Society and culture of the Han dynasty
The Han dynasty (206 BCE – 220 CE) was a period of Imperial China divided into the Western Han (206 BCE – 9 CE) and Eastern Han (25–220 CE) periods, when the capital cities were located at Chang'an and Luoyang, respectively. It was founded by Emperor Gaozu of Han and briefly interrupted by the regime of Wang Mang (r. 9–23 CE) who usurped the throne from a child Han emperor.
The Han dynasty was an age of great
Although the social status of
The typical Han-era Chinese household contained a
Social class
Royal family, regents, nobles, and eunuchs
At the apex of Han society was
The emperor's most powerful relative was the
The position of
Gentry scholars and officials
Those who served in government had a privileged position in Han society that was just one tier below the nobles (yet some high officials were also ennobled and had fiefs).
Starting in Western Han was a
Many central government officials also began their careers as subordinate officers for
Despite a decline in social mobility for those of less prominent clans, the local elites became far more integrated into a nationwide upper class social structure during the Eastern Han period, thus expanding the classification of who belonged to the upper class.
In a show of solidarity against the eunuchs' interference in court politics with the coup against the regent
Farmers and landowners
Many scholars who needed additional funds for education or vied for political office found farming as a decent profession which, although humble, was not looked down upon by fellow gentrymen.
During the Western Han, farming peasants formed the majority of those who were
Artisans and craftsmen
Artisans and craftsmen during the Han had a socio-economic status between that of farmers and merchants.[63] Yet some were able to obtain a valuable income, such as one craftsman who made knives and swords and was able to eat food fit for nobles and officials.[64] Artisans and craftsmen also enjoyed a legal status that was superior to merchants. Unlike lowly merchants, artisans were allowed by law to wear fancy silks, ride on horseback, and ride in carriages.[64] There were also no laws which barred artisans from becoming officials. An artisan painter who worked at the Imperial Academy turned down many offers to become nominated for public office.[65] In contrast, a bureaucrat who appointed a merchant as an official could suffer impeachment from office, while some even avoided nominations by claiming they were merchants.[65]
Despite their legal privileges over that of merchants, the work of artisans was considered by Han Confucian scholars to be of secondary importance to that of farmers.
Artisans could be privately employed or they could work for the government. While government workshops employed convicts, corvée laborers, and state-owned slaves to perform menial tasks, the master craftsman was paid a significant income for his work in producing luxury items such as bronze mirrors and lacquerwares.[68]
Merchants and industrialists
With the exception of the
Registered merchants were forced by law to wear white-colored clothes, an indication of their low status,[72] and could be singled out for conscription into the armed forces and forced to resettle in lands to the deep south where malaria was known to be prevalent.[73] In contrast, itinerant merchants were often richer due to their trade between a network of towns and cities and their ability to avoid registering as merchants.[71] Starting with Emperor Gaozu's reign, registered merchants were banned from wearing silk clothes, riding on horseback, or holding public office. This is in stark contrast to unregistered itinerant merchants who Chao Cuo (d. 154 BCE) states wore fine silks, rode in carriages pulled by fat horses, and whose wealth allowed them to associate with government officials.[74]
Although these laws were relaxed over time, Emperor Wu renewed the state's persecution of merchants when in 119 BCE he made it illegal for registered merchants to purchase land.[75] If they violated this law, their land and slaves would be confiscated by the state.[75] The effectiveness of this law is questionable, since contemporary Han writers mention merchants owning huge tracts of land.[76] A merchant who owned property worth a thousand catties of gold—equivalent to ten million cash coins—was considered a great merchant.[77] Such a fortune was one hundred times larger than the average income of a middle class landowner-cultivator and dwarfed the annual 200,000 cash-coin income of a marquess who collected taxes from a thousand households.[78] Some merchant families made fortunes worth over a hundred million cash, which was equivalent to the wealth acquired by the highest officials in government.[79]
Merchants engaged in a multitude of private trades and industries. A single merchant often combined several trades to make greater profits, such as
Guests and retainers
Commoners known as
A host treated his retainers very well and showered them with luxury gifts if he wanted to boast his wealth and status.[88] One retainer even received a sword scabbard decorated with jade and pearls, while others were given items like shoes decorated with pearls.[88] However, not all retainers shared the same status, as those showered with gifts often provided highly skilled work or greater services; retainers who were not as skilled were given lesser gifts and seated in less honorable positions when meeting the host.[92] Regardless of status, any retainer was allowed to come and go from his host's residence as he or she pleased, unlike a slave who was the property of his master and permanently attached to the estate.[93] There was no official government policy on how to deal with retainers, but when they broke laws they were arrested, and when their master broke the law, sometimes the retainers were detained alongside him.[94]
Retainers formed a large portion of the fighting forces amassed by the future Emperor Guangwu (r. 25–57 CE) during the civil war against Wang Mang's failing regime.[95] The military role of retainers became much more pronounced by the late 2nd century CE during the political turmoil that would eventually split the empire into three competing states.[95] By then, hosts began to treat retainers as their personal troops (buqu 部曲), which undercut the freedoms of mobility and independence that earlier retainers had enjoyed.[96] Whereas individual retainers had earlier joined a host by their own personal decision, by the late 2nd century CE the lives of the retainers' entire families became heavily controlled by the host.[96]
Slaves
Slaves (nuli 奴隸) comprised roughly 1% of the population,[97] a proportion far less than the contemporary Greco-Roman world which relied on the labor of a large slave population.[91] Slaves were classified into two categories: those who were privately owned, and those who were owned by the state.[98] Privately owned slaves were often former peasants who fell into debt and sold themselves into slavery, while others were former government slaves bestowed to nobles and high officials as rewards for their services.[99] State-owned slaves were sometimes prisoners of war (yet not all were made slaves).[100] However, most slaves were tributary gifts given to the court by foreign states, families of criminals who committed treason against the state, and former private slaves who were either donated to authorities (since this would exempt the former slaveholder from labor obligations) or confiscated by the state if their master had broken a law.[101] In both Western and Eastern Han, arrested criminals became convicts and it was only during the reign of Wang Mang that counterfeiting criminals were made into slaves.[100]
State-owned slaves were put to work in palaces, offices, workshops, stables, and sometimes state-owned agricultural fields, while privately owned slaves were employed in domestic services and sometimes farming.
