Sino-African relations
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Sino–African relations, also referred to as Africa–China relations or Afro–Chinese relations, are the historical, political, economic, military, social, and cultural connections between
Little is known about ancient relations between China and Africa, though there is some evidence of early trade connections. Highlights of medieval contacts include the 14th-century journey of Moroccan scholar Ibn Battuta,[1] the 14th-century visit of Somali scholar and explorer Sa'id of Mogadishu and the 15th-century Ming dynasty voyages of Chinese admiral Zheng He.
Modern political and economic relations between mainland China and the African continent commenced in the era of
In 1971, China received the support from 26 African nations in the UN to take over the seat from
There have increasingly been closer political, security and economic ties between China and African nations.[5] Trade between China and Africa increased by 700% during the 1990s,[8] and China is currently Africa's largest trading partner.[9] In 2000, the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) was established as a forum between African countries and China.
The China Africa Research Initiative estimated that there were over 88,371 Chinese workers in Africa in 2022, down from a high of 263,696 in 2015.[10]
Historical relations
China and Africa have a
The first mention of Africa in Chinese sources was in the Yu-yang-tsa-tsu by Tuan Ch'eng-shih (died 863), a compendium of general knowledge where he wrote about the land of Po-pa-li (Berbera).
In 1071, an embassy arrived in China from an unidentified East African kingdom. Since it was a formal tribute mission (in the eyes of the Chinese), it is described in the official
Archaeological excavations at
Giraffes, zebras, and incense were exported to the Ming dynasty of China, making
In the 14th century, Moroccan traveler and scholar, Ibn Battuta, made a long journey to Africa and Asia. He reached China in April 1345 after a stay in India before serving as an envoy of Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq of the Indian Tughlaq dynasty to China.[1][18] He wrote:[19]
China is the safest, best regulated of countries for a traveler. A man may go by himself on a nine-month journey, carrying with him a large sum of money, without any fear. Silk is used for clothing even by poor monks and beggars. Its porcelains are the finest of all makes of pottery and its hens are bigger than geese in our country.
The 14th-century visit of Sa'id of Mogadishu, the Somali scholar and explorer was another point of Medieval contact between Africa and China.[20]
The Ming dynasty admiral, Zheng He, and his fleet rounded the coast of Somalia and followed the coast down to the Mozambique Channel. The goal of those expeditions was to spread Chinese culture and display Chinese strength. Zheng brought gifts and granted titles from the Ming emperor to local rulers. In October 1415, Zheng He reached the eastern coast of Africa and sent the first of two giraffes as gifts to the Chinese Yongle Emperor.[21]
Other accounts mention Chinese ships sinking near Lamu Island in Kenya in 1415. Survivors are said to have settled on the island and married local women.[22][23]
Archaeologists have found Chinese porcelains made during the Tang dynasty (618–907) in Kenyan villages; however, these were believed to have been brought over by Zheng He during his fifteenth-century ocean voyages.[24] On Lamu Island off the Kenyan coast, local oral tradition maintains that twenty shipwrecked Chinese sailors, possibly part of Zheng's fleet, washed up on shore there hundreds of years ago. Given permission to settle by local tribes after having killed a dangerous python, they converted to Islam and married local women. Now, they are believed to have just six descendants remaining there. In 2002, DNA tests conducted on one of the women confirmed that she was of Chinese descent. Her daughter, Mwamaka Sharifu, later received a PRC government scholarship to study traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) in China.[25][26]
