Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

Tajuddin Ahmed
Preceded by	Position established
Succeeded by	Abu Sayeed Chowdhury
In office 25 January 1975 – 15 August 1975
Prime Minister	Muhammad Mansur Ali
Preceded by	Mohammad Mohammadullah
Succeeded by	Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad (Usurper)[a]
Leader of the House
In office 12 January 1972 – 25 January 1975
Preceded by	Position established
Succeeded by	Muhammad Mansur Ali
Prime Minister of Bangladesh
In office 12 January 1972 – 24 January 1975
President	Abu Sayeed Chowdhury Mohammad Mohammadullah
Preceded by	Tajuddin Ahmad
Succeeded by	Muhammad Mansur Ali
President of Awami League
In office 25 January 1966 – 18 January 1974
General Secretary	Tajuddin Ahmad Zillur Rahman
Preceded by	Abdur Rashid Tarkabagish
Succeeded by	A. H. M Qamaruzzaman
Other Roles
1946–1948	Councillor of Bengal Provincial Muslim League
1953–1966	General Secretary of Awami League
1954	Agriculture Minister of East Bengal
1954–1958	Member of East Pakistan Provincial Assembly
1955–1958	Member of the National Assembly of Pakistan
1956–1957	Industries Minister of East Pakistan
Personal details
Born	(1920-03-17)17 March 1920 Dacca, Bangladesh
Manner of death	Assassination
Resting place	Mausoleum of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
Nationality	British subject (1920–1947) Pakistan (1947–1971) Bangladesh (1971–1975)
Political party	Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (1975)
Other political affiliations	All-India Muslim League (1937–1947) Muslim League (1947–1949) Awami League (1949–1971) Bangladesh Awami League (1971–1975)
Spouse	Begum Fazilatunnesa
Children	Hasina Kamal Jamal Rehana Russel
Parents	Sheikh Lutfar Rahman (father) Sheikh Sayera Khatun (mother)
Relatives	Tungipara Sheikh family
Residence	Dhanmondi, Dhaka
Alma mater	Islamia College, Calcutta (BA) University of Dhaka[b]
Occupation	Insurance executive politician statesman
Awards	Joliot-Curie Medal of Peace Independence Award Gandhi Peace Prize SAARC Literary Award
Signature
Nickname	Khoka

Part of a series on the
Independence of Bangladesh
Events
Partition of Bengal Bengali language movement Six point movement Agartala Conspiracy Case Eleven Points Programme East Pakistan mass uprising Pakistani general election Non-cooperation movement 7 March Speech Operation Searchlight Proclamation of Independence
Organisations
East Pakistan Renaissance Society Awami League United Front East Pakistan Communist Party Sarbadaliya Chhatra Sangram Parishad Swadhin Bangla Biplobi Parishad Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra
Key persons
Abul Kalam Shamsuddin Habibullah Bahar Chowdhury Mujibur Rahman Khan Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy Serajul Alam Khan Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani Ataur Rahman Khan
Related
Lahore Resolution United Bengal Bangladesh Liberation War International recognition
Bangladesh portal
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Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

Mujib was born in 1920 into the

After the

Mujib emerged as a major opposition figure in Pakistani politics between 1948 and 1971. He represented the Bengali grassroots. He had an uncanny ability to remember people by their first name regardless of whether they were political leaders, workers, or ordinary citizens. Mujib suffered repeated bouts of police detention due to his ability to instigate opposition protests against the Pakistani government. His movements were tracked by spies of the Pakistani government. He was accused of being a secessionist and an agent of India. East Pakistan's Intelligence Branch compiled many secret reports on his movements and political activities. The secret documents have been declassified by the Bangladeshi government. The formerly classified reports have also been published.^[30]

Founding of the Awami League

The

Language Movement

The Awami League strongly backed the Bengali Language Movement. Bengalis argued that the Bengali language deserved to be a federal language on par with Urdu because Bengalis formed the largest ethnic group in Pakistan. The movement appealed to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan to declare both Urdu and Bengali as national languages, in addition to English. During a conference in Fazlul Huq Muslim Hall, Sheikh Mujib was instrumental in establishing the All-Party State Language Action Committee.^[33] He was repeatedly arrested during the movement. When he was released from jail in 1948, he was greeted by a rally of the State Language Struggle Committee.^[34] Mujib announced a nationwide student strike on 17 March 1948.^[35][36]

In early January 1950, the Awami League held an anti-famine rally in Dhaka during the visit of Prime Minister