The children of both government and private slaves were born slaves.[108] Government slaves could be granted freedom by the emperor if they were deemed too elderly, if the emperor pitied them, or if they committed a meritous act worthy of a manumission.[109] In one exceptional case, the former slave Jin Midi (d. 86 BCE) became one of the regents over the government.[110] Private slaves could buy their freedom from their master, while some masters chose to free their slaves.[111] Although slaves were subject to beatings if they did not obey their masters, it was against the law to murder a slave; kings were stripped of their kingdoms after it was found that they had murdered slaves, while Wang Mang even forced one of his sons to commit suicide for murdering a slave.[112] An edict of 35 CE repealed the death penalty for any slave who killed a commoner.[113]
Not all slaves had the same social status. Some slaves of wealthy families lived better than commoners since they were allowed to wear luxurious clothes and consume quality food and wine.[113] Slaves of high officials could even be feared and respected. The slaves of regent Huo Guang (d. 68 BCE) sometimes came armed to the marketplace and fought commoners, forced the Imperial Secretary to kowtow and apologize (after a scuffle with his slaves over the right-of-way on the street), and were provided services by some officials who sought a promotion through Huo Guang's influence.[114]
Other occupations
In addition to officials, teachers, merchants, farmers, artisans, and retainers, there were many other occupations. The
Twenty ranks
The Han court upheld a socio-economic ranking system for commoners and nobles, which was based on the twenty-ranks system installed by the statesman Shang Yang (d. 338 BCE) of the State of Qin.[121] All males above the age of 15 (excluding slaves) could be promoted in rank up to level eight.[122] When a commoner was promoted in rank, he was granted a more honorable place in the seating arrangements of hamlet banquets, was given a greater portion of hunted game at the table, was punished less severely for certain crimes, and could become exempt from labor service obligations to the state.[122] This system favored the elderly, since a longer lifespan meant more opportunities to become promoted.[121] In addition to an increase in salary (see table to the right), newly promoted men were granted wine and ox-meat for a celebratory banquet.[122] The 19th and 20th ranks were both marquess ranks, yet only a 20th rank allowed one to have a marquessate fief.[123]
Promotions in rank were decided by the emperor and could occur on special occasions, such as installation of a new emperor, inauguration of a new reign title, the wedding of a new empress, or the selection of a royal heir apparent.[121] The central government sometimes sold ranks to collect more revenues for the state.[124] The official Chao Cuo (d. 154 BCE) once wrote that anyone who presented a substantial amount of agricultural grain to the government would also be promoted in rank.[125]
The twenty-ranks system (二十公乘)[126] | ||
---|---|---|
Rank level and Chinese name |
English translation | Annual salary measured in bushels or shi (石) of millet |
1. 公士 Gongshi | Gentleman | 50 |
2. 上造 Shangzao | Distinguished Accomplishment | 100 |
3. 簪袅 Zanniao | Ornamented Horses | 150 |
4. 不更 Bugeng | No Conscript Service | 200 |
5. 大夫 Dafu | Grandee | 250 |
6. 官大夫 Guan Dafu | Government Grandee | 300 |
7. 公大夫 Gong Dafu | Gentleman Grandee | 350 |
8. 公乘 Gongcheng | Gentleman Chariot | 400 |
9. 五大夫 Wu Dafu | Grandee | 450 |
10. 左庶长 Zuo Shuzhang | Chief of the Multitude on the Left | 500 |
11. 右庶长 You Shuzhang | Chief of the Multitude on the Right | 550 |
12. 左更 Zuo Geng | Chieftain of Conscripts on the Left | 600 |
13. 中更 Zhong Geng | Chieftain of Conscripts in the Center | 650 |
14. 右更 You Geng | Chieftain of Conscripts on the Right | 700 |
15. 少上造 Shao Shangzao | Second-Order Distinguished Accomplishment | 750 |
16. 大上造 Da Shangzao | Most Distinguished Accomplishment | 800 |
17. 驷车庶长 Siju Shuzhang | Chieftain of the Multitude Riding a Four-Horse Chariot | 850 |
18. 大庶长 Da Shuzhang | Grand Chieftain of the Multitude | 900 |
19. 关内侯 Guannei Hou | Marquis of the Imperial Domain | 950 |
20. 彻侯 Che Hou | Full Marquis | 1,000 |
Urban and rural life
During the Han, the empire was divided into large administrative units of
The government funded flood control projects involving the building of new canals, thus aiding the speed of waterborne transport and allowing undeveloped areas to become irrigated farmlands.[128] These conscription labor projects allowed for the building of new hamlets which were dependent on the government for their livelihoods.[14] When the authority of the central government declined in the late Eastern Han period, many commoners living in such hamlets were forced to flee their lands and work as tenants on large estates of wealthy landowners.[14] The people of older hamlets which never had to rely on central government projects for their wellbeing or existence often sought support from powerful local families.[14]
The Western Han capital at
There were many amusements in the cities which could attract audiences rich and poor, such as trained animals performing tricks,
Marriage, gender, and kinship
Patrilineal, nuclear family
Chinese kinship relations during the Han were influenced by
Clan and lineage
The
The majority of clan or lineage groups were not very influential in local society.[142] However, prominent kinship groups could enjoy a great deal of ad hoc influence, especially if a member served as a government official.[142] Wealthy scholars or officials often shared the same kinship group with poor commoners.[143] Since clan members were expected to defend fellow members (even to the point of murder), government authorities constantly struggled to suppress powerful kinship groups.[142] Local lineage groups formed the backbone of rebel forces in the popular uprising against Wang Mang in the early 1st century CE.[45] When central government authority broke down in the late Eastern Han, less-developed areas of the country remained relatively stable due to entrenched kinship groups, while in heavily developed areas (where kinship groups had been effectively broken down by the state) there were many more peasants willing to turn to rebel movements for protection and survival.[144]
Marriage and divorce