National Geographic published an article by Frank Viviano in July 2005 about his visit to Pate Island. During his time on Lamu, ceramic fragments had been found which the administrative officer of the local Swahili history museum claimed were of Chinese origin, specifically from Zheng He's voyage to East Africa. The eyes of the Pate people resembled Chinese, and Famao and Wei were among the names, which were speculated to be of Chinese origin. Their ancestors were said to have been indigenous women who intermarried with Chinese Ming sailors when they were shipwrecked. Two places on Pate were called "Old Shanga", and "New Shanga", which the Chinese sailors had named. A local guide, who claimed to be of Chinese descent, showed Viviano a graveyard made out of coral on the island, indicating that they were graves of Chinese sailors, which the author described as "virtually identical", to Chinese Ming dynasty tombs, complete with "half-moon domes" and "terraced entries".[27]
Archaeologists have discovered glass beads and porcelain from China inside Great Zimbabwe, a medieval stone city located in present-day Zimbabwe.[28]
According to Melanie Yap and Daniel Leong Man in their book "Colour, Confusions, and Concessions: the History of Chinese in South Africa", Chu Ssu-pen, a Chinese mapmaker in 1320, had southern Africa drawn on one of his maps. Ceramics found in Zimbabwe and South Africa dated back to the Song dynasty. Some tribes to Cape Town's north claimed descent from Chinese sailors during the thirteenth century. Their physical appearance is similar to Chinese with paler skin and a Mandarin-sounding tonal language. Their name for themselves is "abandoned people", Awatwa in their language.[29]
Contemporary relations
The establishment of modern Sino-African relations began in the late 1950s, when China signed bilateral trade agreements with
China works hard to cultivate favorable votes from African countries at the United Nations.[30]: 29 It has often been successful, and the voting pattern of the Africa countries which rotate on the Security Council and African members of the Human Rights Council generally align more frequently with China than with the United States, France, and the United Kingdom.[30]: 29–30 The General Assembly votes of African countries and China have also generally aligned.[30]: 30–31
From the Chinese perspective, collaboration with the African Union and African subregional bodies (such as ECOWAS, SADC, and COMESA) is attractive because these bodies function largely independent of Western influence.[30]: 63, 330 China and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) have a long-standing relationship and China provides the SADC with an annual $100,000 grant to help fund its Secretariat.[30]: 70
Diplomacy
Early modern bilateral relations were mainly affected by the
China originally had close ties with the anti-apartheid and liberation movement, African National Congress (ANC), in South Africa, but as China's relations with the Soviet Union deteriorated and the ANC moved closer to the Soviet Union, China shifted away from the ANC towards the Pan-Africanist Congress.[33] The Soviets supported Joshua Nkomo's Zimbabwe African People's Union, and supplied them with arms; Robert Mugabe's attempts to gain Soviet support for his Zimbabwe African National Union were rebuffed, leading him to enter into relations with China.[34][35][36] China adopted several principles, among them was the support of the independence of African countries while investing in infrastructure projects.[37][38]
In the 1970s, the expulsion of Soviet military advisers from Egypt and Sudan was welcomed with arms supplied by China.
The
The
In May 2016, ten African countries signed a declaration during a meeting of the China-Arab States Cooperation Forum (CASCF) which expressed appreciation for China's efforts to resolve its maritime and territorial disputes through dialogue and negotiation.[30]: 40 The declaration also stated that the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea signatories should have the right to choose their own approach to resolving maritime issues.[30]: 40
Various subregional multilateral groups in Africa, including the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the East African Community (EAC) also engage with China.[30]: 11
For a permanent UN seat for Africa, Nigeria, the largest African country, relies on Chinese support while Egypt looks to the U.S. for backing.[49]
In 2022, the African Union announced its move to establish a delegation with a resident Ambassador to Beijing, China.[50]
From 1991 until at least 2023, each Chinese foreign minister's first overseas visit of the year has been to an African country.[30]: 329 In its relations with African countries, China has shown a willingness to grant diplomatic audiences at the highest levels to even delegations from the smaller African countries.[51]: 107
Recognition of Taiwan
Human rights in Xinjiang
African countries have generally defended China's treatment of its Muslim minorities.
