Sinitic languages
Sinitic | |
---|---|
Chinese | |
Ethnicity | Sinitic peoples |
Geographic distribution | |
Linguistic classification | Sino-Tibetan
|
Proto-language | Proto-Sinitic |
Subdivisions | |
ISO 639-5 | zhx |
Glottolog | sini1245 (Sinitic) macr1275 (Macro-Bai) |
Map of Sinitic languages in China |
The Sinitic languages
Population
Over 91% of the Chinese population speaks a Sinitic language.[9] Approximately 1.52 billion people are speakers of the Chinese macrolanguage, of whom about three-quarters speak a Mandarin variety. Estimates of the number of global speakers of Sinitic branches as of 2018–19, both native and non-native, are listed below:[10]
Branch | Speakers | pct. |
---|---|---|
Mandarin | 1,118,584,040 | 73.50% |
Yue | 85,576,570 | 5.62% |
Wu | 81,817,790 | 5.38% |
Min | 75,633,810 | 4.97% |
Jin | 47,100,000 | 3.09% |
Hakka | 44,065,190 | 2.90% |
Xiang | 37,400,000 | 2.46% |
Gan | 22,200,000 | 1.46% |
Huizhou | 5,380,000 | 0.35% |
Pinghua |
4,130,000 | 0.27% |
Dungan | 56,300 | 0.004% |
Total | 1,521,943,700 | 100% |
Languages
Dialectologist Jerry Norman estimated that there are hundreds of mutually unintelligible Sinitic languages.[11] They form a dialect continuum in which differences generally become more pronounced as distances increase, though there are also some sharp boundaries.[12] The Sinitic languages can be divided into Macro-Bai languages and Chinese languages, and the following is one of many potential ways of subdividing these languages. Some varieties, such as Shaozhou Tuhua, are hard to classify, and thus are not included in the following briefs.
Macro-Bai languages
This is a language family first proposed by linguist
The languages are:- Bai
- †
All other Sinitic languages henceforth would be considered Chinese.
Chinese
The Chinese branch of the family is classified into at least seven main families. These families are classified based on five main evolutionary criteria:[9]
- The evolution of the historical fully muddy (全浊; 全濁; quánzhuó) initials
- The distribution of rimes across the four tone qualities, as conditioned by voicing and aspiration of initials
- The evolution of the checked (入; rù) tone category
- The loss or retention of coda position plosives and nasals
- The palatalisation of the jiàn initial (見母; jiànmǔ) in front of high vowels
The varieties within one family may not be mutually intelligible with each other. For instance,
with Jin, Hui, Pinghua, and Tuhua not part of the seven traditional groups.
Mandarin
Varieties of Mandarin are used in the
- Northeastern
- Beijing (sometimes considered part of Northeastern)[22][23]
- Jiaoliao(sometimes "Peninsular")
- Jilu(sometimes "Northern")
- Central Plains (or "Zhongyuan")
- Lanyin(sometimes "Northwestern" and considered part of Central Plains)
- Jin (often considered its own top-level group due to the Language Atlas of China)
- Southwestern (sometimes "Upper Yangtse")
- Jianghuai (or "Lower Yangtze", sometimes "Huai", "Southern" or "Southeastern")[20]
as well as other lects, which do not neatly fall into these categories, such as Mandarin
Varieties of Mandarin can be defined by their universally lost -m final, low number of tones, and smaller inventory of classifiers, among other features. Mandarin lects also often have rhotic erhua rimes, though the amount of its use may vary between lects.[9] Loss of checked tone is an often cited criterion for Mandarin languages, though lects such as Yangzhounese and Taiyuannese show otherwise.
