Slavery in ancient Greece
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Slavery was a widely accepted practice in ancient Greece, as it was in contemporaneous societies.[2] The principal use of slaves was in agriculture, but they were also used in stone quarries or mines, and as domestic servants.[3]
Modern historiographical practice distinguishes between chattel slavery (where the slave was regarded as a piece of property, as opposed to a member of human society) and land-bonded groups such as the penestae of Thessaly or the Spartan helots, who were more like medieval serfs (an enhancement to real estate).[4] The chattel slave is an individual deprived of liberty and forced to submit to an owner, who may buy, sell, or lease them like any other chattel.[5]
The academic study of slavery in ancient Greece is beset by significant methodological problems.[6] Documentation is disjointed and very fragmented, focusing primarily on the city-state of Athens. No treatises are specifically devoted to the subject, and jurisprudence was interested in slavery only as much as it provided a source of revenue. Greek comedies and tragedies represented stereotypes, while iconography made no substantial differentiation between slaves and craftsmen.[7]
Terminology
The ancient Greeks had several words to indicate slaves, which leads to textual ambiguity when they are studied out of their proper context. In the works of
Other terms used to indicate slaves were less precise and required context:
- θεράπων (therapōn) – At the time of Idomeneus); but during the classical age, it meant "servant".
- ἀκόλουθος (akolouthos) – literally, "the follower" or "the one who accompanies". Also, the diminutive ἀκολουθίσκος, used for page boys.
- παῖς (pais) – literally "child", used in the same way as "houseboy", also used in a derogatory way to call adult slaves.
- σῶμα (sōma) – literally "body", used in the context of emancipation.
- θεράπων (therapōn) – At the time of
Pre-classical Greece
Slaves were present through the Mycenaean civilization, as documented in numerous tablets unearthed in Pylos 140. Two legal categories can be distinguished: "slaves (εοιο)" and "slaves of the god (θεοιο)", the god in this case probably being Poseidon. Slaves of the god are always mentioned by name and own their own land; their legal status is close to that of freemen.[10] The nature and origin of their bond to the divinity is unclear. The names of common slaves show that some of them came from Kythera, Chios, Lemnos, or Halicarnassus and were probably enslaved as a result of piracy. The tablets indicate that unions between slaves and freemen were common and that slaves could work and own land. It appears that the major division in Mycenaean civilization was not between a free individual and a slave but rather if the individual was in the palace or not.
There is no continuity between the Mycenaean era and the time of
In the Odyssey, the slaves also seem to be mostly women. These slaves were servants and sometimes are concubines.
There were some male slaves, especially in the Odyssey, a prime example being the swineherd Eumaeus. The slave was distinctive in being a member of the core part of the oikos ("family unit", "household"): Laertes eats and drinks with his servants; in the winter, he sleeps in their company. Eumaeus, the "divine" swineherd, bears the same Homeric epithet as the Greek heroes. Slavery remained, however, a disgrace: Eumaeus declares, "Zeus, of the far-borne voice, takes away the half of a man's virtue, when the day of slavery comes upon him".
It is difficult to determine when slave trading began in the archaic period. In Works and Days (8th century BC), Hesiod owns numerous dmōes although their exact status is unclear. The presence of douloi is confirmed by lyric poets such as Archilochus or Theognis of Megara. According to epigraphic evidence, the homicide law of Draco (c. 620 BC) mentioned slaves. Draco, the first Athenian lawgiver, allowed a wide space for private violence against the slave.[9] According to Plutarch, Solon (c. 594–593 BC) forbade slaves from practising gymnastics and pederasty. By the end of the period, references become more common. Slavery becomes prevalent at the very moment when Solon establishes the basis for Athenian democracy. Classical scholar Moses Finley likewise remarks that Chios, which, according to Theopompus, was the first city to organize a slave trade, also enjoyed an early democratic process (in the 6th century BC). He concludes that "one aspect of Greek history, in short, is the advance hand in hand, of freedom and slavery."[11]
Economic role
All activities were open to slaves with the exception of politics. For the Greeks, politics was the only occupation worthy of a citizen, the rest being relegated wherever possible to non-citizens. It was status that was of importance, not occupation.