In 2021, ambassadors from Burkina Faso, Republic of Congo, and Sudan made statements in support of China's Xinjiang policies.[30]: 39 Burkina Faso's ambassador stated that Western allegations of forced labor and genocide are groundless.[30]: 39–40 Sudan's ambassador stated that the Xinjiang issue is not about human rights, but rather is a political weapon used by Western countries against China.[30]: 40
African countries which are members of the UNHCR had a significant impact in narrowly defeating a proposal in October 2022 by that body to debate human rights in Xinjiang.[55] Somalia was the only African UNHCR member voting in favor of debate.[55]
Hong Kong national security law
Several African countries expressed support for the Chinese government during the 2019-2020 Hong Kong protests.[30]: 41 In October 2019, Uganda's Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement that Uganda "firmly supports the one country, two systems policy of the People's Republic of China on the matter of Hong Kong and other areas" and that "Hong Kong's affairs are China's domestic affairs."[30]: 41 Also in October 2019, Tanzania's chief government spokesperson stated that the country supports China's one country, two systems policy, that the Hong Kong government was taking the best approach to the situation, and that other countries should support China.[30]: 41 In January 2020, Namibia's land reform minister stated that Namibia fully supports Chinese territorial integrity and sovereignty, including with respect to Hong Kong.[30]: 41
In June 2020, 53 countries, mostly in Africa, declared their support for the Hong Kong national security law at the UNHCR.[56]
Party-to-party relations
The
In February 2022, the Mwalimu Julius Nyerere Leadership School opened in Tanzania, with US$40 million in funding by the Central Party School of the Chinese Communist Party.[58][59] The school was jointly established with the support of the six ruling parties of Tanzania, South Africa, Mozambique, Angola, Namibia, and Zimbabwe.[60]
Economic relations
China's economic interests in Africa have dramatically increased since the 1990s.
During the year 2011, trade between Africa and China increased a staggering 33% from the previous year to US$166 billion. This included Chinese imports from Africa equaling US$93 billion, consisting largely of mineral ores, petroleum, and agricultural products, and Chinese exports to Africa totaling US$93 billion, consisting largely of manufactured goods.[67] Outlining the rapidly expanding trade between the African continent and China, trade between these two areas of the world increased further by over 22% year-over-year to US$80.5 billion in the first five months of the year 2012.[67] Imports from Africa were up 25.5% to $49.6 billion during these first five months of 2012 and exports of Chinese-made products, such as machinery, electrical and consumer goods and clothing/footwear increased 17.5% to reach $30.9 billion.[67]
Findings from 2017 estimate there are in excess of 10,000 Chinese corporations doing business in Africa, most of which are private companies investing in the infrastructure, energy, and banking sectors.[68] Investments from Chinese entrepreneurial migration have culminated in positive (indirect jobs) and negative (displacing local traders) effects in local African societies.[69]
In 2008, one-third of China's oil supplies came from the African continent, mainly from Angola.[70] Investments of Chinese companies in the energy sector reached US$78.1 billion in 2019.[71] In some cases, as in Nigeria and Angola, oil and gas exploration and production deals crossed $2 billion.[72][73][74]
In agriculture,
The need to protect China's increased investments in Africa has driven a shift away from China's traditional non-interference in the internal matters of other countries to new diplomatic and military initiatives to try to resolve unrest in South Sudan and Mali.[78]
During the December 2015 FOCAC meeting in Johannesburg, South Africa, China's paramount leader Xi Jinping pledged $60 billion over three years in loans and assistance to the African continent.[79] The stated aim of China's effort was to support factories manufacturing goods for export. Along with roads and ports, Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari showed his desire to finish stalled railway projects along the coastline, specifically a 1,400 km railway from Lagos to Calabar representing approximately 200,000 jobs.[80]
A 2020 report synthesizing close to a hundred studies on
Communications infrastructure
Beginning in the late 1990s, Chinese national champions telecommunications company Huawei built significant amounts of telecommunications infrastructure in sub-Saharan Africa.[83]