Sir [President of the Constituent Assembly], you will see that they want to use the phrase 'East Pakistan' instead of 'East Bengal'. We have demanded many times that you should use Bengal instead of Pakistan. The word Bengal has a history and tradition of its own. You can change it only after the people have been consulted. If you want to change, we have to go back to Bengal and ask them whether they are ready to accept it. So far as the question of one unit is concerned it can be incorporated in the constitution. Why do you want it to be taken up right now? What about the state language, Bengali? We are prepared to consider one unit with all these things. So, I appeal to my friends on the other side to allow the people to give their verdict in any way, in the form of referendum or in the form of plebiscite.[43]

Mujib was often a vocal defender of human rights. Speaking on freedom of assembly and freedom of speech, he told Pakistan's parliament the following on 29 November 1955:-

For whom are you going to frame the Constitution? Are you going to give freedom of speech, freedom of action to the people of Pakistan? When you do not have any other law under which you can arrest a person, you haul him under this so-called Public Safety Act. This is the blackest Act on the statute book of Pakistan. I do not know how long such an Act will continue. I want to warn you. Sir, that you must do justice to all people without fear or favour. If justice fails, equity fails, fair-play fails, then we will see how the matter is decided.^[44]

Mujib often called for increased recruitment and affirmative action in East Pakistan. Bengalis were under-represented in the civil and military services despite making up the largest ethnic group in the federation.^[45] Mujib felt that Bengalis were being relegated to provincial jobs instead of federal jobs because most Bengalis could not afford to travel outside the province in spite of holding master's degrees and bachelor's degrees. A similar situation also prevailed under British rule when Bengali degree holders were employed mostly in the Bengal Civil Service instead of the pan-Indian civil service. In parliament, Mujib spoke about parity between East and West Pakistan on 4 February 1956 and said the following.

It was stated that at the time of partition there was only one I.C.S. officer in East Bengal and there were no Engineers. I say that Bengal with 16 per cent literacy has only such a meagre representation in the service. Sir, this fact must be realised that it costs an individual Rs. 200 to come from East Bengal to this place. If you recruit in East Bengal and give a job you will find a large number of people from East Bengal coming forward. There are such a large number of M.As. and B. As....... (Interruptions)....... Sir, my time has been spoiled.^[44]

Mujib later became provincial minister of commerce and industries in the cabinet of

Between 1956 and 1957, Mujib's mentor Suhrawardy served as the 5th

Mujib joined the Alpha Insurance Company in 1960. He continued to work in the insurance industry for many years.[50]^[51][52]

The 1958 Pakistani military coup ended Pakistan's first era of parliamentary democracy as Muhammad Ayub Khan, the commander-in-chief of the Pakistan Army, overthrew the Bengali president Iskandar Ali Mirza and abolished the 1956 constitution. Many politicians were imprisoned and disqualified from holding public office, including Mujib's mentor Suhrawardy.^[53] A new constitution was introduced by Ayub Khan which curtailed universal suffrage and empowered electoral colleges to elect the country's parliament.^[54][55]

Six point movement

Following Suhrawardy's death in 1963, Mujib became General Secretary of the All Pakistan Awami League with

Mujib supported opposition candidate Fatima Jinnah against Ayub Khan in the 1965 presidential election.^[61] Fatima Jinnah, the sister of Pakistan's founder Muhammad Ali Jinnah, drew huge crowds in East Pakistan during her presidential campaign which was supported by the Combined Opposition Party, including the Awami League.^[62] East Pakistan was the hotbed of opposition to the presidency of Ayub Khan.^[63] Mujib became popular for voicing the grievances of the Bengali population, including under-representation in the military and central bureaucracy.^[64] Despite generating most of Pakistan's export earnings and customs tax revenue, East Pakistan received a smaller budget allocation than West Pakistan.^[65]

The

In 1965, Pakistan banned the works of Nobel laureate Rabindranath Tagore in state media.^[67][68][69] Censorship in state media spurred Bengali civil society groups like Chhayanaut to preserve Bengali culture. When Ayub Khan compared Bengalis to beasts, the poet Sufia Kamal retorted that "If the people are beasts then as the President of the Republic, you are the king of the beasts".^[70] The Daily Ittefaq led by Tofazzal Hossain voiced growing aspirations for democracy, autonomy, and nationalism. Economists in Dhaka University pointed to the massive reallocation of revenue to West Pakistan despite East Pakistan's role in generating most of Pakistan's export income. Rehman Sobhan paraphrased the two-nation theory into the two economies theory.^{[71][72][73][74]} He argued that East and West Pakistan had two fundamentally distinct economies within one country. In 1966, Mujib put forward a 6-point plan at a national conference of opposition parties in Lahore.^[11] The city of Lahore was chosen because of its symbolism as the place where the Lahore Resolution was adopted by the Muslim League in 1940. The six points called for abolishing the Basic Democracy scheme, restoring universal suffrage, devolving federal power to the provinces of East and West Pakistan, separate fiscal, monetary and trade policies for East and West Pakistan, and increased security spending for East Pakistan.^[75]