Although romantic love was not discouraged, marriages
Although the ideal ages for marriage were thirty for a man and twenty for a woman, it was common for a male to marry at age sixteen and a female at age fourteen.[150] To encourage families to marry off their daughters, a law was introduced in 189 BCE that increased the poll tax rate fivefold for unmarried women between the ages of fifteen and thirty.[150] People of the Han practiced a strict form of exogamy where one could not marry a person who had the same surname, even if both partners could not be traced back to a common ancestor (however, this excluded the royal family, who sometimes married distant relatives for political reasons).[151] Officials often married into families with officials of equal status and sometimes married royal princesses or had their daughters marry kings and even the emperor.[152]
By custom there were seven conditions where a man could divorce his wife. These were: (1) disobedience to parents-in-law, (2) barrenness (unable to continue family line), (3) adultery (mixing another clan's blood into the family), (4) jealousy (of concubines), (5) incurable disease (unable to continue family line), (6) loquacity (not getting along with brothers-in-law or sisters-in-law), and (7) theft.[153] However, a husband was not allowed to divorce his wife if she had completed three years of mourning for one of his deceased parents, if there were no living relatives in her father's family to return to, or if the husband's family was originally poor but became rich after marriage.[154] Sometimes women were also able to initiate the divorce and remarry if the husband's family was in poverty, he was diseased, or his in-laws were too abusive.[155] Although remarriage was frowned upon (especially since divorce meant a wife took away her dowry wealth from her ex-husband's family), it was nonetheless common amongst divorcees and widowers in all social groups.[156]
Inheritance
The two types of inheritance during Han included the common inheritance of property from the deceased, which all social groups (except for slaves) participated in, and the inheritance of titles, which only the people of twenty ranks, nobility, and royalty could enjoy.[157] In the first form, officials and commoners bequeathed an equal share of property to each of their sons in their will.[158] This excluded daughters, who married into other families and thus did not carry on the family name. However, daughters did receive a portion of the family property in the form of their marriage dowries, which were sometimes equal to a brother's share of wealth in the will.[159] The second type of inheritance involved the practice of primogeniture, where the official title was inherited by only one son.[160] This was as true of the emperor as it was for any king, marquess, or commoner of the twenty ranks.[160] However, to limit the power of the kings while still upholding primogeniture, an imperial edict of 127 BCE stated that kings had to divide the territories of their kingdoms between the chosen successor (i.e. heir apparent) and the kings' brothers, who were made marquesses, thus establishing new marquessates and effectively reducing the size of every kingdom with each generation.[161]
Status and position of women
Historian Ban Zhao (45–116 CE) wrote in her Lessons for Women that, like the opposite and complementary forces of yin and yang, men's great virtues were strength and rigidity, while a woman's great virtues were respect and compliance.[162] Throughout her life, a Han woman was to bend to the will of first her father, then her husband, and then her adult son (三從四德).[163] However, there are many recorded deviations from this rule, as some Han women are written to have engaged in heated arguments with their husbands over concubines (sometimes beating concubines out of jealousy and to punish the husband), wrote essays and letters for husbands serving as government officials, and sometimes husbands turned to their wives for advice on political affairs of the court.[164] When a father died, the eldest son was theoretically the senior member of the family, yet as hinted in various works of Han literature, they still had to obey the will of their mother and she could even force them to kowtow to her when apologizing for an offense.[165] Deviations from common customs regarding gender were especially pronounced in the imperial family. The empress was able to give orders to her male relatives (even her father) and if they disobeyed her, she could publicly reprimand and humiliate them.[166]
Certain occupations were traditionally reserved for women, while they were also exempted from corvée labor duties.[167] Women were expected to rear children, weave clothes for the family, and perform domestic duties such as cooking; although farming was considered men's work, sometimes women tilled fields alongside their husbands and brothers.[168] Some women formed communal spinning and weaving groups to pool resources together to pay for candles, lamp oil, and heat during night and winter.[169] A successful textile business could employ hundreds of women.[73] Singing and dancing to entertain wealthy patrons were other common professions open for women.[170] When a husband died, sometimes the widow became the sole supporter of her children, and thus had to make a living weaving silk cloths or making straw sandals to sell in the market.[171] Some women also turned to the humble profession of sorcery for income.[172] Other more fortunate women could become renowned medical physicians who provided services to the families of high officials and nobility.[173] Some wealthy women engaged in luxury trade, such as one who frequently sold pearls to a princess.[174] Some even aided in their husband's business decisions.[175] Female merchants dressed in silk clothes which rivaled even female nobles' attire were considered immoral compared to the ideal woman weaver.[175]
Education, literature, and philosophy
Competing ideologies
The historian
Confucianism becomes paramount
At the core of Confucian ethics were the selected virtues of
Since his model incorporated and justified the imperial government into the natural order of the universe, it appealed to Emperor Wu, who in 136 BCE abolished non-Confucian academic chairs or erudites (博士) not dealing with the Confucian
There were varying regional traditions or 'schools' within Confucianism assigned to certain texts.