To improve commercial relationships and telecommunication services as part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), significant investments in fiber networks have been undertaken. The PEACE Cable (Pakistan & East Africa Connecting Europe) is a 9,300 mile (12,000 km) submarine fiber optic cable owned by a subsidiary of the China-based Hengtong Group and supplied by Huawei Marine. It is expected to reach initial completion in 2021–2022. The Cable's landfall in Pakistan provide for low-latency overland connection to China. The Cable's route is around the Arabian Peninsula, first dividing north into the Red Sea, crossing land in Egypt and then proceeding through the Mediterranean to the Interxion MRS2 Data Center in Marseille, France. The southern fork extends along the east coast of Africa, which in Phase 2 will reach South Africa. Additional landfalls are in Cyprus, Djibouti, Somalia, Kenya, and Seychelles.[84]
In August 2021, China announced more digital projects on the Continent in areas such as the digital economy, smart cities and 5G.[85] These projects are thought to be part of the Digital Africa initiative that was proposed during a trip of Foreign Minister Wang Yi in Africa in 2020.[85]
Aid and loans
China began its foreign aid program in with assistance to sub-Saharan and Middle Eastern countries.[86] The first sub-Saharan African country to receive Chinese foreign aid was Guinea; the aid assisted Guinea in building its infrastructure following independence from France.[86]
In the 1960s and 1970s, the Chinese government supported
China provides aid in the forms of debt forgiveness, aid grants, concessional loans, and interest-free loans, including through the
Following her interviews of African scholars and diplomats, U.S. Professor of International Securities Studies Dawn C. Murphy concludes that many African countries genuinely appreciate this moral stance by China against political conditions for foreign aid.[47]
Estimates regarding the amount of African debt cancelled by China varies. Since 2000, over $10bn in debt owed by African nations to the PRC has been cancelled, according to Le Monde diplomatique.[91] According to a 2020 report by the China Africa Research Initiative, "China has only offered debt write-offs for zero-interest loans", which account for at least $3.4 billion of cancelled debt in Africa between 2000 and 2019.[93]
Scott N. Romaniuk, a researcher at the University of Alberta's China Institute, cautioned that Africa should "beware of 'no strings attached'" regarding development financing from China. He said that China's low-interest loans have been used to trade for extraction rights of proven deposits of natural resources, constraining African countries' future use of these resources.[94] Patrick Bond said, "the conditions on Chinese loans and investments become very clear when the recipient countries have a debt crisis".[95]
In 2015, the China Africa Research Initiative identified 17 African countries with loans from China facing potential default.[96] Kenyan economist Anzetse Were has argued that some African nations' narratives of Chinese debt-trap diplomacy stem from a lack of fiscal transparency and a weaker bargaining position vis-à-vis China.[97]
Although several countries express concern that China has been engaging in debt-trap diplomacy to neo-colonise the continent; however, academics including Deborah Bräutigam have disputed those accusations.[98][99][100] Following her review of available data, U.S. Air War College Professor Dawn C. Murphy concluded that calling China's behavior in Africa “neocolonial” is “an exaggeration and misrepresentation.”[101] London School of Economics Professor Keyu Jin writes that the claim that China leads borrowers into a debt trap is misleading.[102]: 280 Jin observes that the majority of BRI countries' debt is owed to international organizations or private Western institutions like hedge funds, rather than to China.[102]: 280–281 Jin also writes that China has written off many of its loans and also provided debt relief to borrowers.[102]: 281
The China Africa Research Initiative reported that Chinese financiers loaned $153 billion to African public-sector borrowers between 2000 and 2019; at least or over 80 percent of those loans were used for economic and social infrastructure projects in the transport, power, telecom, and water sectors of underdeveloped and developing countries.[103][104] A 2007 report published by International Rivers said that several infrastructure projects funded by Chinese loans, such as the Merowe Dam, had a positive impact on the economies of African countries.[105]
As of 2021, China is estimated to hold at least 21% of all African debt.[106][107] In August 2022, the Chinese foreign ministry announced that it would forgive 23 interest-free loans that matured at the end of 2021 to 17 unspecified African countries.[108]
Health care
China has been engaged in a kind of "
In 2001, the member nations of G8 formed the United Nations-backed