1. The constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense based on the Lahore Resolution and the parliamentary form of government with supremacy of a legislature directly elected on the basis of universal adult franchise.
2. The federal government should deal with only two subjects: defence and foreign affairs, and all other residuary subjects shall be vested in the federating states.
3. Two separate, but freely convertible currencies for two wings should be introduced; or if this is not feasible, there should be one currency for the whole country, but effective constitutional provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate banking reserve should be established and a separate fiscal and monetary policy be adopted for East Pakistan.
4. The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the federating units and the federal center will have no such power. The Federation will be entitled to a share in the state taxes to meet its expenditures.
5. There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings; the foreign exchange requirements of the federal government should be met by the two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed; indigenous products should move free of duty between the two wings, and the constitution should empower the units to establish trade links with foreign countries.
6. East Pakistan should have its own security force.

Mujib's points catalysed public support across East Pakistan, launching what historians have termed the six point movement – recognised as the turning point towards East and West Pakistan becoming two nations.^[76][77] Mujib insisted on a federal democracy and obtained broad support from the Bengali population.^[78][79] In 1966, Mujib was elected as President of the Awami League. Tajuddin Ahmad succeeded him as General Secretary.

Agartala Conspiracy Case

Mujib was arrested by the Pakistan Army and after two years in jail, an official sedition trial in a military court opened. During his imprisonment between 1967 and 1969, Mujib began to write his autobiography.

1969 uprising and Round Table Conference

In 1969, President Ayub Khan convened a Round Table Conference with opposition parties to find a way out of the prevailing political impasse. A few days after his release from prison, Mujib flew to Rawalpindi to attend the Round Table Conference.^[83] Mujib sought to bargain for East Pakistan's autonomy. Mujib was the most powerful opposition leader at the Round Table Conference. Ayub Khan shook hands with Mujib, whom Khan previously had imprisoned. Talking to British media, Mujib said "East Pakistan must get full regional autonomy. It must be self-sufficient in all respects. It must get its due share and legitimate share in the central administration. The West Pakistani people support [East Pakistani demands]. Only the vested interests want to divide the people of East and West Pakistan".^[83] When asked about the prospect of East Pakistan ruling West Pakistan if the Awami League gained power, Mujib replied that majority rule is important in a democracy but the people of East Pakistan had no intention to discriminate against West Pakistan, and that West Pakistani parties would continue to play an important role.^[83] Mujib toured West Pakistani cities by train after the Round Table Conference. West Pakistani crowds received him with chants of "Sheikh Saheb Zindabad!" (meaning Long Live the Sheikh!).^[84] He was received by huge crowds in Quetta, Baluchistan. He spoke to West Pakistani crowds in a heavily Bengali accent of Urdu, talking about chhey nukati (six points) and hum chhoy dofa mangta sab ke liye.^[84]

Mujib demanded that Pakistan accept his six-point plan for federal democracy. He wasn't satisfied by Ayub Khan's pledges. When he returned to Dhaka, he declared that East Pakistan should be known as Bangladesh. On 5 December 1969 Mujib made a declaration at a public meeting, held to observe the death anniversary of his mentor Suhrawardy, that henceforth East Pakistan would be called "Bangladesh":

There was a time when all efforts were made to erase the word "Bangla" from this land and its map. The existence of the word "Bangla" was found nowhere except in the term Bay of Bengal. I on behalf of Pakistan announce today that this land will be called "Bangladesh" instead of East Pakistan.^[40]

Mujib's fiery rhetoric ignited Bengali nationalism and pro-independence aspirations among the masses, students, professionals, and intellectuals of East Pakistan. Many observers believed that Bengali nationalism was a rejection of Pakistan's founding two-nation theory but Mujib never phrased his rhetoric in these terms.^[85] Mujib was able to galvanise support throughout East Pakistan, which was home to the majority of Pakistan's population. He became one of the most powerful political figures in the Indian subcontinent. Bengalis increasingly referred to him as Bangabandhu.