Mandarin | Non-Mandarin | Gloss | ||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Beijing | Jinan | Zhengzhou | Xi'an | Taiyuan | Chengdu | Nanjing | Guangzhou | Meizhou | Xiamen | Anyi | ||
音 | in | iẽ | iən | iẽ | iəŋ | in | in | iɐm | im | im | im | 'sound' |
心 | ɕin | ɕiẽ | siən | ɕiẽ | ɕiəŋ | ɕin | sin | sɐm | sim | sim | ɕim | 'heart' |
Northeastern and Beijing Mandarin
Northeastern Mandarin is spoken in
Northeastern/Beijing | Other | Gloss | ||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Harbin | Changchun | Shenyang | Beijing | Heyuan | Chaozhou | Suzhou | Hefei | Wuhan | ||
客 | 213 | 53 | 213 | 53 | 5 | 21 | 55 | 5 | 213 | 'guest' |
八 | 44 | 44 | 33 | 55 | 5 | 21 | 55 | 5 | 213 | 'eight' |
北 | 213 | 213 | 213 | 213 | 5 | 21 | 55 | 5 | 213 | 'north' |
Northeastern Mandarin, especially in Heilongjiang, contains many loanwords from Russian.[24]
Term | Pronunciation | Meaning | Origin |
---|---|---|---|
卜留克 | bǔliúkè | 'rutabaga' | брюква bryukva |
馬神 | mǎshén | 'machine' | машина mashina |
巴籬子 | bālízi | 'jail' | полиция politsiya |
Northeastern Mandarin lects can be divided into three main groups, namely Hafu (including
Jilu Mandarin
Jilu Mandarin is spoken in southern Hebei and western
Jilu Mandarin can be classified into Baotang, Shiji, Canghui and Zhangli.[28] Zhangli is of note due to its preservation of a separate checked tone.
Jiaoliao Mandarin
Jiaoliao Mandarin is spoken in the
Based on, for example, the pronunciation of the palatalized jiàn initial (見母),[19] Jiaoliao Mandarin can be divided into Qingzhou, Denglian and Gaihuan areas.[28]
Yantai | Weihai | Qingdao | Dalian | Gloss | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
交 | ciau | ciau | tɕiɔ | tɕiɔ | 'to hand in' |
見 | cian | cian | tɕiã | tɕiɛ̃ | 'to see' |
Central Plains and Lanyin Mandarin
Central Plains Mandarin is spoken in the Central Plains of Henan, southwestern Shanxi, southern Shandong and northern Jiangsu, as well as most of Shaanxi, southern Ningxia and Gansu and southern Xinjiang, in famous cities such as Kaifeng, Zhengzhou, Luoyang, Xuzhou, Xi'an, Xining and Lanzhou.[30][31][32] Central Plains Mandarin lects merge the historical checked tones with a lesser muddy (次濁) and clear (清) initial together with the rising tone, and those with a fully muddy (全濁) initial are merged with the light level tone.[19]
Lanyin Mandarin, spoken in northern Ningxia, parts of Gansu and northern Xinjiang, is sometimes grouped together with Central Plains Mandarin due to its merged lesser light and dark checked tones, though it is realised as a departing tone.
Subdivision of Central Plains Mandarin is not fully agreed upon, though one possible subdivision sees 13 divisions, namely Xuhuai, Zhengkai, Luosong, Nanlu, Yanhe, Shangfu, Xinbeng, Luoxiang, Fenhe, Guanzhong, Qinlong, Longzhong and Nanjiang.[33] Lanyin Mandarin, on the other hand, is divided as Jincheng, Yinwu, Hexi and Beijiang. The Dungan language is a collection of Central Plains Mandarin varieties spoken in the former Soviet Union.
Jin
Jin is spoken in most of
笨
pəŋ꜄
→
薄
pəʔ꜇
愣
ləŋ꜄
'stupid'
滾
꜂kʊŋ
→
骨
kuəʔ꜆
攏
꜂lʊŋ
'to roll'
As per the Language Atlas by Li, Jin is divided into Dabao, Zhanghu, Wutai, Lüliang, Bingzhou, Shangdang, Hanxin, and Zhiyan branches.[19]
Southwestern Mandarin
Spoken in
Southwestern Mandarin tends to be split as Chuanqian, Xishu, Chuanxi, Yunnan, Huguang and Guiliu branches. Minchi is sometimes separated out as a remnant of Old Shu.[36]
Huai
Huai is spoken in central Anhui, northern Jiangxi, far western and eastern Hubei and most of Jiangsu.[19] Due to its preservation of a checked tone, some linguists believe that Huai ought to be treated as a top-level group, like Jin. Representative lects tend to be Nanjingnese, Hefeinese and Yangzhounese.[25] The Huai of Nanjing has likely served as a national prestige during the Ming and Qing periods,[37] though this viewpoint is not supported by all linguists.[38]