During the 2014 Ebola epidemic, China provided financial donations, medical supplies and personnel to Sierra Leone, Ghana, Liberia, and Guinea.[113]
China provided vaccines to African countries during the COVID-19 pandemic. As of November 2021, it had supplied 200 million vaccine doses to Africa, pledged to donate 600 million more doses, and pledged a further 400 million doses via other means such as joint Chinese-African production.[114] China also sent medical teams to Algeria, Zimbabwe, and Nigeria.[115]
African Centre for Disease Control
Under the Belt and Road Initiative, in 2023 the African Union along with the People's Republic of China is slated to open Phase-1 of the African continent's Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (CDCP) complex.[116]
Agriculture
Since the mid-1990s, China has encouraged its agricultural enterprises to seek economic opportunities abroad as part of its go out policy.[117]
Agricultural Technology Demonstration Centers are a major component of China's agricultural cooperation with African countries.[118] The function of these centers is to transmit agricultural expertise and technology from China to developing countries in Africa while also creating market opportunities for Chinese companies in the agricultural sector.[118] The Chinese government is motivated to establish these centers out of both an ideological commitment to fostering South-South cooperation with less developed countries and by a desire to increase food security.[119]
China first announced its Agricultural Technology Demonstrations Centers at the 2006 meeting of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation.[86] It launched 19 of these centers between 2006 and 2018, all in sub-Saharan Africa.[118] As of 2023, Agricultural Technology Demonstration Centers exist in 24 African countries.[30]: 173
Security
Military cooperation goes back to the Cold War period when China was keen to help
Among the channels that China has used for security diplomacy with the African countries are the China-Africa Defense and Security Forum (established in 2018) and the China-Africa Peace and Security Forum (which first met in 2019).[30]: 213–214
The African countries and China also build military-to-military relations through military exchange visits.[30]: 213 China generally prioritizes military-to-military exchanges in the security field, because it perceives military personnel as more effective interlocutors in this area than civilians.[30]: 217
According to academic Obert Hodzi, African countries often prefer China's approach to security norms and principles such as non-interventionism and respect for state sovereignty, which effectively limit Western influence in many African countries.[30]: 162 David H. Shinn and academic Joshua Eisenman state that the Chinese principle of non-interventionism has long been well received by African countries both because of the historical experience of European colonialism, as well as the fact that many smaller countries often have concerns about outside interference with their sovereignty.[30]: 336
Peacekeeping missions
In 2004, China deployed around 1,500 military personnel between Liberia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.[91] Since 2011, it has sent infantry troops describable (arguably) as 'combat' forces.[125]
In July 2007, China supported the passage of
Arms sales
Since the 1960s, when China provided small amounts of arms often free of charge to African rebels, liberation movements, and left-wing governments, China's transfer of arms has been an important component of its relations with African countries.[30]: 222 Although measures of arms supplies vary, as of 2023 China is often regarded as the third most important source of arms to Africa.[30]: 222–223
An increasing number of African countries have shifted their source of munitions from traditional providers such as Russia to China due to the competitive prices offered by Chinese suppliers.[128] It is estimated that between 2013 and 2017, Chinese arms imports to Africa totaled 17%, representing a 55% increase compared to the period covering 2009 to 2013.[129] It also sold more arms than any other supplier, with sales to 23 African countries.[129]
Arms sales by China to some African states have troubled critics who point out that some buyers like Sudan are accused of war crimes.[130] Chinese-made drones, especially those made by the Chengdu Aircraft Industry Group, and China Aerospace Science and Technology Corporation, have been sold across Africa, and have been utilized in hundreds of attacks in Egypt, Libya, Yemen, and Nigeria.[131]
Former U.S. military contractor Erik Prince's Frontier Services Group has close ties to the Chinese state-owned CITIC Group and provides security training services to Chinese firms operating in Africa.[132][133]
Military training