1970 election

In March 1969, Ayub Khan resigned and Yahya Khan became president. Prior to the scheduled general election for 1970, one of the most powerful cyclones on record devastated East Pakistan, leaving half a million people dead and millions displaced. President Yahya Khan, who was flying back from China after the cyclone, viewed the devastation from the air. The ruling military junta was slow to respond with relief efforts. Newspapers in East Pakistan accused the federal government of "gross neglect, callous inattention, and bitter indifference".^[86] Mujib remarked that "We have a large army but it is left to the British Marines to bury our dead".^[86] International aid had to pour in due to the slow response of the Pakistani military regime. Bengalis were outraged at what was widely considered to be the weak and ineffective response of the federal government to the disaster.^[87][88] Public opinion and political parties in East Pakistan blamed the ruling military junta for the lack of relief efforts. The dissatisfaction led to divisions between East Pakistanis and West Pakistanis within the civil services, police and Pakistani Armed Forces.^[87][89]

In the Pakistani general elections

Both Bhutto and Yahya Khan travelled to Dhaka for negotiations with the Awami League. Mujib's delegation included the notable lawyer and constitutional expert Kamal Hossain. The Bengali negotiating position is extensively discussed in Kamal Hossain's autobiography Bangladesh: Quest for Freedom and Justice.^[100] The Pakistani government was represented by former chief justice Alvin Robert Cornelius. At the InterContinental Dhaka, Bengali chefs refused to cook food for Yahya Khan.^[100] Governor Sahabzada Yaqub Khan requested the Awami League to end the strike of the chefs at the InterContinental Hotel.^[100]

Bhutto feared civil war, and sent a secret message to Mujib and his inner circle to arrange a meeting with them.^[101][102] Mubashir Hassan met with Mujib and persuaded him to form a coalition government with Bhutto. They decided that Bhutto would serve as president, with Mujib as Prime Minister. These developments took place secretly and no Pakistan Armed Forces personnel were kept informed. Meanwhile, Bhutto increased the pressure on Yahya Khan to take a stand on dissolving the government.^[103]

Establishment of Bangladesh

The National Assembly was scheduled to meet in Dhaka on 3 March 1971. President Yahya Khan indefinitely postponed the assembly's first sitting, which triggered an uprising in East Pakistan. The cities of Dhaka, Chittagong, Rajshahi, Rangpur, and Khulna were engulfed with protests. Amid signs of an impending crackdown, Mujib addressed the people of East Pakistan on 7 March 1971 at the Ramna Race Course Maidan.^{[104][105][106][107]} In his speech, Mujib laid out the political history of Pakistan since partition and told the crowd that "[w]e gave blood in 1952; we won a mandate in 1954; but we were still not allowed to take up the reigns of this country".^[108] While Mujib stopped short of declaring outright independence, he stated that the goal of the Awami League from then on would be eventual independence. He declared that the Awami League would collect taxes and form committees in every neighbourhood to organise resistance. He called on the people "to turn every house into a fortress".^[108] His most famous words from the speech were the following.

This time the struggle is for our liberation! This time the struggle is for our independence!

7 March Speech of Bangabandhu)^[110]

Following the speech, 17 days of civil disobedience known as the non-cooperation movement took place across East Pakistan.^{[104][105][106][107]} The Awami League began to collect taxes while all monetary transfers to West Pakistan were suspended. East Pakistan came under the de facto control of the Awami League. On 23 March 1971, Bangladeshi flags were flown throughout East Pakistan on Pakistan's Republic Day as a show of resistance. The Awami League and the Pakistani military leadership continued negotiations over the transfer of power. However, West Pakistani troops were being flown into the eastern wing through PIA flights while arms were being unloaded from Pakistan Navy ships in Chittagong harbour.^[111][112] The Pakistani military was preparing for a crackdown.

Outbreak of war

Talks broke down on 25 March 1971 when Yahya Khan left Dhaka, declared martial law, banned the Awami League and ordered the Pakistan Army to arrest Mujib and other Bengali leaders and activists.