The principal use of slavery was in
Slave labour was prevalent in
Slaves were also used as craftsmen and tradespersons. As in agriculture, they were used for labour that was beyond the capability of the family. The slave population was greatest in workshops: the shield factory of Lysias employed 120 slaves, and the father of Demosthenes owned 32 cutlers and 20 bedmakers.
Ownership of domestic slaves was common, the domestic male slave's main role being to stand in for his master at his trade and to accompany him on trips. In time of war he was batman to the hoplite. The female slave carried out domestic tasks, in particular bread baking and textile making.
Demographics
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Population
According to the literature, it appears that the majority of free Athenians owned at least one slave. Aristophanes, in Plutus, portrays poor peasants who have several slaves; Aristotle defines a house as containing freemen and slaves. Conversely, not owning even one slave was a clear sign of poverty. In the celebrated discourse of Lysias For the Invalid, a cripple pleading for a pension explains "my income is very small and now I'm required to do these things myself and do not even have the means to purchase a slave who can do these things for me." However, the huge individual slave holdings of the wealthiest Romans were unknown in ancient Greece. When Athenaeus cites the case of Mnason, a friend of Aristotle and owner of a thousand slaves, this appears to be exceptional. Plato, owner of five slaves at the time of his death[citation needed], describes the very rich as owning fifty slaves.
Thucydides estimates that the isle of Chios had proportionally the largest number of slaves.
Sources of supply
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There were four primary sources of slaves: war, in which the defeated would become slaves to the victorious unless a more objective outcome was reached; piracy (at sea); banditry (on land); and international trade.
War
By the rules of war of the period, the victor possessed absolute rights over the vanquished, whether they were soldiers or not. Enslavement, while not systematic, was common practice.
The existence of Greek slaves was a constant source of discomfort for Greek citizens. The enslavement of cities was also a controversial practice. Some generals refused, such as the
Piracy and banditry
Piracy and banditry provided a significant and consistent supply of slaves, though the significance of this source varied according to era and region. Pirates and brigands would demand ransom whenever the status of their catch warranted it. Whenever ransom was not paid or not warranted, captives would be sold to a trafficker. In certain areas, piracy was practically a national specialty, described by Thucydides as "the old-fashioned" way of life. Such was the case in Acarnania, Crete, and Aetolia. Outside of Greece, this was also the case with Illyrians, Phoenicians, and Etruscans. During the Hellenistic period, Cilicians and the mountain peoples from the coasts of Anatolia could also be added to the list. Strabo explains the popularity of the practice among the Cilicians by its profitability; Delos, not far away, allowed for "moving myriad slaves daily". The growing influence of the Roman Republic, a large consumer of slaves, led to development of the market and an aggravation of piracy. In the 1st century BC, however, the Romans largely eradicated piracy to protect the Mediterranean trade routes.
Slave raids were a specific form of banditry that was a primary method of gathering slaves. In regions such as Thrace and the eastern Aegean, natives, or barbaroi, captured in slave raids were the primary source of slaves, rather than prisoners of war. As described by Xenophon, and Menander in Aspis, after the slaves were captured in raids, their actual enslavement took place when they were resold through slave-dealers to Athenians and other slaveowners throughout Greece. After the slaves were captured, they were sold in slave markets. From the 6th century BC on, the vast majority of slaves were bought in these slave markets.
Slave trade
There was slave trade between kingdoms and states of the wider region. The fragmentary list of slaves confiscated from the property of the mutilators of the
There is a lack of direct evidence of slave traffic, but corroborating evidence exists. Firstly, certain nationalities are consistently and significantly represented in the slave population, such as the corps of Scythian archers employed by Athens as a police force—originally 300, but eventually nearly a thousand. Secondly, the names given to slaves in the comedies often had a geographical link; thus Thratta, used by Aristophanes in The Wasps, The Acharnians, and Peace, simply meant a Thracian woman. Finally, the nationality of a slave was a significant criterion for major purchasers: Ancient practice was avoid a concentration of too many slaves of the same ethnic origin in the same place, in order to limit the risk of revolt. It is also probable that, as with the Romans, certain nationalities were considered more productive as slaves than others.