Further philosophical synthesis
In contrast to Dong's certainty about innate goodness, the contemporary writer
Public and private education
In order to secure a position as a teacher, erudite in the capital, or government official, a student could choose one of several paths to become well educated. Perhaps the most prestigious path was enrollment in the Imperial University.
The Standard Histories
Before the
Unlike the
The next Standard History was the
Treatises, dictionaries, manuals, and biographies
The
Handbooks, guides, manuals, and treatises for various subjects were written in the Han. The Western Han Book of Fan Shengzhi (
Aside from the biographies found in the Standard Histories, it became popular amongst gentrymen to write stylistic essays and commission private biographies on other gentlemen.[221] These privately published biographies focused either on gentrymen from one's locality or more well known figures who held national prominence.[221]
Poetry and rhapsodies
The
Zhang Heng also wrote "Lyric Poems on Four Sorrows" (四愁詩), which represent the earliest heptasyllabic
Laws and customs
By the Han dynasty, written law had matured from its archaic form based largely on
The county magistrate and commandery administrator were the official court judges of the county and commandery, respectively.[232] Their jurisdictions overlapped, yet the commandery administrator only interfered in county court cases when necessary; it was generally agreed that whoever arrested a criminal first would be the first to judge him or her.[233] If a commandery-level court case could not be resolved, the central government's Commandant of Justice was the final authority of appeal before the emperor.[234] Yet he most often dealt with cases of political rebels and regicide in regards to kings, marquesses, and high officials.[235] Above the Commandant was the emperor, the supreme judge and lawgiver.[235]
As with previous codes, Han law distinguished what should be considered murderous killings (with malice and foresight), wittingly killing, killing by mistake, and killing by accident.[236] Although a father was the undisputed head of the family, he was not allowed to mutilate or kill any of its members as punishment; if he did, he would be tried for physical assault or murder, respectively.[237] Yet not all murders were given the same sentence, since relation and circumstance were considered in the sentencing. For example, A father would be given a much less severe sentence for murdering a son than if a son murdered his father.[238] Women had certain rights under Han law. It was against the law for husbands to physically abuse their wives.[239] Rape cases were also commonly filed in court and were punished by Han law.[239] Women could level charges against men in court, while it was commonly accepted in Han jurisprudence that women were capable of telling the truth in court.[239]
Sometimes criminals were beaten with the
Although modern scholars know of some surviving cases where Han law dealt with commerce and domestic affairs, the spheres of trade (outside the monopolies) and the family were still largely governed by age-old social customs.[245] Many ways in which family relations were conducted during the Han were already stipulated in the ancient Confucian canon, especially in the Book of Rites. This became accepted as the mainstream guide to ethics and custom.[245] In terms of private commercial contracts, they usually entailed information on the goods transferred, the amount paid, the names of the buyer and seller, the date of transfer and the signatures of witnesses.[246]
Arts and crafts
Artists were classified as artisans since they were nonagricultural laborers who manufactured and decorated objects.[248] The philosopher Wang Fu argued that urban society exploited the contributions of food-producing farmers while able-bodied men in the cities wasted their time (among other listed pursuits) crafting miniature plaster carts, earthenware statues of dogs, horses, and human figures of singers and actors, and children's toys.[249] However, during Eastern Han some scholar-officials began engaging in crafts originally reserved for artisans, such as mechanical engineering.[250] Emperor Ling commissioned the official Cai Yong (132–192 CE) to paint portraits and produce eulogies for five generations of the prominent Yang clan of officials and military officers. This is the first recorded instance in China where a scholar-official was commissioned to write eulogies and paint portraits in conjunction, instead of relying on skilled artisans to do the painting.[251]
Han luxury items furnished the homes of wealthy merchants, officials, nobles, and royalty. Such goods were often highly decorated by skilled artisans. These include red-and-black lacquerwares in various shapes and sizes, bronze items such as raised-relief decorated mirrors, oil lamps in the shape of human figures, and gilded bronzewares, glazed ceramic wares with various incised designs, and ornaments and jewelry made of jade, opal, amber, quartz, gold, and silver.[252]
Besides domestic decoration, Han artwork also served an important funerary function. Han artists and craftsmen decorated the wall bricks lining underground tombs of the deceased with mural paintings and carved reliefs; the purpose of this artwork was to aid the deceased in traveling through their afterlife journey.[253] Stamping artistic designs into tile and brick was also common.[254] Human figurine sculptures found in Han tombs were placed there to perform various functions for the deceased in the afterlife, such as dancing and playing music for entertainment, as well as serving food.[255] A common type of ceramic figurine found in Han tombs is a female entertainer sporting long, flowing silk sleeves that are flung about while dancing.[256] Some ceramic human figures—both male and female—have been found naked, all with clearly distinguished genitalia and missing arms.[247] This is because they once had wooden or cloth arms which were attached to holes in the shoulders by pegs, as well as miniature clothes made of perishable materials such as silk.[247]
During the Western Han, grave goods were usually wares and pieces of art that were used by the tomb occupant when he or she was alive.[257] By the Eastern Han, new stylistic goods, wares, and artwork found in tombs were usually made exclusively for burial and were not produced for previous use by the deceased when they were alive.[257] These include miniature ceramic towers—usually watchtowers and urban residential towers—which provide historians clues about lost wooden architecture.[258] In addition to towers, there are also miniature models of querns, water wells, pigsties, pestling shops, and farm fields with pottery pigs, dogs, sheep, chickens, ducks.[257] Although many items placed in tombs were commonly used wares and utensils, it was considered taboo to bring objects specified for burial into living quarters or the imperial palace.[259] They could only be brought into living quarters once they were properly announced at funerary ceremonies, and were known as mingqi (明器/冥器) ("fearsome artifacts," "objects for the dead," or "brilliant artifacts").[259]
Clothing and cuisine
The most common agricultural food staples during the Han were wheat, barley, rice,
The 2nd-century-BCE tomb of the Lady Dai contained not only decayed remnants of actual food, such as rice, wheat, barley, two varieties of millet, and soybeans, but also a grave inventory with recipes on it.[267] This included vegetable and meat stews cooked in pots, which had combinations such as beef and rice stew, dog meat and celery stew, and even deer, fish, and bamboo shoot stew.[267] Seasonings mentioned in the recipes include sugar, honey, soy sauce, and salt.[267] Recipes in the Han usually called for meat stuffed in cereals, cakes, and other wrappings.[266]
Like their modern counterparts, the Han-era Chinese used chopsticks as eating utensils.[255] For drinking beverages, wealthy people during Han often used cups with golden handles and inlaid with silver.[268]
For the poor, hemp was the common item used to make clothing, while the rich could afford silk clothes.