This may be my last message, from today Bangladesh is independent. I call upon the people of Bangladesh wherever you might be and with whatever you have, to resist the army of occupation to the last. Your fight must go on until the last soldier of the Pakistan occupation army is expelled from the soil of Bangladesh and final victory is achieved.^[8]

Shortly after having declared the independence of Bangladesh,^[113] Mujib was arrested without charges and flown to prison in West Pakistan after midnight. Mujib was moved to West Pakistan and kept under heavy guard in a jail near Faisalabad.^[109] Sheikh Mujib was later moved to Central Jail Mianwali where he remained in solitary confinement for the entirety of the war.^[114][115] Kamal Hossain was also arrested and flown to West Pakistan while many other League leaders escaped to India.^[116] Pakistani general Rahimuddin Khan was appointed to preside over Mujib's court-martial trial, the proceedings of which have never been made public.^[117] Mujib was sentenced to death but his execution was deferred on three occasions.^[114]

The Pakistan Army's operations in East Pakistan were widely labelled as

Upon assuming the presidency after Yahya Khan's resignation, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto responded to international pressure and released Mujib on 8 January 1972.

I am free to share the unbounded joy of freedom with my fellow countrymen. We have won our freedom in an epic liberation struggle.[130]

Mujib was provided an RAF plane by the British government to take him back to newly independent Bangladesh. He was accompanied on the flight by members of the Provisional Government of Bangladesh, as well as an emissary of India's premier Indira Gandhi. The emissary was Indian Bengali diplomat Shashank Banerjee, who recounted Mujib smoking his trademark smoking pipe with Erinmore tobacco.^[131] During the flight, both men agreed that Bangladesh would adopt the Westminster style of parliamentary government. On Indira Gandhi's hopes for Bangladesh, Banerjee told Mujib that "on India's eastern flank, she wished to have a friendly power, a prosperous economy, and a secular democracy, with a parliamentary system of government".^[132] Regarding the presence of Indian troops in Bangladesh, Mujib requested Banerjee to convey to the Indian government that Indian troops should be withdrawn as early as possible.^[131] The RAF de Havilland Comet made a stopover in the Middle East en route to Dhaka.^[131]

The RAF plane then made a stopover in New Delhi. Mujib was received by Indian President

Mujib briefly assumed the provisional presidency and later took office as the prime minister. In January 1972 Time magazine reported that "[i]n the aftermath of the Pakistani army's rampage last March, a special team of inspectors from the World Bank observed that some cities looked "like the morning after a nuclear attack". Since then, the destruction has only been magnified. An estimated 6,000,000 homes have been destroyed, and nearly 1,400,000 farm families have been left without tools or animals to work their lands. Transportation and communications systems are totally disrupted. Roads are damaged, bridges out and inland waterways blocked. The rape of the country continued right up until the Pakistani army surrendered a month ago. In the last days of the war, West Pakistani-owned businesses—which included nearly every commercial enterprise in the country—remitted virtually all their funds to the West. Pakistan International Airlines left exactly 117 rupees ($16) in its account at the port city of Chittagong. The army also destroyed bank notes and coins, so that many areas now suffer from a severe shortage of ready cash. Private cars were picked up off the streets or confiscated from auto dealers and shipped to the West before the ports were closed.^[141][142]

The new government of Bangladesh quickly converted East Pakistan's state apparatus into the machinery of an independent Bangladeshi state. For example, a presidential decree transformed the High Court of East Pakistan into the

Mujib introduced a quota for backward regions to get access to public sector jobs.[143] Bangladesh also faced a gun control problem because many of its guerrilla fighters from the Liberation War were roaming the country with guns. Mujib successfully called on former guerrillas to surrender their arms through public ceremonies which affirmed their status as freedom fighters during the Liberation War.^[143] The President's Relief and Welfare Fund was created to rehabilitate an estimated 10 million displaced Bangladeshis. Mujib established 11,000 new primary schools and nationalised 40,000 primary schools.^[146]

Withdrawal of Indian troops

One of Mujib's first priorities was the withdrawal of Indian troops from Bangladesh. Mujib requested the Indian government to ensure a swift withdrawal of Indian military forces from Bangladeshi territory. A timeline was drawn up for rapid withdrawal. The withdrawal took place within three months of the surrender of Pakistan to the allied forces of Bangladesh and India. A formal ceremony was held in Dhaka Stadium on 12 March 1972 in which Mujib inspected a guard of honour from the 1st Rajput Regiment.^[147] The withdrawal of Indian forces was completed by 15 March.^[148] Many countries established diplomatic relations with Bangladesh soon after the withdrawal of Indian troops.^[149] India's intervention and subsequent withdrawal has been cited as a successful case of humanitarian intervention in international law.^[149]

War criminals

In 1972, Mujib told

While Pakistan adopted progressive reforms to Muslim family law as early as 1961,