The price of slaves varied in accordance with their ability. Xenophon valued a Laurion miner at 180 drachmas (i.e. about 775 grams of silver); while a workman at major works was paid one drachma per day. Demosthenes' father's cutlers were valued at 500 to 600 drachmas each. Price was also a function of the quantity of slaves available; in the 4th century BC they were abundant and it was thus a buyer's market. A tax on sale revenues was levied by the market cities. For instance, a large helot market was organized during the festivities at the temple of Apollo at Actium. The Acarnanian League, which was in charge of the logistics, received half of the tax proceeds, the other half going to the city of Anactorion, of which Actium was a part.
Buyers enjoyed a guarantee against latent defects: The transaction could be invalidated if the purchased slave turned out to be crippled and the buyer had not been warned about it.
Status of slaves
The Greeks had many degrees of enslavement. There was a multitude of categories, ranging from free citizen to chattel slave, and including penestae or helots, disenfranchised citizens, freedmen, bastards, and metics.[13] The common ground was the deprivation of civic rights.
Moses Finley proposed a set of criteria for different degrees of enslavement:
- Right to own property
- Authority over the work of another
- Power of punishment over another
- Legal rights and duties (liability to arrest and/or arbitrary punishment, or to litigate)
- Familial rights and privileges (marriage, inheritance, etc.)
- Possibility of social mobility (manumission or emancipation, access to citizen rights)
- Religious rights and obligations
- Military rights and obligations (military service as servant, heavy or light soldier, or sailor).[14]
Athenian slaves were the property of their master (or of the state). Masters could dispose of their slaves as they saw fit by selling or renting them, or by granting them freedom. Slaves could have a spouse and children, but slave familial relationships were not recognized by the state, and the master could scatter the family members at any time.[15]
Slaves had fewer judicial rights than citizens and were represented by their masters in all judicial proceedings. A misdemeanor that would result in a fine for the free man would result in a flogging for the slave; the ratio seems to have been one lash for one drachma. With several minor exceptions, the testimony of a slave was not admissible except under torture.
Slaves could not own property, but their masters often let them save up to purchase their freedom, and records survive of slaves operating businesses by themselves, making only a fixed tax-payment to their masters. Athens also had a law forbidding the striking of slaves: if a person struck what appeared to be a slave in Athens, that person might find himself hitting a fellow citizen because many citizens dressed no better. It astonished other Greeks that Athenians tolerated back-chat from slaves. Athenian slaves fought together with Athenian freemen at the battle of Marathon, and the monuments memorialize them. It was formally decreed before the Battle of Salamis that the citizens should "save themselves, their women, children, and slaves".
Slaves had special sexual restrictions and obligations. For example, a slave could not engage free boys in pederastic relationships ("A slave shall not be the lover of a free boy nor follow after him, or else he shall receive fifty blows of the public lash."), and they were forbidden from the palaestrae ("A slave shall not take exercise or anoint himself in the wrestling-schools."). Both laws are attributed to Solon.
The sons of vanquished foes would be enslaved and often forced to work in male brothels, as in the case of Phaedo of Elis, who at the request of Socrates was bought and freed from such an enterprise by the philosopher's rich friends. On the other hand, it is attested in sources that the rape of slaves was prosecuted, at least occasionally.
Slaves in Gortyn
A fragment of the Gortyn code in Gortyn, Crete
In
Slaves did have the right to possess a house and livestock, which could be transmitted to descendants, as could clothing and household furnishings. Their family was recognized by law: they could marry, divorce, write a testament and inherit just like free men.