Religion, cosmology, and metaphysics
Ancestor worship, deities, and the afterlife
Families throughout Han China made ritual sacrifices (usually involving animals and foodstuffs) to various deities, spirits, and ancestors.
Han-era Chinese believed that a person had two souls, the hun and po. The spirit-soul (hun 魂) was believed to travel to the paradise of the immortals (xian 仙) while the body-soul (po 魄) remained on earth in its proper resting place so long as measures were taken to prevent it from wandering to the netherworld.[265] The body-soul could allegedly utilize items placed in the tomb of the deceased, such as domestic wares, clothes, food and utensils, and even money in the form of clay replicas.[265] It was believed that the bipartite souls could also be temporarily reunited in a ceremony called "summoning the hun to return to the po" (zhao hun fu po 招魂復魄).[272]
However, Han beliefs in the afterlife were not uniform across the empire and changed over time. Not only were there many different burial customs and views on how one journeyed through the afterlife, but even the names hun and po for spirit-soul and body-soul could be substituted with demon (gui 鬼) and spirit (shen 神).[273] Demons, or gui, were thought to be partial manifestations of the deceased which lacked their essential vital energy (qi 氣) that had to be exorcised when they maliciously caused the living to become ill; however, a demon could also be considered a neutral 'ghost'.[274] Spirits, or shen, were usually associated with the animalistic spirits embodying certain places, such as the Earl of the Yellow River (He Bo 河伯).[275] If proper sacrifices were made to these spirits, it was believed to bring good fortune; if ritual sacrifices were neglected, the spirit could inflict bad fortune on individuals and local communities.[275] In the Western Han, texts left behind in tombs illustrate that the living took a more sympathetic view towards the dead than in the Eastern Han, when spirits were generally more feared as dangers to the living. The Western Han 'letters informing the underground' (gaodishu 告地書) were written to 'inform the Ruler of the Underground' 告地下王 about the deceased's wants and needs for clothing, vessels, and implements.[276] However, 'tomb-quelling texts' (zhenmuwen 鎮墓文) that appeared during the 1st century CE acted as passports for the dead so that they did not disturb or bring danger to the living.[276] Both Western Han and Eastern Han tombs contained 'land contracts' (diquan 地券) which stated that the deceased owned the land they were buried in.[276]
Since the emperor fulfilled the role of the highest priest in the land, he was obligated to offer ritual sacrifices to Heaven, the supreme deities, and spirits of the mountains and rivers.[6] The Qin court had made sacrifices to and worshipped four main deities, to which Emperor Gaozu added one in 205 BCE to make Five Powers (Wudi 五帝).[277] However, Emperor Cheng (r. 33–7 BCE) cancelled state worship of the Five Powers in favor of ceremonies dedicated to Heaven (Tian 天) and the supreme god (Shangdi 上帝), who the kings of the Zhou dynasty (c. 1050 – 256 BCE) had worshipped and traced their legitimacy to.[278] One of the underlying reasons for this shift in state policy was Emperor Cheng's desire to gain Heaven's direct favor and thus become blessed with a male heir.[277] The court's exclusive worship of Heaven continued throughout the rest of Han.[279]
Yin-yang and five phases
The Han Chinese believed that three realms of Heaven, Earth, and Mankind were inextricably linked and subject to natural cycles; if man could understand these cycles, they could understand the hidden secrets of the three realms.[280] One cycle was yin and yang, which corresponded to yielding and hard, shade and sunlight, feminine and masculine, and the Moon and Sun, respectively, while it was thought to govern the three realms and changing of seasons.[281] The five phases was another important cycle where the elements of wood (mu 木), fire (huo 火), earth (tu 土), metal (jin 金), and water (shui 水) succeeded each other in rotation and each corresponded with certain traits of the three realms.[281] For example, the five phases corresponded with other sets of five like the five organs (i.e. liver, heart, spleen, lungs and kidneys) and five tastes (i.e. sour, bitter, sweet, spicy, and salty), or even things like feelings, musical notes, colors, planets, calendars and time periods.[282]
It was accepted during the Qin dynasty that whoever defeated his rivals in battle would have legitimacy to rule the land.[283] Yet by the time of Wang Mang's usurpation it was commonly believed that Heaven, which was now given greater prominence in state worship, designated which individual and hereditary house had the right to rule, a concept known as the Mandate of Heaven.[283] Michael Loewe (retired professor from the University of Cambridge) writes that this is consistent with the gradually higher level of emphasis given to the cosmic elements of Five Phases, which were linked with the future destiny of the dynasty and its protection.[283] Dong Zhongshu stressed that a ruler who behaved immorally and did not adhere to proper conduct created a disruption in the natural cycles governing the three realms, which resulted in natural calamities such as earthquakes, floods, droughts, epidemics, and swarms of locusts.[284] This idea became fully accepted at court (and in later dynasties), as emperors often implemented reforms to the legal system or granted amnesties to restore nature's balance.[285]
At the beginning of the Han dynasty, the Liu family associated its dynasty with the water phase as the previous Qin dynasty had done.[286] By 104 BCE, to accompany the installment of the new Taichu Calendar (太初历), the Han court aligned itself with the earth phase to legitimately supplant the Qin's element.[287] Yet by 26 CE (shortly after the downfall of Wang Mang) the new Eastern Han court made a retrospective argument that Han's element had always been fire.[287]
Daoism and Buddhism
After Huang-Lao thought became eclipsed by other ideologies explaining the cosmos during the 2nd century BCE, the sage philosopher Laozi replaced the Yellow Emperor as the ancestor and originator of the teachings of
The first mentioning of
Religious societies and rebel movements
The Daoist religious society of the
The widespread
Notes
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 66–67.