The Language Atlas divides Huai into Tongtai, Huangxiao, and Hongchao areas, with the latter further split into Ninglu and Huaiyang. Tongtai, being geographically located furthest west, has the most significant Wu influence, such as in its distribution of historical voiced plosive series.[19][39][40]
Tongtai | Non-Tongtai | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Nantong | Taizhou | Yangzhou | Hangzhou | Fuzhou | Huizhou | |
地 | tʰi | tʰi | ti | di | tei | ti |
病 | pʰeŋ | pʰiŋ | pin | biŋ | paŋ | piaŋ |
Yue
Yue Chinese is spoken by around 84 million people,
Tone | Dark | Light | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
Short | Long | Short | Long | |
Examples | 北 | 八 | 入 | 白 |
Guangzhou | 55 | 33 | 22 | |
Hong Kong | 55 | 33 | 22 | |
Dongguan | 44 | 224 | 22 | |
Shiqi | 5 | 3 | ||
Taishan | 55 | 33 | 21 | |
Bobai | 55 | 33 | 22 | |
Yulin | 5 | 3 | 2 | 21 |
Yue is generally split into
Hakka
Hakka Chinese is a direct result of several migration waves from Northern China to the South,
Meizhou | Changting | Hsinchu | Hong Kong | Yudu | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
人 | ȵin | neŋ | ȵin | ŋɡin | niẽ |
日 | ȵit | ni | ȵit | ŋɡit | nie |
Hakka can be divided into Yuetai, Hailu, Yuebei, Yuexi, Tingzhou, Ninglong, Yuxin and Tonggui.[19] Meizhounese is often used as the representative variety of Hakka.[25]
Min
Min Chinese is a direct descendant of Old Chinese, and is spoken in Chaoshan and Zhanjiang of Guangdong,
Due to the fact that Min descended from Old Chinese rather than Middle Chinese, it has some features that would be out of place in other varieties. For instance, some words with the cheng initial (澄母) are not affricates in Min. This, interestingly, has led to many languages, such as
Min | Non-Min | |||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Fuzhou | Quanzhou | Chaozhou | Putian | Jian'ou | Haikou | Leizhou | Lanzhou | Guiyang | Changsha | |
茶 | ta | te | te | tɒ | ta | ʔdɛ | te | tʂʰa | tsʰa | tsa |
陳 | tiŋ | tan | tʰiŋ | tɛŋ | teiŋ | ʔdaŋ | taŋ | tʂʰən | tsʰən | tsən |
Min can primarily be split into Coastal and Inland Min varieties. The former contains the
Wu
Wu Chinese is spoken in most of Zhejiang, Shanghai, southern Jiangsu, parts of southern Anhui and eastern Jiangxi by around 82 million people.[19][10][47] Many large cities in the Yangtze Delta, such as Suzhou, Changzhou, Ningbo and Hangzhou, use a Wu variety. Wu varieties generally have a fricative initial in their negators, a three-way plosive distinction, as well as a checked coda preserved as a glottal stop, with the exception of Oujiang lects, where it has become vowel length, and Xuanzhou.[47][40]
Shanghai | Suzhou | Changzhou | Shaoxing | Ningbo | Taizhou | Wenzhou | Jinhua | Lishui | Quzhou | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
通 | tʰoŋ | tʰoŋ | tʰoŋ | tʰoŋ | tʰoŋ | tʰoŋ | tʰoŋ | tʰoŋ | tʰɔŋ | tʰaŋ |
東 | toŋ | toŋ | toŋ | toŋ | toŋ | toŋ | toŋ | toŋ | tɔŋ | taŋ |
同 | doŋ | doŋ | doŋ | doŋ | doŋ | doŋ | doŋ | doŋ | dɔŋ | daŋ |
Hui
Huizhou Chinese is spoken in western Hangzhou, southern Anhui and parts of Jingdezhen, by around 5 million people.[19][10] It is identified as a top level group by the Language Atlas, though some linguists believe in other theories, such as it being a Gan-influenced Wu variety, due to an identifiable basis of Old Wu features.[9][51][52][53] Hui varieties are phonologically diverse, and some features are shared with Wu, such as the simplification of diphthongs.[54] Hui can be divided into Jishe, Xiuyi, Qiwu, Jingzhan and Yanzhou branches, with Tunxinese and Jixinese being representatives.