When China trains African military personnel, it typically does so in China.[30]: 239 In conjunction with the Confucius Institutes in Sudan and Democratic Republic of Congo, China has also developed Chinese language training programs for African military personnel.[30]: 239
Allegations of espionage
The
In 2018, the African Union replaced its servers.[134]
In June 2019, the African Union Commission and Huawei signed a memorandum of understanding to further increase IT cooperation.[30]: 323 Wang stated that the agreement should end rumors of data leakage and that "AU has totally audited their IT system for the whole organization and nothing corroborates what was said in media reports one year ago."[30]: 323–324
In 2020, Japan's Computer Emergency Response Team (CERT) reported that a suspected Chinese hacking organization dubbed "Bronze President" had hacked and extracted footage from the AU Headquarters' security cameras.[137]
Space cooperation
Africa-China space cooperation occurs through a variety of channels, including through
African countries are increasingly cooperating with China on satellite launches and specialized training.[30]: 301 As of 2022, China has launched two satellites for Ethiopia, two for Nigeria, one for Algeria, one for Sudan, and one for Egypt.[30]: 301–302
The 2022-2024 action plan for FOCAC commits China to using space technology to enhance cooperation with African countries and to create centers for Africa-China cooperation on satellite remote sensing application.[30]: 300
Culture
The first overseas Chinese cultural centre in Africa was opened in
Historically, little is known about early African immigration to China.[141] As economic and political ties have strengthened, many Africans have relocated to China to seek better economic opportunities. Places dubbed 'Little Africa' and 'Chocolate City' are increasingly receiving new immigrants, mostly Nigerians. Most African immigrants, an estimated 20,000 individuals, are concentrated in the area of Guangzhou.[142][143] An estimated 10,000 illegal African immigrants are in China, and police crackdowns have intensified since early 2009.[144]
In contrast, early Chinese immigration to the African continent is slightly better documented. In 1724, a few Chinese convicts were brought as laborers to South Africa from the
In 2012, state media broadcaster China Central Television (CCTV) opened its first office in Africa, in Kenya, which is currently called CGTN Africa.[147]
China has also been increasingly involved in
Migration
Many Chinese men who engaged in gold mining in Ghana married local Black African Ghanaian women and had children with them and then the Ghana government deported illegal miners, leaving the mixed race Chinese fathered children stranded in Ghana while their fathers were sent back to China.[149][150]
Many Ugandan women have been marrying Chinese businessmen who moved to Uganda.[151]
New interest in Kenya's natural resources has attracted over $1 billion of investment from Chinese firms. This has propelled new development in Kenya's infrastructure with Chinese firms bringing in their own male workers to build roads.[152]
In Kenya there is a trend of the following influx of Chinese male workers in Kenya with a growing number of abandoned babies of Chinese men who fathered children with local women, causing concern.[153][154]
Racism
Human rights and advocacy groups for Africans in China have criticized the use of
The expansion of Chinese companies and their investments in Africa has raised issues of Chinese racism against the local population.[158][159][160] For example, after a video shot by a Kenyan worker whose Chinese boss referred to Kenyans as "monkeys" went viral in 2018, more examples of discrimination by Chinese nationals in the country, such as separated bathrooms, have emerged.[159]
International observers have highlighted the generalised view in China of Africans as "backward or primitive and blackness as unattractive", with racist attitudes specifically on social media going untouched by censorship.[161][162]
Around April 2020, African nationals in
In response, authorities in Guangdong encouraged foreigners to report instances of discrimination to a 24-hour support hotline and told businesses and rental houses to treat Chinese and foreigners equally. The COVID-19 targeting of Africans had reportedly eased by June 2020.[171][172]
In August 2023, Human Rights Watch reported that racist content is widespread on the internet in China.[173][174] Interracial relationships and mixed-race Chinese-Africans are especially vilified on social media.[175][174][176]
Criticism
There are a variety of critical perspectives scrutinizing the balance of power relationship between China and Africa, and China's role concerning human rights in Africa.[177][178] Increasingly, concerns have been raised by Africans and Western observers that China's relationship with Africa is neocolonialist in nature.[179][180] As a response to such criticism, China issued the Nine Principles to Encourage and Standardise Enterprises' Overseas Investment, a charter and conduct guide for Chinese companies operating abroad.[181]