- ^ Wilkinson (1998), 106; Ch'ü (1972), 68–69.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 68–69.
- ^ a b Ch'ü (1972), 69–70.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 70–71.
- ^ a b c Ch'ü (1972), 71.
- ^ a b Ch'ü (1972), 72.
- ^ a b Ch'ü (1972), 74.
- ^ a b Ch'ü (1972), 75.
- ^ a b Ch'ü (1972), 76; Bielenstein (1980), 105.
- ^ Bielenstein (1980), 107.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 76; Bielenstein (1980), 106–107.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 76.
- ^ a b c d e Nishijima (1986), 555.
- ^ Wang (1949), 166–168; Loewe (1968), 50–51; Bielenstein (1980), 5, 10–12, 116–117, 124.
- ^ Wang (1949), 166–168.
- ^ Adshead (2004), 32.
- ^ Loewe (1986), 200.
- ^ Wang (1949), 171–172.
- ^ Wang (1949), 173.
- ^ de Crespigny (2007), 589; Bielenstein (1986), 282–283.
- ^ Bielenstein (1986), 287–288; de Crespigny (2007), 475.
- ^ de Crespigny (2007), 513–514; Beck (1986), 345.
- ^ "120". Book of Later Han.
进贤冠,古缁布冠也,文儒者之服也。前高七寸,后高三寸,长八寸。公侯三梁,中二千石以下至博士两梁,自博士以下至小史私学弟子,皆一梁。宗室刘氏亦两梁冠,示加服也。
- ^ a b Ch'ü (1972), 84.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 94–95.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 96.
- ^ a b Ch'ü (1972), 97.
- ^ Bielenstein (1980), 5.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 84, 89–90.
- ^ Bielenstein (1980), 4–5.
- ^ a b Chang (2007), 62.
- ^ Ebrey (1986), 640–642.
- ^ Ebrey (1986), 641–642.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 94.
- ^ a b c Ebrey (1986), 631.
- ^ Ebrey (1986), 635.
- ^ Ebrey (1986), 636.
- ^ a b Ebrey (1986), 638–639.
- ^ Ebrey (1986), 644.
- ^ Ebrey (1999), 77–78; Kramers (1986), 757.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 101–102.
- ^ Ebrey (1986), 643; Ebrey (1999), 80.
- ^ Ebrey (1986), 643–644.
- ^ a b Hsu (1965), 370.
- ^ Hansen (2000), 141–142.
- ^ de Crespigny (2007), 602.
- ^ Hinsch (2002), 25–26; de Crespigny (2007), 511; Beck (1986), 323.
- ^ Hansen (2000), 141–142; de Crespigny (2007), 601–602.
- ^ Ebrey (1986), 646.
- ^ Ebrey (1986), 647–648.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 104–105.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 107–109.
- ^ Hinsch (2002), 28; Ch'ü (1972), 107–109; Ebrey (1986), 625–626.
- ^ Nishijima (1986), 556–557; Hinsch (2002), 28.
- ^ Hinsch (2002), 28; Ebrey (1986), 621–622; Ebrey (1974), 173–174; Ch'ü (1972), 109–111.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 111.
- ^ Ebrey (1986), 625–626.
- ^ a b c Nishijima (1986), 599.
- ^ de Crespigny (2007), 564–565; Ebrey (1986), 613.
- ^ de Crespigny (2007), 564–565.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 119–121.
- ^ Barbieri-Low (2007), 36–38; Ch'ü (1972), 112.
- ^ a b Ch'ü (1972), 112.
- ^ a b Ch'ü (1972), 112–113.
- ^ a b c d Barbieri-Low (2007), 40.
- ^ Barbieri-Low (2007), 38.
- ^ Nishijima (1986), 581–583; Wang (1982), 83–85.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 104–105; Hinsch (2002), 29.
- ^ Ebrey (1986), 620–621.
- ^ a b c d e f Nishijima (1986), 576.
- ^ a b c Ch'ü (1972), 119–120.
- ^ a b Hinsch (2002), 29.
- ^ Nishijima (1986), 576–577; Ch'ü (1972), 114; see also Hucker (1975), 187.
- ^ a b Nishijima (1986), 577.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 113–114.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 114.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 114–115.
- ^ Ch'u (1972), 115–117.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 113.
- ^ a b Ch'ü (1972), 115–116.
- ^ Needham (1986), Volume 4, Part 2, 22.
- ^ Ebrey (1999), 75; Hinsch (2002), 21–22; Wagner (2001), 1–2, 9–12; Ch'ü (1972), 119–120; Hucker (1975), 188–189.
- ^ Wagner (2001), 15–17; Hucker (1975), 190.
- ^ Wagner (2001), 13–14.
- ^ Ebrey (1986), 615.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 127–128.
- ^ a b c Ch'ü (1972), 128.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 130.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 128–129 & 130–132.
- ^ a b Hucker (1975), 177.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 129.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972) 129; Hucker (1975), 177.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 135.