Gan
Gan Chinese is spoken in northern and central Jiangxi, parts of Hebei and Anhui and eastern Hunan, by 22 million people,[19][10] sometimes believed to be related to Hakka.[43][44] Gan varieties tend to not palatalize terms with the jian initial (見母) and have an f-like initial in closed xiao and xia initial (合口曉匣兩母) terms, among other features.[55]
Nanchang | Yichun | Ji'an | Fuzhou | Yingtan | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
灰 | ϕɨi | fi | fei | fai | fɛi |
胡 | ϕu | fu | fu | fu | fu |
Gan can also be divided into Northern and Southern groups. The Northern group was formed during the
Xiang
Xiang Chinese is spoken in central and western Hunan and nearby parts of Guangxi and Guizhou by an estimated 37 million people.[19][10] Due to migrations, Xiang can be split into New and Old Xiang groups, with Old Xiang having fewer Mandarin-influenced features.[57][9] Xiang varieties have universally lost their checked codas, but the majority of them still have a unique preserved checked tone contour. Most also have a three-way plosive distinction, like Wu varieties.[19]
One way of dividing Xiang varieties sees five distinct families, namely Changyi, Hengzhou, Louzhao, Chenxu, and Yongzhou.[58] Changshanese and one of Shuangfengnese or Loudinese are usually taken as Xiang representatives.[25]
Internal classification
The traditional, dialectological classification of Chinese languages is based on the evolution of the sound categories of Middle Chinese. Little comparative work has been done (the usual way of reconstructing the relationships between languages), and little is known about mutual intelligibility. Even within the dialectological classification, details are disputed, such as the establishment in the 1980s of three new top-level groups: Huizhou, Jin and Pinghua, despite the fact that Pinghua is itself a pair of languages and Huizhou may be half a dozen.[60][61]
Like Bai, the Min languages are commonly thought to have split off directly from Old Chinese.[62] The evidence for this split is that all Sinitic languages apart from the Min group can be fit into the structure of the Qieyun, a 7th-century rime dictionary.[63] However, this view is not universally accepted.
Points of contention
Like many other language families, Sinitic languages have had problems of classification. The following are a few examples.
Southern China
Traditionally, the lect of urban Hangzhou and New Xiang of eastern Hunan are not considered Mandarin.[19] However, linguists such as Richard VanNess Simmons and Zhou Zhenhe have observed that these two varieties possess more qualifying features of Mandarin languages.[40][64] For instance, the vowels of the second division of the jia (假) initial is often raised and backed in Wu and Xiang, while they are not in Hangzhounese and New Xiang.
Traditionally Mandarin | Traditionally Wu | Traditionally Xiang | Gloss | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Beijing | Nanjing | Nantong |
Shanghai | Suzhou | Wenzhou |
Hangzhou | Changsha | Shuangfeng | ||
花 | xua | xuɑ | xuo | ho | ho | kʰo | hua | fa | xo | 'flower' |
瓜 | kua | kuɑ | kuo | ko | ko | ko | kua | kua | ko | 'melon' |
下 | ɕia | ɕiɑ | xo | ɦo | ɦo | ɦo | ia | xa | ɣo | 'down' |
Nantongnese has heavy Wu influence, which has led to it also having raised and backed vowels.
Dongjiang Bendihua (東江本地話) is spoken in and around Huizhou and Heyuan. Its classification has always been unclear, though the most common standpoint is that it is considered Hakka.[19][67]
Northern China
The variety spoken in the
Relationships between groups
Scholars account for the transitional nature of the central varieties in terms of
A quantitative study
A 2007 study compared fifteen major urban dialects on the objective criteria of
The study did not find clear splits within the Northern and Central areas:[71]
- Changsha (New Xiang) was always within the Mandarin group. No Old Xiang dialect was in the sample.
- Taiyuan (Jin or Shanxi) and Hankou (Wuhan, Hubei) were subjectively perceived as relatively different from other Northern dialects but were very close in mutual intelligibility. Objectively, Taiyuan had substantial phonological divergence but little lexical divergence.
- Chengdu (Sichuan) was somewhat divergent lexically but very little on the other measures.
The two
In the Southern subgroup, Hakka and Yue grouped closely together on the three lexical and subjective measures but not in phonological regularity. The Min dialects showed high divergence, with Min Fuzhou (
Internal comparison
The following section will be dedicated to compare non-Bai and non-Cai–Long Sinitic languages. Though all stem from Old Chinese, they have all developed differences with each other.
Writing system
Typographically, the vast majority of Sinitic languages use Sinographs. However, some varieties, such as Dungan and Hokkien, have alternative scripts, namely Cyrillic and Latin alphabets. Even between varieties which use Sinographs, characters are repurposed or invented to cover for the difference in vocabulary. Examples include 靚; 'pretty' in Yue,[72] 𠊎; 'I', 'me' in Hakka,[46] 即; 'this' in Hokkien,[73] 覅; 'to not want' in Wu,[48] 莫; 'do not' in Xiang, and 嘎; 'ill-tempered' in Mandarin.[74][24] Note that both traditional and simplified characters can be used to write any lect.