Debt Bondage
Debt, especially in the agricultural field, was a very common occurrence in Ancient Greece.[16] A large portion of the Greek population was composed of peasants, of varying degrees of freedom, who survived on subsistence farming.[16] Thus, lending and borrowing, and consequently incurring debts, was central to peasant life. Peasants could incur debt for a number of reasons. First, given the nature of their agricultural labor, they often borrowed tools, livestock, or sowing material, and these debts could roll over to the next day. As soon as debts surpassed day-to-day reciprocity, it became more and more difficult for peasants to pay off their loans. Thus, the laborer became indebted to the owner of the land they were working on, becoming indebted to the creditor. Soon after, the debtor might have had to give his property, and eventually his wife, children, and ultimately himself, over to the creditor, thus becoming entirely dependent and virtually enslaved to the creditor.[16]
Prior to its interdiction by Solon, Athenians practiced debt enslavement: a citizen incapable of paying his debts became "enslaved" to the creditor. Debt bondage primarily concerned peasants known as hektēmoroi who, unable to pay their rents, worked land owned by rich landowners. In theory, debt bondage slaves would be liberated when their original debts were repaid.[17]
Solon put an end to debt bondage with the σεισάχθεια / seisachtheia, literally "the shaking off of burdens", or liberation of debts, which prevented all claim to the person by the debtor and forbade the sale of free Athenians, including by themselves.[17] Scholars believe that Solon got the idea for the cancellation of debts from Mesopotamian law.[16] Aristotle in his Constitution of the Athenians quotes one of Solon's poems:
"And many a man whom fraud or law had sold
Far from his god-built land, an outcast slave,
I brought again to Athens; yea, and some,
Exiles from home through debt’s oppressive load,
Speaking no more the dear Athenian tongue,
But wandering far and wide, I brought again;
And those that here in vilest slavery (douleia)
Crouched ‘neath a master’s (despōtes) frown, I set them free."[18]
Though much of Solon's poem is reminiscent of ”traditional” slavery, debt bondage slavery was different in that the enslaved Athenian remained an Athenian, dependent on another Athenian, in his place of birth. It is in these lines that Solon put an end to debt bondage. This measure, which received much praise in antiquity, was merely a cancellation of debts.[18] The seisachtheia were not intended to free all Greek slaves but only those enslaved by debt. The reforms of Solon left two exceptions: the guardian of an unmarried woman who had lost her virginity had the right to sell her as a slave, and a citizen could "expose" (abandon) unwanted newborn children.
Manumission
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The practice of
The practice became more common in the 4th century BC and gave rise to inscriptions in stone which have been recovered from shrines such as Delphi and Dodona. They primarily date to the 2nd and 1st centuries BC, and the 1st century AD. Collective manumission was possible; an example is known from the 2nd century BC in the island of Thasos. It probably took place during a period of war as a reward for the slaves' loyalty, but in most cases the documentation deals with a voluntary act on the part of the master (predominantly male, but in the Hellenistic period also female).
The slave was often required to pay for himself an amount at least equivalent to his market value. To this end they could use their savings or take a so-called "friendly" loan (ἔρανος / eranos) from their master, a friend or a client like the
Emancipation was often of a religious nature, where the slave was considered to be "sold" to a deity, often Delphian Apollo, or was consecrated after his emancipation. The temple would receive a portion of the monetary transaction and would guarantee the contract. The manumission could also be entirely civil, in which case the magistrate played the role of the deity.
The slave’s freedom could be either total or partial, at the master’s whim. In the former, the emancipated slave was legally protected against all attempts at re-enslavement—for instance, on the part of the former master’s inheritors. In the latter case, the emancipated slave could be liable to a number of obligations to the former master. The most restrictive contract was the paramone, a type of enslavement of limited duration during which time the master retained practically absolute rights. If a former master sued the former slave for not fulfilling a duty, however, and the slave was found innocent, the latter gained complete freedom from all duties toward the former. Some inscriptions imply a mock process of that type could be used for a master to grant his slave complete freedom in a legally binding manner.
In regard to the city, the emancipated slave was far from equal to a citizen by birth. He was liable to all types of obligations, as one can see from the proposals of Plato in The Laws: presentation three times monthly at the home of the former master, forbidden to become richer than him, etc. In fact, the status of emancipated slaves was similar to that of metics, the residing foreigners, who were free but did not enjoy a citizen’s rights.
Spartan slaves
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Some texts mention both slaves and helots, which seems to indicate that they were not the same thing.
Most historians thus concur that chattel slaves were indeed used in the Greek city-state of Sparta, at least after the Lacedemonian victory of 404 BC against Athens, but not in great numbers and only among the upper classes. As it was in the other Greek cities, chattel slaves could be purchased at the market or taken in war.