- ^ a b Ch'ü (1972), 131–132.
- ^ a b Ch'ü (1972), 132–133; see also Hucker (1975), 177.
- ^ Loewe (1968), 58–59; Hulsewé (1986), 524–525.
- ^ Nishijima (1986), 557.
- ^ Nishijima (1986), 557; Ch'ü (1972), 141.
- ^ a b Ch'ü (1972), 136–139.
- ^ Nishijima (1986), 557; Ch'ü (1972), 136–139.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 149–151.
- ^ Nishijima (1986), 557; Ch'ü (1972), 141–145.
- ^ Nishijima (1986), 557; Ch'ü (1972), 149.
- ^ Nishijima (1986), 598.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 143 & 146.
- ^ Loewe (1968), 58–59; Ch'ü (1972), 149–151.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 156.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 156–157.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 139 & 155.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 157–158.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 151–152.
- ^ a b Ch'ü (1972), 152–153.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 154–155.
- ^ a b Ch'ü (1972), 106.
- ^ a b Ch'ü (1972), 123.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 123–125.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 123–125; Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 172–173 & 179–180.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 126.
- ^ a b Ch'ü (1972), 126–127.
- ^ a b c Nishijima (1986), 552–553; Hinsch (2002), 27.
- ^ a b c d e Nishijima (1986), 552–553.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 16.
- ^ Nishijima (1986), 591.
- ^ Nishijima (1986), 596–597.
- ^ Names taken from Hardy and Kinney (2005), 89.
- ^ a b c d Nishijima (1986), 551–552.
- ^ Nishijima (1986), 554.
- ^ a b c d e Nishijima (1986), 575.
- ^ a b Loewe (1968), 146–147.
- ^ Loewe (1968), 141–145.
- ^ Loewe (1968), 141.
- ^ Loewe (1968), 144–145.
- ^ a b Hinsch (2002), 46–47.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 3.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 4–6, 8–9.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 6–9.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 9; Hucker (1975), 176–177; Hinsch (2002) 46–47.
- ^ a b c d Ch'ü (1972), 9–10.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 52–53.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 18–20.
- ^ a b c Ebrey (1986), 627.
- ^ Ebrey (1986), 639–640.
- ^ Hinsch (2002), 27; Ebrey (1986), 628.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 34; Hinsch (2002), 35.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 34.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 34–35.
- ^ Hinsch (2002), 37–38.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 44–47; Hinsch (2002), 38–39.
- ^ a b Ch'ü (1972), 33–34.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 35.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 86.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 37–40; Hinsch (2002), 40–41.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 41.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 41; Hinsch (2002), 41.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 42–43; Hinsch (2002), 41–45.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 13.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 17.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 17–18.
- ^ a b Ch'ü (1972), 13–17.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 15–16.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 49–50.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 50–51.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 51–52.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 53.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 58–59.
- ^ Hinsch (2002), 74–75.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 54; Hinsch (2002), 51, 59–60, 65–68.
- ^ Hinsch (2002), 70–71.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 55–56.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 54
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 55.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 55; Hinsch (2002), 77–78.
- ^ Ch'ü (1972), 54; Hinsch (2002), 72.
- ^ a b Hinsch (2002), 72–74.
- ^ Ebrey (1999), 73; Hansen (2000), 121–123.
- ^ a b Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 24–25.
- ^ a b Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 25–26.
- ^ Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 26–27; Loewe (1994), 128.
- ^ Loewe (1994), 128.
- ^ a b Loewe (1994), 128–129.
- ^ Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 24–25; Loewe (1994), 128–130.
- ^ Ebrey (1999), 77; Kramers (1986), 752–753.
- ^ Kramers (1986), 753–755; Loewe (1994), 134–140.
- ^ Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 7–8 & 175–176; Loewe (1994), 134–137.
- ^ Kramers (1986), 754–756; Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 7–8; Loewe (1994), 121–125.
- ^ Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 5–6.
- ^ Kramers (1986), 754–756; Ch'en (1986), 769.
- ^ Loewe (1994), 141.
- ^ Kramers (1986), 756–757.
- ^ Kramers (1986), 760–762.
- ^ Kramers (1986), 760–762; de Crespigny (2007), 498.
- ^ de Crespigny (2007), 513; Barbieri-Low (2007), 207; Huang (1988), 57.
- ^ Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 6 & 9–10.
- ^ Ch'en (1986), 773–774.
- ^ Ch'en (1986), 775–777.
- ^ Ch'en (1986), 777–779.
- ^ Ch'en (1986), 780–783.
- ^ Ch'en (1986), 786–794.
- ^ a b c d e f Ch'ü (1972), 103.
- ^ Kramers (1986), 764.
- ^ Hardy (1999), 1–3 & 14–17; Hansen (2000), 110–112.
- ^ Hardy (1999), 7–12.
- ^ Hardy (1999), 14–15.
- ^ Hardy (1999), 29–42.
- ^ Hardy (1999), 42–43.
- ^ Hardy (1999), 43.
- ^ Hardy (1999), 47–50.
- ^ Hardy (1999), 54–55.
- ^ Loewe (2001), 221–230; Schaberg (2001), 249–259.
- ^ a b c d e Hansen (2000), 137–138.
- ^ Hansen (2000), 138.
- ^ Yong & Peng (2008), 3; Xue (2003), 159.
- ^ Norman (1988), 185.
- ^ Xue (2003), 161.
- ^ a b Xue (2003), 162.
- ^ Nishijima (1986), 564–565; Hinsch (2002), 67–68.
- ^ Nishijima (1986), 566–567.
- ^ Liu et al. (2003), 9; Needham (1986), Volume 3, 24–25; Cullen (2007), 138–149; Dauben (2007), 213–214.