Mujib said "secularism doesn't mean irreligiosity. Hindus will practice their religion; Muslims will practice their religion; Christians, Buddhists - everyone will practice their respective religions. No one will interfere in someone else's religion; the people of Bengal do not seek to interfere in matters of religion. Religion will not be used for political purposes. Religion will not be exploited in Bengal for political gain. If anyone does so, I believe the people of Bengal will retaliate against them".[44]

Foreign policy

In the early 1970s, Sheikh Mujib emerged as one of the most charismatic leaders of the

Mujib was a firm opponent of apartheid. In his first speech to the United Nations General Assembly in 1974, Mujib remarked that "In spite of the acceleration of the process of abolishing colonialism, it hasn't reached its ultimate goal. This is more strongly true of Africa, where the people of Rhodesia and Namibia are still engaged in the final struggle for national independence and absolute freedom. Although racism has been identified as a serious offence in this council, it's still destroying the conscience of the people".^[188][189] This was the first speech in the UN General Assembly to be spoken in Bengali.

Bangladesh joined the Non Aligned Movement (NAM) during the

While addressing the UN General Assembly in 1974, Mujib said "injustice is still rampant in many parts of the world. Our Arab brothers are still fighting for the complete eviction of the invaders from their land. The equitable national rights of the

At the height of Mujib's power, left-wing insurgents from the

Mujib's political philosophy dramatically changed in 1975. Elections were approaching in 1977 after the end of his five-year term. Mujib sensed growing dissatisfaction with his regime. He changed the constitution, declared himself president, and established a

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was killed along with most of his family in his private home on 15 August 1975 during a military coup by renegade army officers.^[234] His wife, three sons, two daughters-in-law, and a host of other relatives, personal staff, and a brigadier general of the Bangladesh Army were killed as part of the coup.^[235] Mujib was shot on the staircase of his house.^[236] After the coup, four allies of Mujib who led the Provisional Government of Bangladesh in 1971 were arrested and eventually executed on 3 November 1975.

A martial law regime was established. Mujib's killers included fifteen junior army officers with ranks of colonels, majors, lieutenants and havildars. They were backed up by Awami League politician Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad, who usurped the presidency. On the day of the coup, the junior officers ordered their soldiers to take over the national radio and television stations. The army chief K. M. Shafiullah was caught unaware and failed to stop the coup.^[236] According to American investigative journalist Lawrence Lifschultz, the army's deputy chief Ziaur Rahman was approached by the coup plotters and expressed interest in the proposed coup plan, but refused to become the public face of the coup.^{[237][238][239]} Zia did not deny meeting with the coup plotters, according to Anthony Mascarenhas. Zia was legally obliged to prevent a mutiny against the country's legally appointed president but did not stop the impending mutiny despite having knowledge of it.^[240] Zia eventually emerged as the dictator of Bangladesh after the coup. The only survivors from Mujib's family were his daughters Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana, who were visiting Hasina's physicist husband in West Germany at the time. On 26 September 1975, the martial law regime introduced the Indemnity Ordinance, 1975, which gave legal immunity to all persons involved in the coup of 15 August 1975.

Mujib was warned about a possible coup by Indian intelligence.^[241][242] Mujib shrugged off these warnings by saying his own people would never hurt him.^[243] His assassins continued to enjoy immunity from prosecution for 26 years. The Indemnity Ordinance was repealed in 1996 after his daughter Sheikh Hasina was elected as Prime Minister. Hasina subsequently initiated a murder case in the courts of Bangladesh. Several of the fifteen assassins, including coup leader Syed Faruque Rahman, were arrested and put on trial. Others like Khandaker Abdur Rashid became fugitives. The fifteen were given the death penalty by a court in 1998.^[244] Five of the convicts were hanged in 2010.^[245] A sixth convict was hanged in 2020.^[246] Of the remaining fugitives, a few have died or are in hiding. In 2022, the Bangladeshi government reported that five fugitives are still on the run, including coup leader Rashid.^[247] One of the convicted assassins is living in Canada.^[248] One of the convicts is living in the United States.^[249] Bangladesh has requested Canada and the United States to deport the fugitives following the precedent set by the deportation of A.K.M. Mohiuddin Ahmed in 2007.^[250]

Family

Mujib was eighteen years old when he married eight years old

In 2004, listeners of the

In 2020, the government of Bangladesh celebrated Mujib Year to mark 100 years since the birth of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1920.^[265] The commemorations preceded Bangladesh's 50th anniversary of independence in 2021. Mujib continues to be a revered, popular, divisive, and controversial figure in Bangladesh. His party, the Awami League, has built a personality cult around his legacy.^{[citation needed]} Opponents of the League are fierce critics of Mujib's populism and authoritarianism, including his creation of BAKSAL. League supporters and other Bangladeshis credit Mujib for successfully leading the country to independence in 1971. However, Mujib's socialist and economic policies after 1971 are largely frowned upon except among his most loyal supporters and family members. Many roads, institutions, military bases, bridges and other places in Bangladesh are named in his honour. Under the Awami League's rule, Mujib's picture is printed on the national currency Bangladeshi taka. Bangladeshis across the political divide often refer to him as Bangabandhu out of respect. A satellite is also named after him.

