basis on which Yugoslavia’s survival can be secured.[10]

Breakup of Yugoslavia and Yugoslav Wars

Further information: Breakup of Yugoslavia and Yugoslav Wars

However, amidst the rising nationalist sentiment in Serbia in 1987, Milošević became their major spokesperson in the communist establishment.

Anti-Bureaucratic Revolution, Milošević urged Serbians and Montenegrins to "take to the streets" and utilized the slogan "Strong Serbia, Strong Yugoslavia" that drew support from Serbs but alienated Bosnian Muslims, Croats, Kosovo Albanians, Macedonians, and Slovenes.[12] To these groups, Milošević's agenda reminded them of the Serb hegemonic political affairs of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Ranković's policies.[12]

Milošević and his supporters appealed to nationalist and populist passion by speaking of Serbia's importance to the world and using aggressive and violent political rhetoric, in a Belgrade speech on 19 November 1988, he spoke of Serbia as facing battles against both internal and external enemies.[12] In Vojvodina, pro-Milošević demonstrators that included 500 Kosovo Serbs and local Serbs demonstrated at the provincial capital, accusing the leadership in Vojvodina of supporting separatism and for being "traitors".[13] In August 1988, meetings by supporters of the Anti-Bureaucratic Revolution were held in many locations in Serbia and Montenegro, with increasingly violent nature, with calls being heard such as "Give us arms!", "We want weapons!", "Long live Serbia—death to Albanians!", and "Montenegro is Serbia!".[14] In the same month, Milošević began efforts designed to destabilize the governments in Montenegro and Bosnia-Herzegovina to allow him to install his followers in those republics.[14] By 1989, Milošević and his supporters controlled Central Serbia along with the autonomous provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina, supporters in the leadership of Montenegro, and agents of the Serbian security service were pursuing efforts to destabilize the government in Bosnia & Herzegovina.[15] In 1989, Serbian media began to speak of "the alleged imperilment of the Serbs of Bosnia and Herzegovina", as tensions between Serbs and Bosnian Muslims and Croats increased over Serbs' support for Milošević.[16] Efforts to spread the cult of personality of Milošević into the republic of Macedonia began in 1989 with slogans, graffiti, and songs glorifying Milošević spreading in the republic.[16] Furthermore, Milošević proposed a law to restore land titles held by Serbs in the interwar period that effectively provided a legal basis for large numbers of Serbs to move to Kosovo and Macedonia to regain those lands while displacing the Albanian residents there.[16] Beginning in 1989, Milošević had given support to Croatian Serbs who were vouching for the creation of an autonomous province for Croatia's Serbs that was opposed by Croatia's communist authorities.[17] In the late 1980s Milošević allowed the mobilization of Serb nationalist organizations to go unhindered by actions from the Serbian government, with Chetniks holding demonstrations, and the Serbian government embraced the Serbian Orthodox Church and restored its legitimacy in Serbia.[18]

Milošević and the Serbian government supported a tricameral legislature, that would include a Chamber of Citizens to represent the population of Yugoslavia, a system that would give Serbs a majority; a Chamber of Provinces and Republics to represent regional affairs; and a Chamber of Associated Labour.[19] Serbia's specific endorsement of a Chamber of Citizens and a Chamber of Associated Labour faced opposition from the republics of Croatia and Slovenia as they saw the proposals as increasing Serbia's power and federal state control over the economy, which was the opposite of their intention to decrease federal state control over the economy.[19] Slovenia staunchly opposed the Milošević government's plans and promoted its own reforms that would make Yugoslavia a decentralized confederation.[20]

Croatia and Slovenia denounced the actions by Milošević and began to demand that Yugoslavia be made a full multi-party confederal state.

SAP Vojvodina were de facto
abolished by constitutional reforms that transferred powers away from the provinces to the Serbian government.

Milošević rejected the independence of Croatia in 1991, and even after the formation of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), it too did not initially recognize Croatia's independence.[22] Plans by Milošević to carve out territory from Croatia to the local Serbs had begun by June 1990, according to the diary of Serbian official Borisav Jović.[23] The Serbian government along with a clique of pro-Milošević members of the Yugoslav army and its general staff, secretly adopted the RAM or "frame" plan that involved the partition of Croatia and Bosnia to give large amounts of territory to the local Serbs that would remain united with Serbia, effectively a Greater Serbia.[24] Armaments and military equipment were placed in strategic positions throughout Croatia and Bosnia for use by the Serbs, and local Serbs were trained as police and paramilitary soldiers in preparation for war.[23]

Interviews with government officials involved in political affairs between Serbia and the Republic of Macedonia have revealed that Milošević planned to arrest the Republic of Macedonia's political leadership and replace it with politicians loyal to Serbia, when the Republic of Macedonia was still part of Yugoslavia.

Republic of Macedonia seceding in 1991, the Serbian government declared that Macedonia was an "artificial nation" and Serbia allied with Greece against the Republic of Macedonia, even suggesting a partition of the Republic of Macedonia between Serbia and Greece.[25] Milošević demanded the self-determination of Serbs in the Republic of Macedonia and did not recognize the independence of the Republic of Macedonia until 1996.[25]

Serbian nationalists claim that in Communist historiography, Serbs were transformed into oppressors, the Chetniks of World War II branded as collaborationist as the Ustaše, and the massacres of Serbs were downplayed.[26]

List of Serbian nationalist parties

See also: Far-right politics in Serbia

Serbia

Republika Srpska

See also

Notes

  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Motyl 2001, pp. 470.
  2. ^ a b Motyl 2001, pp. 470–472.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u Motyl 2001, pp. 471.
  4. ^ Motyl 2001, pp. 105.
  5. ^ Motyl 2001, pp. 472.
  6. ^ Melichárek 2015, p. 59.
  7. ^ a b Ramet 2006, 322.
  8. ^ Wachtel 2006, pp. 86.
  9. ^ Wachtel 2006, pp. 85–87.
  10. ^ a b Ramet 2006, pp. 321.
  11. ^ a b Ramet 2006, pp. 337.
  12. ^ a b c Ramet 2006, pp. 119.
  13. ^ Ramet 2006, pp. 350.
  14. ^ a b Ramet 2006, pp. 351.
  15. ^ Ramet 2006, pp. 354.
  16. ^ a b c d Ramet 2006, pp. 355.
  17. ^ Ramet 2006, pp. 361.
  18. ^ Ramet 2006, pp. 349.
  19. ^ a b Ramet 2006, pp. 338.
  20. ^ Ramet 2006, pp. 339.
  21. ^ Ramet 2006, pp. 359.
  22. ^ Sriram, Martin-Ortega & Herman 2010, p. 70.
  23. ^ a b LeBor 2004, pp. 140.
  24. ^ LeBor 2004, pp. 140–143.
  25. ^ a b c Ackermann 2000, p. 72.
  26. ISBN 978-0-230-28584-2
    .
  27. ^ "О оснивању". Српска странка Заветници. Retrieved 8 April 2020.
  28. ^ "Srpska desnica sanja ujedinjenje". Balkan Insight (in Serbian). 20 May 2013. Retrieved 8 April 2020.

References

Further reading

  • Jelavich, Charles. 1958. Tsarist Russia and Balkan nationalism: Russian influence in the internal affairs of Bulgaria and Serbia, 1879-1886 (1958).
  • Jelavich, Charles. 1990. South Slav nationalisms--textbooks and Yugoslav Union before 1914 (Ohio State Univ Press, 1990).
  • Jelavich, Charles. 1962. Serbian nationalism and the question of union with Croatia in the nineteenth century (1962).

External links
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Serbian_nationalism&oldid=1204557662"