- ^ de Crespigny (2007), 1050; Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 173–175.
- ^ a b Ebrey (1986), 645.
- ^ a b Lewis (1999), 317.
- ^ Kern (2003), 390.
- ^ de Crespigny (2007), 1049.
- ^ Liu (1990), 54.
- ^ Neinhauser et al. (1986), 212; Mair (2001), 251.
- ^ a b Lewis (2007), 222.
- ^ Cutter (1989), 25–26.
- ^ Hulsewé (1986), 523–524.
- ^ a b c d e Hulsewé (1986), 525–526.
- ^ Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 23–24; Hansen (2000), 110–112.
- ^ Hulsewé (1986), 528; Hucker (1975), 163.
- ^ Hulsewé (1986), 528.
- ^ Hulsewé (1986), 528–529; Hucker (1975), 163.
- ^ a b Hulsewé (1986), 528–529.
- ^ Hulsewé (1986), 523.
- ^ Hulsewe (1986), 530.
- ^ Hucker (1975), 164.
- ^ a b c Hinsch (2002), 82.
- ^ Hulsewé (1986), 531–532; Hucker (1975), 165.
- ^ Hulsewé (1986), 532–535; Hucker (1975), 165.
- ^ Hulsewé (1986), 533; Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 46; Hucker (1975), 165.
- ^ Hulsewé (1986), 533; Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 46.
- ^ a b Chang (2007), 68.
- ^ a b Hulsewé (1986), 525.
- ^ Hulsewé (1986), 543.
- ^ a b c Bower (2005), "Standing man and woman," 242–244.
- ^ Barbieri-Low (2007), 32.
- ^ Ebrey (1986), 609–611.
- ^ Barbieri-Low (2007), 201–204.
- ^ Barbieri-Low (2007), 207.
- ^ Wang (1982), 80–88, 100–107, 141–149, 207.
- ^ Loewe (2005), "Funerary Practice in Han Times" 102–103.
- ^ Ruitenbeek (2005), "Triangular hollow tomb tile with dragon design," 253–254; Beningson, (2005). "Tomb wall tile stamped with designs of an archer, trees, horses, and beasts," 259–260.
- ^ a b Hansen (2000), 21.
- ^ Bower (2005), "Sleeve dancer," 248–250.
- ^ a b c d Wang (1982), 207.
- ^ Steinhardt (2005), "Tower model," 283–284.
- ^ a b Liu (2005), "The Concept of Brilliant Artifacts" 207–208.
- ^ Wang (1982), 52.
- ^ Wang (1982), 53.
- ^ Wang (1982), 53 & 206.
- ^ Wang (1982), 57.
- ^ Wang (1982), 58.
- ^ a b c Hansen (2000), 119.
- ^ a b c d Wang (1982), 206.
- ^ a b c Hansen (2000), 119–121.
- ^ Loewe (1968), 140.
- ^ Wang (1982), 53 & 59–63.
- ^ Loewe (1968), 139.
- ^ a b c Ch'ü (1972), 30–31.
- ^ Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 140–141.
- ^ Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 116–117 & 140–141.
- ^ Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 116.
- ^ a b c Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 116–117.
- ^ a b c Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 141–142.
- ^ a b Loewe (1986), 208.
- ^ Loewe (1986), 208; Csikszentmihalyi (2006), xxv–xxvi.
- ^ Hinsch (2002), 32.
- ^ Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 167; Sun & Kistemaker (1997), 2–3.
- ^ a b Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 167.
- ^ Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 167; Ebrey (1999), 78–79.
- ^ a b c Loewe (1994), 55.
- ^ Ebrey (1999), 79.
- ^ Ebrey (1999), 79; Loewe (1986), 201; de Crespigny (2007), 496, 592.
- ^ Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 176; Loewe (1994), 56–57.
- ^ a b Csikszentmihalyi (2006), 176; Loewe (1994), 57.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Hansen (2000), 144.
- ^ a b c Hansen (2000), 137.
- ^ Loewe (2005), "Funerary Practice in Han Times," 101–102.
- ^ a b Demiéville (1986), 821–822.
- ^ Demiéville (1986), 823.
- ^ Demiéville (1986), 823; Akira (1998), 247–248.
- ^ Demiéville (1986), 823; Akira (1998), 248; Zhang (2002), 75.
- ^ Akira (1998), 248 & 251.
- ^ a b Hansen (2000), 144–145.
- ^ Hendrischke (2000), 139.
- ^ Hansen (2000), 145.
- ^ a b c Ebrey (1986), 628–629.
- ^ a b c d Hansen (2000), 145–146.
- ^ a b Hansen (2000), 145–146; de Crespigny (2007), 514–515; Beck (1986), 339–340.
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- Wang, Zhongshu. (1982). Han Civilization. Translated by K.C. Chang and Collaborators. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-02723-0.
- Wilkinson, Endymion. (1998). Chinese History: A Manual. Cambridge and London: Harvard University Asia Center of the Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-12377-8.
- Xue, Shiqi. (2003). "Chinese lexicography past and present" in Lexicography: Critical Concepts, 158–173. Edited by R.R.K. Hartmann. London and New York: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-25365-9.
- Yong, Heming and Jing Peng. (2008). Chinese Lexicography: A History from 1046 BC to AD 1911. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-953982-6.
- Zhang, Guanuda. (2002). "The Role of the Sogdians as Translators of Buddhist Texts," in Silk Road Studies VII: Nomads, Traders, and Holy Men Along China's Silk Road, 75–78. Edited by Annette L. Juliano and Judith A. Lerner. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers. ISBN 2-503-52178-9.
Further reading
- Fong, Wen, ed. (1980). The great bronze age of China: an exhibition from the People's Republic of China. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art. ISBN 0870992260.
External links
- Media related to Han Dynasty at Wikimedia Commons