In 2002, the
Kenya
Kenya's relations with China figured prominently in the 2022 Kenyan general election, in which both candidates criticized the country's existing relations with China.[183][184]
Zimbabwe
The China-Zimbabwe relationship drew the attention of critics.[
War in Darfur
Another high-profile event of concern for critics of China in Africa was in the run-up to the
Following pressure and criticism from the international community, China appointed a Special Envoy for Africa Issues, Liu Guijin.[47] To facilitate resolution of the Darfur issue, Liu coordinated with the AU, EU, United States, and UN.[47]
African students in China
China has received African students since 1958 as part of its Mao era foreign policy of Afro-Asian solidarity.[194] By the early 1960s, African students reported of difficulties living in China, some of which were reportedly caused by racial discrimination by the Chinese.[195] Incidents of racism against African students in China have later resurfaced, notably in the 1980s in the form of campus protests.[196]
As of 2016, most African students in China were from the English-speaking African countries.[30]: 136
In 2018, the Chinese government announced at the triennial Forum on China-Africa Cooperation that China would increase its scholarship offerings to African students from 30,000 in 2015 to 50,000. According to the Ministry of Education of the People's Republic of China, 81,562 African students studied in China in 2018, a 770% increase compared to 1996. China is now the second largest African student-hosting country behind France.[197]
In 2020, according to UNESCO's Global Annual Education Report, China offered 12,000 university scholarships to African students for the next academic year, to support their studies at Chinese universities.[198]
Public perception
In 2013, BB World Public Opinion polls (PIPA) showed positive views towards China in Nigeria (78%), Ghana (68%), however noted a decline in positive views in Kenya to 58%. But 2014 survey later showed an increase in positive public opinion in Kenya (65%), as well as 67% positive opinions in Ghana and an increase to 85% in Nigeria.[199]
a 2015 Pew Global Attitudes survey found majority positive views of China, ranging from 52% to 80% favorable, in Ghana, Ethiopia, Burkina Faso, Tanzania, Senegal, Nigeria, Kenya, Uganda, and South Africa.[87]: 129
Younger Africans report particularly positive views of China.[87]: 129 In 2022, Bloomberg reported that the past two decades of China's investments into African infrastructure and its supplying of the continent with affordable consumer goods, has made young Africans feel more positive towards China. A survey conducted by the Ichikowitz Family Foundation in June 2022 and which involves lengthy face-to-face interviews, shown that 76% of 4,507 young Africans across 15 African countries had named China as a foreign power with having the biggest positive influence on their lives, surpassing the US and Europe. The positive views toward China was strongest in Rwanda, Malawi and Nigeria. However, 56 percent of those surveyed also believed in an unsubstantiated theory that COVID-19 was created and intentionally spread by China.[200][201]
According to academic Rhys Jenkins, public opinion polls in Africa show that a majority of respondents in Africa view China favorably due to the positive impacts of Chinese investment and infrastructure-building.[87]: 129
According to a 2022 survey funded by the
See also
- Africa–China economic relations
- Forum on China–Africa Cooperation
- African Chinese
- Africans in Guangzhou
- List of diplomatic missions of China
- List of diplomatic missions of Taiwan
- Sino-Third World relations
- Sino-Caribbean relations
- Sino-Latin America relations
- Sino-Pacific relations
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Further reading
- Alden, Chris (2007). China in Africa: Partner, Competitor or Hegemon?. Zed. ISBN 978-1-84277-864-7.
- Brautigam, Deborah (2010). The Dragon's Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-955022-7.
- Breslin, Shaun; Taylor, Ian (2008). "Explaining the Rise of 'Human Rights' in Analyses of Sino-African Relations" (PDF). Review of African Political Economy. 35 (115): 59–71. S2CID 144597487.
- Calabrese, Linda and Tang, Xiaoyang (2020). Africa's economic transformation: the role of Chinese investment (Report). DEGRP.
{{cite report}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - Calabrese, Linda (ed.) (2016). China-Africa: a maturing relationship? Growth, change and resilience London: DFID-ESRC Growth Research Programme.
- Caniglia, Laura (2011). "Western ostracism and China's presence in Africa". China Information. 25 (2): 165–184. S2CID 144485159. Retrieved 28 August 2012.