Phonology
Phonologically speaking, though all Sinitic languages possess tones, their contours and the total number of tones varies wildly, from Shanghainese, which can be analysed to have only two tones,[48] to Bobainese, which has ten.[75] Sinitic languages also vary wildly in their phonological inventories and phonotactics. Take for instance /mɭɤŋ/ (門兒; 'door (diminuitive)') seen in Pingdingnese,[20] or /tʃɦɻʷəi/ (水; 'water') of Xuanzhounese,[76] which both show syllables which do not follow the (single) consonant-glide-vowel-consonant syllable structure of more well-known lects. Tone sandhi is also a feature which not all lects share. Cantonese, for instance, only has a very weak system,[77] whereas Wu varieties not only have complex, intricate systems, which affect almost all syllables, but also uses it to mark for grammatical part of speech.[48][49] Take for instance, this simplified analysis of Suzhounese tone sandhi:[78]
chain length → ↓ 1st char tone cat |
2 char | 3 char | 4 char |
---|---|---|---|
dark level (1) | 4 0 | 4 4 0 | 4 4 4 0 |
light level (2) | 2 3 | 2 3 0 | 2 3 4 0 |
rising (3) | 5 1 | 5 1 0 | 5 1 1 0 |
dark departing (5) | 52 3 | 52 3 0 | 52 3 4 0 |
light departing (6) | 23 1 | 23 1 0 | 23 1 1 0 |
chain length → | 2 char | 3 char | 4 char | |
---|---|---|---|---|
2nd char tone cat |
1st char darkness | |||
level (1, 2) | dark (7) | 4 23 | 4 23 0 | 4 23 4 0 |
light (8) | 2 3 | 2 3 0 | 2 3 4 0 | |
rising (3) | dark (7) | 5 51 | 5 51 0 | 5 51 1 0 |
light (8) | 2 51 | 2 51 0 | 2 51 1 0 | |
departing (5, 6) | dark (7) | 5 523 | 5 52 3 | 5 52 2 3 |
light (8) | 2 523 | 2 52 3 | 2 52 2 3 | |
checked (7, 8) | dark (7) | 4 4 | 4 4 0 | 4 4 4 2 |
light (8) | 3 4 | 3 4 0 | 3 4 2 0 |
Grammar
Disregarding phonology, grammar is the feature of Sinitic languages which differ the most. The majority of Sinitic languages do not possess tenses, though exceptions include Northern Wu lects such as Shanghainese and Suzhounese, though it is largely breaking down in Shanghainese due to Mandarin influence.[49][79] Sinitic languages generally also have no case marking, though lects such as Linxianese and Hengshannese do possess case particles, with the latter expressing it through tone change.[80][81] Sinitic languages generally have SVO word order and possess classifiers.
Verb usage may be different between Sinitic languages. Notice the double verb marking seen in lects such as Beijingese, in these sentences meaning "today I go to Guangzhou":[82]
Indirect object marking
Sinitic languages tend to vary greatly between how they mark indirect objects. The area which varies tends to be the placement of the indirect and direct object.[9][20]
Mandarinic, Xiang, Hui and Min languages often place the indirect object (IO) before the direct object (DO). Some lects have switched to IO-DO structure due to Mandarin influence, such as
Beijingese: 他 tā 3SG 給 gěi give 了 le PERF 我 wǒ 1SG 一 yī one 盒 hé CL 糖。 táng' sweets "He gave me a box of sweets." |
Taiyuanese: 給 kei53 give 我 ɣə53 1SG 一 iəʔ2 one 本 pəŋ53 CL 書。 su11 book "Give me a book."
|
Changshanese: 媽 媽 ma33 ma ma 誒, ei SPEC 把 pa41 give 我 ŋo41 1SG 兩 lian41 two 塊 kʰuai41 CL 錢 tɕiɛ̃13 money 咯。 lo SPEC "Mama, give me two dollars please." |
Nanchangese: 你 人 ꜂n len 2SG.POL 接 ꜀tɕia lend 了 le PERF 佢 ꜂tɕie 3SG 三 ꜀san three 隻 tsaʔ꜆ CL 鍋。 ꜀wo pot "You lent him three pots."
|
On the other hand, Gan, Wu, Hakka, and Yue languages tend to place the DO in front of the IO.