Mujib is remembered in India as an ally.

• "
  liberation war of Bangladesh
  .
• A song was written about him in 1990 and recorded in 1991 named "Jodi Raat Pohale Shona Jeto" became popular during election.
• In 2020 "Tumi Banglar Drubotara" (You are the star of Bengal), a song composed by poet Kamal Chowdhury on the occasion of Mujib Year was released.

Literature

• Deyal
  .
• Neamat Imam's novel The Black Coat depicts Mujib as a dictator.^[272]
• In 2015, the
  Bangladesh Awami League
  published a four-part children's comic book named Mujib based on Sheikh Mujib's two autobiographies.
• In March 2022, Muktidata Sheikh Mujib (Liberator Sheikh Mujib), a memoir of Mujibur Rahman, was published.^[273]

Documentaries

• In 1972, David Frost Program in Bangladesh, a documentary based on interviews with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was released. British journalist David Frost made it based on the political life of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.^[274]
• In the 1973 Japanese Documentary "Bengaru no chichi: Râman" (Rahman, The Father of Bengal), produced by Japanese director Nagashi Oshima, depicts Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's personal life, daily activities and subsequent plans.
• In 1973 Welcome Bangabandhu, a documentary based on Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's state visit to Japan, was produced by Mainichi Productions of Japan.^[275]
• In 1996 "Chironjib Bangabandhu" (Immortal Bangabandhu), a documentary on the life and work of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was produced.
• In the 2018 documentary film Hasina: A Daughter's Tale, Sheikh Mujib's daughter Sheikh Hasina spoke about the assassination of her father.^[276]
• In 2021 "Bangabandhur Rajnoitik Jibon O Bangladesher Obbhudoy" (Bangabandhu's Political Life and the Rise of Bangladesh), a documentary on the life of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the independence of Bangladesh, won the 45th Bangladesh National Film Awards in the 'Best Documentary' category.^[277]
• On 17 November 2023,
  Noor Chowdhury, the assassin of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.^[278]

Films

• In the 1974 Bangladeshi film Sangram, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was portrayed by himself.
• In the 2014 British-Bangladeshi film "
  war speech on the 7 March 1971, just before his arrest, the first day of attack on the Bengali civilian population on 25 March 1971, while also explaining the atrocities that took place.^[279]
• In the 2014 Indian film Children of War, Prodip Ganguly portrayed of Sheikh Mujib.
• On 30 March 2021, Tungiparar Miya Bhai, a biopic of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was released.
• On 15 August 2021, August 1975, a Bangladeshi political drama film based on the immediate aftermath of assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was released.
• On 31 December 2021, Chironjeeb Mujib, another biopic of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was released.
• In the 2023 short film "Bangamata" (Mother of Bengal), on the life of Sheikh Fazilatunnesa Mujib, wife of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Mujib is portrayed by Monir Ahmed Shakeel.^[280]
• On 29 September 2023, Dusshahoshi Khoka, a film was released that depicts Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's birth to adolescence and youth (1920-1938).^[281]
• On 13 October 2023, Mujib: The Making of a Nation, a biopic of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman directed by Shyam Benegal was released.

Television

• In 2007, With funding from the "Sheikh Mujib Research Center London", writer and journalist Abdul Gaffar Chowdhury made a television film of the same name based on his autobiographical political novel "Palashi Theke Dhanmondi", starring Pijush Bandyopadhyay as Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.^[282]

Animations

• On 28 September 2021, Khoka Theke Bangabandhu Jatir Pita, an animated biopic of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was released.^[283]
• On 1 October 2021, Mujib Amar Pita, another animated film about Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was released.^[284]
• On 23 June 2023, Mujib Bhai, another animated film about Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was released.^[285]
• On 26 October 2023, Amader Choto Russel Shona, an animated film about Sheikh Russel was released where Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was portrayed as father of Russel.