Athenian slaves
National Archaeological Museum of Athens
Social DeathOrlando Patterson's theory of social death says that the institution of slavery robs the slave of his or her "socially recognized existence outside of his master", effectively transforming the slave into a "social nonperson."[10] By this definition, Greek slaves can be considered socially dead. According to Patterson's definition, there were several criteria that qualified a slave as socially dead. First, they were likely uprooted from kin groups and their homeland, and displaced in a new foreign land.[10] The effect of physically relocating slaves was that they were seen as fundamentally different from the citizen population at any given time, alienating the slave and thus making it easier to justify their abuse and maltreatment.[15] Second, the slaves subjection was permanent, and could only be terminated by the master. Third, socially dead slaves were "dishonored, devalued, and victims of gratuitous violence."[10] Looking at slavery in Ancient Greece through the lens of social death, a theory developed by Orlando Patterson, offers insight regarding the daily lived experiences of Ancient Greek slaves. According to Patterson, "slavery is the permanent, violent domination of natally alienated and generally dishonored persons," and all slaves are socially dead.[10] The aforementioned aspects of social death shall be examined below in the context of Ancient Greek slavery: the natal alienation of slaves, the permanence of a slave's enslavement, and the dishonor, domination, and violence.[10] Natal AlienationPatterson argues that the alienation of the slave from their birthplace and natal culture was the single most salient factor in determining whether a slave was socially dead or not. In Ancient Greece, a binary system of classification categorized all people into one of two categories: Greek or non-Greek. Non-Greek peoples were called barbaroi, they could have either been born outside Greece, or have born inside Greece to foreigners.[19] This dichotomy reinforced the view of non-Greeks as fundamentally "The Other". This “Othering” of foreigners very likely made it psychologically easier for Athenians to “deny personhood” to someone who was seen as essentially different from themselves, thus making it easier to enslave non-Greeks and deprive them of their humanity.[19] Consequently, barbarois became inextricably associated with slaves, and conversely, eleutheros became synonymous with Greek citizenship.[19] The capture of prisoners of war and slave raids during warfare between Greek and non-Greek territories were two primary ways of obtaining slaves in Classical Greece.[19] This meant that the majority of the slave population was composed of non-Greeks. This relocation of slaves alienated them from the birthrights from their natal clan, village, or community, relegating the enslaved population to permanent outsiders.[20] PermanenceWhile it was possible for individual Ancient Greek slaves to be freed, manumission was always in the hands of the owner.[15] Slavery was heritable, meaning that even if an individual slave was granted freedom, their children would still likely be slaves.[15] The permanence of many Greek slaves subjection and the perpetuity of enslavement over generations of a family was therefore indicative of their status as unfree members of society, since their freedom was on someone else's terms and never their own.[15] General Dishonor, Domination and ViolencePerhaps the most salient feature of the social death of slaves was the dishonor and dehumanization they experienced at the hands of the slave-owning class. Slaves were seen as property: their only value was tied to their physical capacity for labor.[19] This is reflected in Aristotle's work Politics, in which he provides a blunt conceptualization of slaves as property: they are nothing but "living tools" and "animate property".[15] This viewpoint was shared by the rest of free Greek society.[15] Slaves were subject to corporal punishment, while free citizens were not, further differentiating the slave class from the rest of society.[19] Flogging, verbal chastisement, and various forms of torture were characteristic of a slave's subjection.[19] There was also a legal requirement that slave testimony in court be extracted via torture.[15] Litigants would offer up their slave, who would be stretched out on a rack and whipped, and sometimes even killed, while giving their testimony.[15] It is also not surprising that slaves were subject to physical violence in the private sphere as well: owners were free to whip, torture, and even kill their slaves.[15] Slavery conditions
It is difficult to appreciate the condition of Greek slaves. According to Aristotle, the daily routine of slaves could be summed up in three words: "work, discipline, and feeding". Xenophon notes the accepted practice of treating slaves as domestic animals, that is to say punishing them for disobedience and rewarding them for good behaviour. For his part, Aristotle prefers to see slaves treated as children and to use not only orders but also recommendations, as the slave is capable of understanding reasons when they are explained. Greek literature abounds with scenes of slaves being flogged; it was a means of forcing them to work, as were control of rations, clothing, and rest. This violence could be meted out by the master or the supervisor, who was possibly also a slave. Thus, at the beginning of Aristophanes' The Knights (4–5), two slaves complain of being "bruised and thrashed without respite" by their new supervisor. However, Aristophanes himself cites what is a typical old saw in ancient Greek comedy:
The condition of slaves varied very much according to their status; the mine slaves of Laureion and the pornai (brothel prostitutes) lived a particularly brutal existence, while public slaves, craftsmen, tradesmen and bankers enjoyed relative independence. In return for a fee (ἀποφορά / apophora) paid to their master, they could live and work alone. They could thus earn some money on the side, sometimes enough to purchase their freedom. Potential emancipation was indeed a powerful motivator, though the real scale of this is difficult to estimate. Ancient writers considered that Attic slaves enjoyed a "peculiarly happy lot": Pseudo-Xenophon deplores the liberties taken by Athenian slaves: "as for the slaves and Metics of Athens, they take the greatest licence; you cannot just strike them, and they do not step aside to give you free passage". This alleged good treatment did not prevent 20,000 Athenian slaves from running away at the end of the Peloponnesian War at the incitement of the Spartan garrison at Attica in Decelea. These were principally skilled artisans (kheirotekhnai), probably among the better-treated slaves, although some researchers believe them to be mainly workers of the mines of Laurion, whose conditions were infamously harsh. The title of a 4th-century comedy by Antiphanes , The Runaway-catcher (Δραπεταγωγός), suggests that slave flight was not uncommon.