Yichunnese: 我 ŋo34 1SG 得 tɛ42⁻33 give 本 pun42 CL 書 ɕy34 book 你。 ȵi34 2SG "I give a book to you." |
|
Yining Pinghua: 分 fɐn34 give 個 ko33 CL 梨 子 lɐi31 tsə53 pear 你。 nə53 2SG "I'll give you a pear." |
Hong Kong Hakka (Lau's Romanization):[83] 分 bín give 塊 kuài CL 麪 包 mèn báu bread 𠊎。 ngāi 1SG "Give me a piece of bread."
|
Classifiers
Like other East Asian languages such as Japanese and Korean, Sinitic languages have a system of classifers, however, use of classifiers vary greatly in features such as definiteness.[20] In Cantonese, for instance, they can be used to mark possession, which is rare in Sinitic while common in Southeast Asia.[9]
我
ngo5
1SG
本
bun2
CL
書
syu1
book
'my book'
個 and 隻 are the most common generic classifiers cross-linguistically.[9] As previously mentioned, Mandarinic languages tend to have fewer classifiers whereas the Southern non-Mandarinic varieties tend to have more.[20]
Demonstratives
Sinitic languages can vary greatly in their system of
Wuhannese has a neutral demonstrative, which can be used regardless of the distance to the deitic center.[84][85] Similar systems are found in Northern Wu lects such as Suzhounese and Ningbonese.[49][20]
In the above sentence, /nɤ³⁵/ can be translated as both 'this' and 'that'. Though Wuhannese has this system of a one-term neutral system, it also has a two-way proximal-distal system. This is same for most other lects with a one-term system.
Even within two-way systems, which is the most common system, terms could have developed to mean the opposite distance from the deitic center. Cantonese 嗰; go² (distal) and Shanghainese 搿; geq (proximal) are both etymologically from 個, for instance.[72][48]
Many Sinitic languages have three-way systems, but the three distances are not always the same ones. For instance, whereas Guangshan Mandarin has a person-oriented proximal, medial, distal system, Xinyu Gan has a distance-oriented close, proximal, distal system. Gan especially has many varieties with a three-way system, sometimes even marked with tone and vowel length rather than just changing the term used.[20][86]
A small number of varieties possess even four- or five-term demonstrative systems. Take for instance the following:[20]
Dongxiang | Zhangshu | |
---|---|---|
Close | ꜀ko | kọ꜆ |
Proximal | ꜁ko | ko꜆ |
Distal | ꜀e | ꜃hɛ |
Yonder | ꜁e | ꜃hɛ̣ |
These two lects use tone change and vowel length respectively to distinguish between the four demonstratives.
Notes
- OED). In 1982, Paul K. Benedict proposed a subgroup of Sino-Tibetan called "Sinitic" comprising Bai and Chinese.[1] The precise affiliation of Bai remains uncertain[2] and the term "Sinitic" is usually used as a synonym for Chinese, especially when viewed as a language family rather than as a language.[3]
- language cluster, which is used for Chinese itself; 方言; fāngyán, which separates mutually unintelligible languages within a yǔyán; and 土語; tǔyǔ or 土話; tǔhuà, which corresponds better to the familiar Western linguistic use of 'dialect'.[8]
- ^ a b This term was not assigned a character.
References
Citations
- ^ Wang (2005), p. 107.
- ^ Wang (2005), p. 122.
- ^ Mair (1991), p. 3.
- ^ van Driem (2001), p. 351.
- S2CID 129946000.
- ^ Sagart et al. (2019).
- ^ van Driem (2001:403) states "Bái ... may form a constituent of Sinitic, albeit one heavily influenced by Lolo–Burmese."
- ^ Bradley (2012), p. 1.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Chan, Sin-Wai; Chappell, Hilary; Li, Lan (2017). Routledge Encyclopedia of the Chinese language: Mandarin and other Sinitic languages. Oxford: Routledge. pp. 605–628.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i "Chinese".
- ^ Norman (2003), p. 72.
- ^ a b Norman (1988), pp. 189–190.
- ^ Zhengzhang, Shangfang (2010). "蔡家话白语关系及词根比较". 研究之乐 (2). Shanghai: Shanghai Educational Publishing House: 389–400.
- ^ 貴州省民族識別工作隊語言組 (1984). 蔡家的語言.
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- ^ Gong, Xun (6 November 2015). "How Old is the Chinese in Bái?". Paris.
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- ^ Xu, Lin; Zhao, Yansun (1984). 白语简志. 民族印刷廠.
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