- Cornelissen, Scarlett; Taylor, Ian (2000). "The Political Economy of China and Japan's Relationship with Africa: a Comparative Perspective". Pacific Review. 13 (4): 615–633. S2CID 154734964.
- Dankwah Kwaku Opoku & Valenta Marko (2019). "Chinese entrepreneurial migrants in Ghana: socioeconomic impacts and Ghanaian trader attitudes". Journal of Modern African Studies. Vol. 57, no. 1. pp. 1–29. .
- Donou-Adonsou, Ficawoyi, and Sokchea Lim. "On the importance of Chinese investment in Africa." Review of development finance 8.1 (2018): 63–73. Online
- Fasan, Rotimi. "African Studies and Sino-Africa Collaborations: Towards Our “Common Interest”." Journal of African Cultural Studies 33.2 (2021): 194-200.
- Fasan, Olu. "Like the West, Africa must be guarded in its relations with China." Africa at LSE (2017). online
- Freeman-Grenville, G.P.S., ed. (1975). The East African Coast. Select Documents form the first to the earlier nineteenth century. London: Rex Collings.
- French, Howard W. (2015). China's Second Continent: How a Million Migrants Are Building a New Empire in Africa. Vintage. ISBN 978-0307946652.
- Gunessee, Saileshsingh, and Shuang Hu. "Chinese cross‐border mergers and acquisitions in the developing world: Is Africa unique?." Thunderbird International Business Review 63.1 (2021): 27–41. Online
- Hellström, Jerker (2009). China's Emerging Role in Africa: a Strategic Overview. Swedish Defence Research Agency (FOI). ISBN 978-1-84277-864-7.
- Isaksson, Ann-Sofie, and Andreas Kotsadam. "Chinese Aid to Africa: Distinguishing Features and Local Effects." (2020). Online
- Isaksson, Ann-Sofie, and Andreas Kotsadam. "Racing to the bottom? Chinese development projects and trade union involvement in Africa." World Development 106 (2018): 284–298. Online on lower wages
- Jedlowski, Alessandro. "Chinese Television in Africa." Theory, Culture & Society (2021): 02632764211012033.
- de Moraes, Isaías Albertin, and Mônica Heinzelmann Portella de Aguiar. "China-Africa Relations in Political Economy of the World-System: in between excluding-insertion and including-insertion." Relações Internacionais no Mundo Atual 4.29 (2021): 119–146. online
- Muekalia, D.J. (2004). "Africa and China's strategic partnership". African Security Review. Vol. 13, no. 1. pp. 5–11.
- Ofosu, George, and David Sarpong. "The evolving perspectives on the Chinese labour regime in Africa." Economic and Industrial Democracy (2021): 0143831X211029382. online
- Otele, Oscar M. "Introduction. China-Africa Relations: Interdisciplinary Question and Theoretical Perspectives." The African Review 47.2 (2020): 267–284. online
- Snow, Philip (1988). The Star Raft: China's encounter with Africa. New York: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ISBN 978-1-55584-184-3.
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- Tan-Mullins, May, Frauke Urban, and Grace Mang. "Evaluating the behaviour of Chinese stakeholders engaged in large hydropower projects in Asia and Africa." The China Quarterly 230 (2017): 464–488. Online
- Taylor, Ian (2006). China and Africa: Engagement and Compromise. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-39740-7.
- Taylor, Ian (2009). China's New Role in Africa. Boulder: Zed Books. ISBN 978-1-58826-636-1.
- Wyatt, Don J. (2009). The Blacks of Premodern China. Encounters with Asia. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-4193-8.
- Taylor, Ian (2011). The Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC). London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0415628518.
- Taylor, Ian (2017). China's Aid to Africa: Does Friendship Really Matter?. London: Routledge. ISBN 9781138630390.\
- Wasserman, Herman, and Dani Madrid-Morales. "How influential are Chinese media in Africa? An audience analysis in Kenya and South Africa." International Journal of Communication 12 (2018): 20+ online.