Conversely, there are no records of a large-scale Greek slave revolt comparable to that of Spartacus in Rome. It can probably be explained by the relative dispersion of Greek slaves, which would have prevented any large-scale planning. Slave revolts were rare, even in Rome. Individual acts of rebellion of slaves against their master, though scarce, are not unheard of; a judicial speech mentions the attempted murder of his master by a boy slave, not 12 years old. Views of Greek slaveryHistorical views Very few authors of antiquity call slavery into question. To Homer and the pre-classical authors, slavery was an inevitable consequence of war. Heraclitus states that "[w]ar is the father of all, the king of all...he turns some into slaves and sets others free."[21] Aristotle also felt this way, stating "the law by which whatever is taken in war is supposed to belong to the victors."[22] He also states that it might have a few issues though, ”For what if the cause of war be unjust?”[22] If the war was because of an unfair or incorrect reason, should the victors of that war be allowed to take the losers as slaves? During the classical period the main justification for slavery was economic. Alcidamas, at the same time as Aristotle, took the opposite view, saying: "nature has made nobody a slave".[31] In parallel, the concept that all men, whether Greek or barbarian, belonged to the same race was being developed by the Epicurians, was not so much an opposition to slavery as a trivialization of it.[36]
The Greeks could not comprehend an absence of slaves. Slaves exist even in the " Antiphon viewed slaves as a bit more than common animals or tools. On the topic of a man killing his own slave, he says that the man should "purify himself and withhold himself from those places prescribed by law, in the hope that by doing so he will best avoid disaster."[42] This suggests that there still is some sense of inappropriateness in killing a slave, even one owned by the killer.
Punishment of slaves would have been swift and harsh. Demosthenes viewed punishment for slaves as acceptable in the form of physical harm or injuries for all that they may have done wrong, stating "the body of a slave is made responsible for all his misdeeds, whereas corporal punishment is the last penalty to inflict on a free man."[43] This was spoken about in legal proceedings, suggesting that it would have been a widely accepted way of treating slaves. Modern viewsNational Archaeological Museum of Athens Slavery in Greek antiquity has long been an object of French colonies.[45]
In the 19th century, a politico-economic discourse emerged. It concerned itself with distinguishing the phases in the organisation of human societies and correctly identifying the place of Greek slavery. According to Karl Marx, the ancient society was characterized by development of private ownership and the dominant (and not secondary as in other pre-capitalist societies) character of slavery as a mode of production.[46] The Positivists represented by the historian Eduard Meyer (Slavery in Antiquity, 1898) were soon to oppose the Marxist theory. According to him slavery was the foundation of Greek democracy. It was thus a legal and social phenomenon, and not economic.[47] Current historiography developed in the 20th century; led by authors such as Joseph Vogt, it saw in slavery the conditions for the development of elites. Conversely, the theory also demonstrates an opportunity for slaves to join the elite. Finally, Vogt estimates that modern society, founded on humanist values, has surpassed this level of development.[48] In 2011, Greek slavery remains the subject of historiographical debate, on two questions in particular: can it be said that ancient Greece was a "slave society", and did Greek slaves comprise a social class?[49] FootnotesReferences
References
Further readingGeneral studies
Specific studies
External links Wikimedia Commons has media related to Slavery in ancient Greece.
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