Bibliography

Mujib is today celebrated as a political

diarist. He kept a diary during his early political career in the 1940s and 1950s. This diary was translated into English by Fakrul Alam and published as The Unfinished Memoirs. The book was published in both India and Pakistan by Penguin Books and Oxford University Press respectively.^[80] The book has since been translated into French, Spanish, Korean, Arabic, and many other languages.^{[286][287][288][289][290][291]}

Mujib also started writing his autobiography while in prison between 1967 and 1969; this diary was published in Bengali as The Prison Diaries. Mujib wrote a travelogue of his visits to China during the 1950s. This travelogue was published as the book The New China as I Saw.^[292]

• ISBN 978-9845061100
  .
• ISBN 978-0470602645
  .
• ISBN 978-9840759880
  .

Honours

Prize Name	Year	Reference
Joliot-Curie Medal of Peace	1973	[293]
Independence Award	2003
Gandhi Peace Prize	2020	[294]
SAARC Literary Award	2023	[295]

Footnotes

Notes

1. ^ In Bangladesh Italian Marble Works Ltd. v. Government of Bangladesh, the Supreme Court ruled that Mostaq's accession to the Presidency was illegal as it violated the line of succession and occurred after a military coup. Therefore, it was declared that Mostaq was a usurper and all Ordinances rendered by him under martial law were null and void of any legal effect.^[1][2][3]
2. ^ In 1949 while a second-year student studying law, Bangabandhu was expelled from the University of Dhaka by the Executive Council on the grounds of "instigating" a movement among the employees of the University to secure better pay and allowances. The expulsion was symbolically rescinded 61 years later in 2010 by the Executive Council.^[4]
3. romanized: Śekh Mujibur Rôhômān [ˈʃeːkʰ mudʒɪbur ˈɾɔɦoman]
4. romanized: Bôṅgôbôndhu [ˈbɔŋgobondʱu]

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References

• Mujibur Rahman, Sheikh (2012).
  ISBN 9789845061100
  .
• Kādira, Muhāmmada Nūrula (2004). Independence of Bangladesh in 266 days: history and documentary evidence. Dhaka: Mukto Publishers.
  ISBN 978-984-32-0858-3
  .
• Karim, S. A. (2005). Sheikh Mujib: Triumph and Tragedy. The University Press Limited.
  ISBN 9789840517374
  .
• Milam, William B. (2009). Pakistan and Bangladesh: Flirting with Failure. Columbia University Press.
  ISBN 978-0-231-70066-5
  .
• Kaushik, S. L.; Patnayak, Rama (1995). Modern Governments and Political Systems: governments and politics in South Asia.
• ISBN 978-0-395-73097-3
  .
• ISBN 978-984-506-226-8
  .
• Ahmed, Salahuddin (2003). Bangladesh: Past and Present. New Delhi: A.P.H. Publishing Corporation.
  ISBN 9788176484695
  .
• Enayetur Rahim and Joyce L. Rahim, ed. (2013). Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Struggle for Independence: UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office, De-classified Documents, 1962–1971. Hakkani Publishers.
  ISBN 978-7-02-140067-5
  .
• Meghna Guhathakurta and Willem van Schendel (2013). The Bangladesh Reader: History, Culture, Politics. Duke University Press.
  ISBN 9780822353188
  .
• Maidul Islam (2015). Limits of Islamism. Cambridge University Press.
  ISBN 9781107080263
  .
• Jahan, Rounaq (2000). Bangladesh: promise and performance. Zed Books.
  ISBN 9781856498258
  .
• Gupta, Jyoti Sen (1981). Bangladesh, in Blood and Tears. Naya Prokash.
• Heitzman, James; Library of Congress, Federal Research Division; Nyrop, Richard F.; Worden, Robert L. (1989). Bangladesh : a country study. Washington, D.C: Library of Congress.

External links

• Bangabandhu Online Museum
• Sheikh Mujib (1971–1975)
• Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at Banglapedia
• Sheikh Mujib at
  IMDb
• The short film Interview with Bangladesh Prime Minister Mujbur Rahman (1972) is available for free viewing and download at the Internet Archive.
• Portraits of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at the National Portrait Gallery, London

Political offices
Preceded by Unknown	Agriculture Minister of East Bengal 1954	Vacant
Preceded by Unknown	Industries Minister of East Pakistan 1956–1957	Succeeded by Unknown
New office	President of Bangladesh 1971–1972	Succeeded by Nazrul Islam Acting
Preceded by Tajuddin Ahmed	Prime Minister of Bangladesh 1972–1975	Succeeded by Muhammad Mansur Ali
Preceded by Mohammad Mohammadullah	President of Bangladesh 1975	Succeeded by Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad