Somalis in the United Kingdom
Total population | |
---|---|
Somali-born residents 108,000 (2018 ONS estimate)[1] | |
Regions with significant populations | |
London · Liverpool · Cardiff · Birmingham · Bristol · Manchester · Sheffield · Leicester | |
Languages | |
Majority: Somali and English Minority: Sunni and Sufism) | |
Related ethnic groups | |
British Ethiopians, British Eritreans and British Sudanese |
Somalis in the United Kingdom include British citizens and residents born in or with ancestors from Somalia. The United Kingdom (UK) is home to the largest Somali community in Europe, with an estimated 108,000 Somali-born immigrants residing in the UK in 2018 according to the Office for National Statistics. The majority of these live in England, with the largest number found in London. Smaller Somali communities exist in Birmingham, Bristol, Manchester, Liverpool, Leicester, Milton Keynes, Sheffield and Cardiff.
The earliest Somali immigrants in the UK were
British Somalis are one of the largest Muslim communities in the UK.
Notable British Somalis include notable sports figures, filmmakers, activists and local politicians. They have also established business networks and media organisations.
History and settlement
The Somali community in the UK includes
According to the 2011 Census, 36 per cent of Somali-born residents of England and Wales arrived in the UK during the 1990s.[6] The majority (57 per cent) arrived after 2001, with around 25 per cent arriving between 2001 and 2003.[7]
Early migration
The United Kingdom has historically been tied closely to Somaliland through its involvement in the British Somaliland protectorate. This link has given rise to a long tradition of Somali migration to the United Kingdom.[8] Mobility has played an important part in Somali culture.[8][9] The first Somali immigrants were seamen and merchants who settled in port cities in the late 19th century, mainly in Cardiff, Liverpool and London.[8][10][11] Many of these early sailors came from British Somaliland and worked in the thriving docks. In Cardiff, many lived in boarding houses run by other Somalis.[12][13] Along with Yemeni seamen, these Somali sailors were among the lascars from the Arab world that were working in the British shipping industry.[14] Following race riots in Cardiff and other cities in 1919, around 600 of the Somali, Egyptian and other residents from the Arab world were evacuated to their home countries.[15] Similar disturbances occurred in Salford in 1921 and South Shields in 1930.[16] Somalis are recorded as living in London back to 1914, having been recruited to fight in the First World War.[17]
A second, small group came during the Second World War with the Royal Navy and stayed in search of employment.[18] They had been recruited as seafarers from parts of the British Empire due to shortages in manpower.[19] Most of these seamen considered their stay in the UK as temporary and had left their families behind.[8][20] As a result of an act of Parliament passed in 1894,[21] until the 1950s, Somali migrants were legally restricted to working in the shipping industry, were paid at rates of 25% below the standard workforce rate, and legally required to settle only in towns and cities that were centres of shipping.[22] They were mainly concentrated in Cardiff and South Shields, which in 1938 had 116 and 47 Somalian-born sailors, respectively. Consequently, the resident Arabic-speaking populations were typically known as "Somali" since most of the seamen in these ports came from the regions near the Gulf of Aden.[19] In 1953, there were around 600 Somalis living in the UK.[8] When the British merchant navy started to reduce in size in the 1950s, many of these migrants moved to industrial cities such as Birmingham, Sheffield and Manchester, where labour was in great demand.[8][23] The first Somalis to arrive in Sheffield did so in the 1930s. More arrived between the 1940s and 1960s, particularly to work in the city's steel industry.[24] Somalis also worked in the steel industry in South Wales, taking on physically demanding work that did not appeal to the Welsh workers.[25] In 1952, a Somali man was one of the last people to be hanged in Wales, for the murder of a shopkeeper and moneylender in Butetown, Cardiff. His conviction was quashed in 1998.[11]
By the 1960s, there were still only a few Somali women in the United Kingdom.[10] After the British industry started to experience heavy growth, Somali men brought over their wives and families.[8][26] Somali women subsequently began establishing community organisations in the cities where they resided, some of which still exist to this day.[8] In the 1960s and 1970s, Somali students from British Somaliland also came to study in Britain. Some chose to remain in the United Kingdom, while others returned to Somalia after graduating.[8] Some long-settled Somalis also returned to Somalia in the 1960s, following the country's independence, though many subsequently moved back to Britain as a result of growing instability during the 1980s.[27]
In 1983, when the British government requisitioned civilian ships for the Falklands War, three British-registered sailors of Somali origin were denied employment on the basis of their race. The industry had been outside of the remit of the 1976 Race Relations Act, and discrimination within the industry was significant. In 1983, 90% of Somali seamen living in Cardiff were unemployed. This was upheld as unlawful by an industrial tribunal and an appeal court, and the case contributed to considerable focus in the media on the issue of discrimination in the shipping industry.[28]
Refugees and asylum seekers
Initial decisions[nb 2] | Final decisions | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Year | Applications received | Granted asylum | Granted temporary protection[nb 3] | Applications rejected | Applications rejected[32] |
1999 | 7,495 | 130 | 55 | 120 | |
2000 | 5,020 | 5,310 | 3,575 | 2,365 | |
2001 | 6,420 | 2,910 | 1,995 | 3,525 | |
2002 | 6,540 | 2,515 | 1,405 | 2,815 | |
2003 | 5,090 | 1,665 | 550 | 3,835 | |
2004 | 2,585 | 455 | 460 | 2,355 | |
2005 | 1,760 | 660 | 195 | 1,000 | |
2006 | 1,845 | 655 | 165 | 905 | |
2007 | 1,615 | 805 | 105 | 700 | |
2008 | 1,345 | 490 | 75 | 550 | 245 |
2009 | 930 | 410 | 75 | 565 | 220 |
2010 | 590 | 350 | 80 | 410 | 270 |
2011 | 580 | 355 | 55 | 175 | |
2012 | 600 | 310 | 30 | 140 | |
2013 | 450 | 230 | 10 | 160 | |
2014 | 335 | 135 | 10 | 180 | |
2015 | 385 | 175 | 15 | 270 | |
2016 | 350 | 75 | 20 | 160 | |
2017 | 300 | 120 | 5 | 165 |
During the 1980s and 1990s, the
Some Somali refugees have also been
People whose asylum applications have been rejected but who remain in the UK constitute one of a number of categories of
Secondary migration
There has also been some secondary migration of Somalis to the UK from the Netherlands, Sweden and Denmark.[47][48] According to refugee expert Jill Rutter, in some locations, secondary migrants make up the majority of the Somali community.[49] An academic article published in 2011 suggests that, since 2000, between 10,000 and 20,000 Somalis in the Netherlands have moved to the UK.[48] The driving forces behind this secondary migration included: a desire to reunite with family and friends;[8][50] a rise in Dutch opposition to Muslim immigration; Somali opposition to housing policies which forced them to live scattered in small groups all over various cities rather than in a larger agglomerated community;[51] a restrictive socio-economic environment which, among other things, made it difficult for new arrivals to find work;[52] and the comparative ease of starting a business and acquiring the means to get off social welfare in the UK.[51] Research into this relocation also suggests that some Somali migrants in the Netherlands did not intend to end up there as a final destination. Their journeys may have been interrupted in the Netherlands, or they may have had little choice about their destination. As a result, some secondary migration can be seen in the context of the desire to complete an intended migration to the UK.[48]
Naturalisation and grants of settlement
Between 1983 and 1994, the number of Somalis granted
According to the 2011 UK Census, 71.5 per cent of Somalia-born residents in England and Wales hold a UK passport. This is the sixth highest proportion amongst foreign-born groups.[5]
In addition to naturalisation, the British government can grant settlement to foreign nationals. This confers upon foreign nationals permanent residence in the UK, without granting them British citizenship. Grants of settlement are made on the basis of various factors, including employment, family formation and reunification, and asylum (including to deal with backlogs of asylum cases).[55] The total number of grants of settlement to Somali nationals was 1,952 in 2017, out of a total of 65,102 for all foreign nationals, compared to 4,900 out of 241,192 in 2010.[56]
Demographics
Population and distribution
Location | Somali-born population (2011 Census)[57] | Somalis regardless of birthplace (2003–2007 estimates collated by CLG)[58]
|
Somalis regardless of birthplace (2006 estimates by ICAR)[59] |
---|---|---|---|
London | 65,333 | 70,000 | |
Birmingham | 7,765 | 3,000–4,000 | 35,000 |
Bristol | 4,947 | ||
Manchester | 3,645 | 5,000–6,000 | |
Leicester | 3,209 | 10,000–15,000 | 15,000 |
Sheffield | 2,372 | 3,000–5,000 | 10,000 |
Cardiff | 1,672 | 10,000 | |
Liverpool | 1,249 | 3,000–5,000 | |
Slough | 1,247 | ||
Coventry | 1,181 | ||
Milton Keynes | 1,141 |
As of 2018, the UK was believed to have the largest Somali community in
Estimates of the Somali-born population are complicated by the exchange of Somalis both arriving in the UK and those deciding to return to Somalia or elsewhere.[8] According to academic Laura Hammond, this mobility is common within the Somali diaspora, with many having residences in both Somalia and the UK. Somali immigrants from the more stable regions of Somalia often vacation in those areas for extended periods during the summer. The United Nations Development Programme estimated in 2009 that 10,000 Somalis were visiting the northwestern Somaliland region from the UK annually,[66] though Hammond argues that this total may also include people simply transferring through the UK.[67]
The ethnic classification of Somalis in Britain has varied over the years. During the early 20th century, Somalis were administered as "Somali" or "Arab" in tandem with Egyptians, Sudanese, Zanzibaris and Yemenis. Along with other groups from the Arab world, Africa, the Caribbean and South Asia, these populations were also sometimes collectively identified in a non-racial, political sense with the epithet "black" or its then neutral equivalent "coloured" in order to underscore their common experience of colonial subordination.[68]
Presently, there is no "Somali" option amongst the tick-box answers to the ethnicity question in the UK Census. Respondents who identify as Somali can, however, indicate this through a write-in response option.[69] Following lobbying from Somali and other groups, a new "Arab" tick-box was introduced in the 2011 Census.[70] According to sociologists Peter J. Aspinall and Martha Judith Chinouya, qualitative findings indicate that "groups from northern Africa, the Horn of Africa, and some parts of the eastern coastline and islands of Africa may not identify themselves as black African. It was felt that they don't see themselves as black or African and might describe themselves by nationality specifically (eg, Somali or Sudanese), perhaps Afro-Arabs, or Arab-African".[4] Aspinall and Lavinia Mitton note that "those from Somalia may consider themselves to be Arab-African rather than Black African because of their religion and physical features".[71] The Policy Research Centre argued that "the inclusion of Arab will help refine the British Muslim picture as many Arabic speaking British citizens who are Muslim, as well as many who are not, could not find an appropriate category, and selecting from 3 or 4 near matches". However, it cautioned that "the new Arab ethnic category will give us a clearer picture, but could confuse the Somali ethnic count[...] this may lead to challenges in accurately sizing citizens of Somali heritage. Such respondents will have to choose between Arab as a linguistic choice and Black African as a geographical and/or racial choice. Moreover, because of such community drives to get Somalis more noticed, it is likely Somali responses under the Black section will be split between African and Other Black".[70] Question testing with Somalis in Wales in the run-up to the census revealed inconsistent answering of the ethnicity question. Some Somali participants in the test ticked the "African" box, others wrote in "Somali", and one person ticked both "African" and "Arab". Some Somali participants in both Wales and England believed that there was a need for a Somali tick-box, whereas others felt that the African option was sufficient.[72] No Somali, Egyptian, Berber, Kurdish or Iranian respondents chose to identify solely as Arab.[73] Similarly, question testing in Scotland found that "Somalian" was the most frequent write-in response given under the "African or Caribbean: Other" heading. "Somalian" was also the most common write-in response under "Other ethnic group: Other".[74]
When the 2011 Census was conducted, 37,708 residents in England and Wales wrote in "Somali" and 5,226 wrote in "Somalilander" under the "Black/African/Caribbean/Black British" heading in response to the ethnicity question. 6,146 wrote "Somali" and 826 "Somalilander" under the "Other ethnic group" heading. Others also wrote in "Somali" or "Somalilander" under the "White" (743 "Somali" and 151 "Somalilander"), "Mixed/multiple ethnic groups" (621 "Somali"), and "Asian/Asian British" (257 "Somali") headings.
As with estimates of the total Somali population in the UK, estimates by city vary significantly between sources.[80] This problem is partly the result of defining "Somali", with some sources estimating the Somali-born population only, and others estimating the size of the ethnic Somali community, including second and subsequent-generation British Somalis.[81] The 2011 census found that 65,333 Somali-born people were resident in London.[57] Other sources suggest that Cardiff has the highest number of British-born people of Somali heritage anywhere in the UK,[82][83] though the number of Somali-born immigrants there is relatively low.[84]
Peter J. Aspinall argues that "the census is primarily designed to serve the needs of government and cannot meet the requirements of local authorities where particular groups outwith the category system may cluster. Examples include the Somalis and Yemenis in Sheffield, the City Council arguing that a new approach to capturing a wider range of ethnic groups is needed where their numbers are not significant nationally".[85] A 2003 report prepared for the London Borough of Hackney noted that: "Lack of sensitivity in monitoring has contributed to the Somali community's—often desperate—needs being overlooked".[86] The final report of the Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities, published in March 2021, argued that "2 categories that could in future be helpfully sub-divided are White Other which does not distinguish between West Europeans and East Europeans, and Black African which does not distinguish between sub-Saharan African people in general and Somalis who are now a substantial group in their own right".[87]
Gender and age distribution
The Somali-born population of the UK includes a disproportionate number of females in comparison with the general population. Analysis of data from the Labour Force Survey by the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) suggests that 61 per cent of the Somali-born population in 2006/07 was female.[88] Of the 101,370 Somali-born residents of England and Wales recorded by the 2011 Census, 57,042 (56.3 per cent) were female.[89] The equivalent figure for the UK as a whole from the previous census, held in 2001, was 54 per cent.[90] Expressed as a sex ratio, the 2011 figure suggests that there were 78 Somali-born men per 100 Somali-born women, compared to the overall sex ratio for England and Wales of 97 men per 100 women.[91]
A number of explanations for this high proportion of female Somali-born immigrants have been advanced. The IPPR suggests that it might be due to more men than women being killed in the Somali Civil War, leaving women as refugees, that some Somali men have left Britain for work in the Arab states of the Persian Gulf, where their employment prospects are better, and also that some Somali men have left the UK in order to return to Somaliland, whilst their families stay behind to enable the completion of education.[88] The civil war in Somalia resulted in a change in the composition of the Somali population in the UK. Prior to the 1980s, it was primarily composed of single seamen; as a result of the war it became a refugee community with an increased proportion of women and children.[26]
Harris states that the divorce rate for Somalis in the UK is high. She explains: "If a man is unemployed, brings in no income, spends what his wife earns or receives from social security on khat, will not help with domestic chores, and colludes with nagging in-laws – then a woman may feel better off without him".[92] Writing in 2006, refugee education expert Jill Rutter reported that research suggested between 20 and 70 per cent of Somali households in Britain were headed by single females.[93] In the 2011 Census, 61 per cent of families in England and Wales where the head of the household was born in Somalia consisted of lone parents with dependent children. This was the highest proportion of all countries of birth. 7.6 per cent of Somali-born lone parents were men, around half of the proportion of male lone parents in the population as a whole.[94]
According to the 2011 UK Census, the Somali-born population in England and Wales is on average young. 79 per cent of Somali immigrants were under 45 years of age compared with 58 per cent of the general population.[7] Partly due to the Somali-born population's younger age structure, 47 per cent of Somali immigrant families included three or more dependent children compared with a mean of 7 per cent for all families in England and Wales.[95]
Language
The 2011 UK Census recorded 85,918 people living in England and Wales who spoke Somali as their main language. This represented 0.16 per cent of the population, and 2.06 per cent of speakers of non-English main languages.[96] Somali speakers were present in only a few wards (16 per cent).[97] The number of Somali speakers recorded in Scotland was 1,050.[98]
Some Somalis in the UK also speak
According to the 2011 UK Census, 73,765 of a total 101,131 Somalia-born residents in England and Wales indicated that English was not their main language. Of those, 54,369 individuals indicated that they could speak the language well or very well, 16,575 indicated that they could not speak the language well, and 2,821 indicated that they could not speak the language at all. 27,366 of the Somalia-born residents reported that English was their main language.[101]
Religion
The majority of Somalis, in the UK and elsewhere, are Muslims.
Research conducted for the London Borough of Camden, published in 2002, notes that levels of religious adherence and interpretations of Islam within the Somali community varies according to social class. Overall, the research suggested that Somali migrants' adherence to Islam tended to increase in the UK, as it "offers a unique common denominator in constructing a specifically Somali identity".[107]
Qualifications
Levels of education amongst Somali-born adults in the UK are low relative to many other foreign-born groups and to the British-born population.
According to the 2011 Census, out of a total of 89,022 Somali-born residents aged 16 and over in the UK, 55 per cent had completed up to a lower secondary education (ISCED Level 2), 25 per cent had completed up to an upper secondary education (ISCED Level 3), 20 per cent had completed up to the first stage of tertiary education (ISCED Level 5), and 0.3 per cent had completed up to the second stage of tertiary education (ISCED Level 6). By comparison, 29 per cent of all foreign-born residents aged 16 and over had completed up to a lower secondary education, 24 per cent had completed up to an upper secondary education, 46 per cent had completed up to the first stage of tertiary education, and 0.9 per cent had completed up to the second stage of tertiary education.[110]
According to the IPPR, the relatively low level of education among Somali migrants in the UK can be attributed to their migratory history and the situation in their country of origin. They note that, like many other refugee and migrant communities, early Somali migrants tend to be relatively well educated, but later arrivals, including family members of early migrants, are less well qualified. Labour migrants arriving prior to 1988 were generally literate in either English or Arabic, although few had completed secondary education. Many of the initial wave of refugees from the Somali Civil War who started to arrive from 1988 onwards were well educated, with many possessing secondary education and some holding degrees. According to the IPPR, the educational profile of Somali migrants subsequently changed again, because of the impact of the civil war on education in Somalia. In the north, including Somaliland, the majority of schools in urban areas were destroyed, along with higher education institutions. In the south, "education has been completely destroyed by the fighting". While some schools have been rebuilt and have reopened, the IPPR reports that "younger Somalis who have come directly from Somalia will not have attended university and are likely to have had a very interrupted education or none at all".[88]
Employment
Occupations | All Somali-born | Arrived before 1981 | Arrived 1981–1990 | Arrived 1991–2000 | Arrived 2001–2011 |
Managers, directors and senior officials | 5.0% | 7.7% | 6.6% | 4.6% | 4.9% |
Professional occupations | 10.1% | 24.2% | 14.8% | 11.4% | 7.7% |
Associate professional and technical occupations | 7.7% | 13.5% | 12.3% | 8.7% | 5.9% |
Administrative and secretarial occupations | 6.8% | 8.7% | 8.6% | 7.3% | 6.0% |
Skilled trades occupations | 4.5% | 10.6% | 4.1% | 4.1% | 4.8% |
Caring, leisure and other service occupations | 14.4% | 9.7% | 13.0% | 14.3% | 14.8% |
Sales and customer service occupations | 11.4% | 5.2% | 11.1% | 11.8% | 11.2% |
Process, plant and machine operatives | 14.2% | 8.4% | 14.8% | 16.3% | 12.3% |
Elementary occupations | 25.9% | 11.9% | 14.8% | 21.5% | 32.3% |
Total | 26,926 | 310 | 2,297 | 11,577 | 12,742 |
In 2009, Somali-born migrants had the lowest employment rate among all immigrants in the UK.[112] Figures published by the Office for National Statistics show high rates of economic inactivity and unemployment amongst Somali immigrants. In the three months to June 2008, 31.4 per cent of Somali men and 84.2 per cent of Somali women were economically inactive (the statistics include students, carers and the long-term sick, injured or disabled in this group).[113][114] Of those who were economically active, 41.4 per cent of the men and 39.1 per cent of the women were unemployed. Employment rates were 40.1 per cent for men and 9.6 per cent for women. The male employment rate in 2008 rose from 21.5 per cent in 1998.[113] Writing in 2013, Jill Rutter states that "over the last 10 years, the employment rate of the Somalia-born population has rarely been above 20 per cent of the 16–64-year-old population".[115]
A report by the Institute for Public Policy Research attributes the low employment rate to the newness of the Somali community and to the fact that most immigrants came in search of asylum rather than through labour migration channels. Research suggests that refugees in general appear to have more difficulty accessing employment than other groups.[116][117] Many Somalis have had difficulty getting the qualifications that they have gained in Somalia recognised in the UK.[118][119][120] Other main employment barriers included lack of references and prior work experience in the UK, unfamiliarity with the UK job culture, discrimination, over-reliance on word-of-mouth for job openings rather than employment centres and classifieds, and lack of fluency in the English language.[120] The IPPR suggests that the high proportion of Somali households that are headed by a single woman may mean that childcare is an additional barrier to Somali women entering employment.[88] Additionally, asylum seekers are also not normally allowed to work for payment while their claims are being processed, although they can request permission to work if they have waited longer than 12 months for an initial decision on their asylum claim.[121]
Analysis of Labour Force Survey (LFS) data by academic Lavinia Mitton suggests that 22 per cent of Somalia-born adults in the UK have experienced difficulty finding and keeping work due to a lack of English-language ability.[122] Mitton and Aspinall also argue that logistic regression analysis of LFS data from 2003, 2006 and 2009 indicates that an ethnic penalty existed for Somalis even after other factors impacting employment, like English language proficiency, work experience, health, age, religion and marital status, had been taken into consideration.[123]
According to the Home Office, 64 per cent of Somali refugees had a low level of English language skills at the time of their asylum decision in the UK, which hindered their ability to find employment. A further 28 per cent had medium fluency, and 8 per cent had high proficiency in the language. Employment rates also steadily increased over time, with 20 per cent of the refugees in employment 8 months after the asylum decision, 28 per cent in employment after 15 months, and 39 per cent in employment after 21 months.[124]
According to the 2011 UK Census, there were 26,926 Somalia-born residents aged 16 and over in employment in England and Wales. Of these immigrants, the majority worked in elementary occupations (26 per cent), with the proportion working in these occupations higher amongst those who had arrived in the UK between 2001 and 2011 than amongst earlier-arriving Somalis.[111] These elementary occupations were the second most common occupations among foreign nationals as a whole,[125] and the most common occupations for individuals who were not proficient in English.[126] The next most common occupations among Somali immigrants were caring, leisure and other service occupations (14 per cent), process, plant and machine operatives (14 per cent), sales and customer service occupations (11 per cent), professional occupations (10 per cent), associate professional and technical occupations (8 per cent), administrative and secretarial occupations (7 per cent), managers, directors and senior officials (5 per cent), and skilled trade occupations (5 per cent).[111]
According to Trust for London, at 37 per cent in 2015–2016, Somalia is the only country of birth for London residents where male worklessness (the proportion of the working-age population who are unemployed or economically inactive) is above 30 per cent. Female worklessness for those born in Somalia was 71 per cent.[127]
Culture
Music
Prominent Somali musicians based in the UK include
Media
The BBC Somali Service is a radio station transmitted in the Somali language around the world. The majority of Somalis in the UK listen to the BBC Somali Service for news and information.[131] While many listen at home via satellite radio or the Internet, others listen in groups at Somali shops, restaurants or mosques.[131]
Somali Eye Media is a media organisation based in London and set up in 2003 by Adam Dirir, a prominent member of the Somali community. It publishes the magazine Somali Eye quarterly,
There are also a few weekly and monthly Somali newspapers available in the UK in both Somali and English, including Kasmo, Jamhuuriya,
Prominent Somali media figures in the UK include Rageh Omaar, a television news presenter and a writer, and advocate for the Somali community. He received the 2002–2003 Ethnic Multicultural Media Academy award for the best TV journalist.[139] Omaar was formerly a BBC world affairs correspondent, where he made his name reporting on the Iraq War.[140][141] In September 2006, he moved to a new post at Al Jazeera English, where he currently hosts the current-affairs programme, The Rageh Omaar Show.[142] Yusuf Garaad Omar is a Somali journalist and former head of the BBC Somali Service.[143] Other Somali media figures include Maya Jama, a television and radio presenter,[144] and Mo Ali, a film director born in Saudi Arabia,[145] who debuted in 2010 his feature film, Shank, set in a futuristic London.[146][147] Somali-British author Nadifa Mohamed's debuting novel, Black Mamba Boy (2009), won the 2010 Betty Trask Award, and was short-listed for several awards, including the 2010 Guardian First Book Award,[148] the 2010 Dylan Thomas Prize,[149] and the 2010 John Llewellyn Rhys Prize.[150] In 2013, Warsan Shire was also selected from a shortlist of six young bards as the first Young Poet Laureate for London, part of the London Legacy Development Corporation's Spoke programme in Queen Elizabeth Olympic Park and the surrounding area.[151] Additionally, visual artist and writer Diriye Osman's short stories have garnered literary recognition,[152] as has comedian and actor Prince Abdi's stand-up.[153]
Sport
Somali athletes in the UK include
Social issues
Somalis in the UK are subject to a significant degree of social exclusion. Writing in The Guardian in 2008, Jeremy Sare argued that "the social exclusion of British Somalis is unparalleled and mirrors the isolation of Somalia itself".[163] According to an article in The Economist published in 2013, Somalis "are among the poorest, worst-educated and least-employed" refugee populations in Britain.[108] Hammond argues that data on the educational, employment and housing status of Somalis in the UK reveals their "stark living conditions". Hammond cautions against taking these indicators of evidence a lack of desire to integrate on the part of British Somalis, arguing that while non-Somalis regard them as "a stubborn refusal to conform", for Somalis themselves their social exclusion "is experienced by Somalis as a constraint on their ability to engage both with their community living in the diaspora and, most importantly, with Somalis living in the country of origin".[67]
Social integration
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One of the main barriers to integration facing Somalis is insufficient English language skills, which has an effect on housing and health conditions.
Housing
According to research, in the mid-2000s, over 95 per cent of Somali immigrants in the UK lived in
Factors that account for the high uptake of social housing in the community include generally lower household incomes that make it difficult to buy property; a preference for living in London, where property prices are higher and there are proportionately more social tenants from all communities; and a high proportion of new arrivals in the Somali community, with newcomers least likely to have gathered the savings that are required to buy property.[169] Another contributing factor is the proportionately larger family sizes for which to find affordable and appropriate accommodation; about 10.8 per cent of Somalia-born households have five or more children as compared to 0.3 per cent of the UK-born population. Foreign-born populations in general tend to have larger families than the UK-born average.[170]
Most Somalia-born immigrants are eligible for social housing, as they have either refugee status, settled status or citizenship of the UK or another European Economic Area (EEA) state.[171] Social housing and support for asylum seekers is allocated by the Home Office.[172]
Educational achievement
Commentators and policymakers have expressed concern about the poor educational performance of Somali pupils in British schools.
Demie and colleagues have also analysed data from London local authorities that use extended ethnicity codes. They note that "evidence in London shows a pattern of continuous underachievement of Somali children compared to the national average of White British, African, Caribbean, Indian and other ethnic minority groups", and that Somalis pupils are the lowest attaining group at Key Stage 2, Key Stage 3 and GCSE level in a number of local authorities. They present an average figure for 10 London local authorities, showing that only 34 per cent of Somali pupils gained five or more A*-C GCSEs in 2006.[181] The average for Somalis in schools in 28 London local authorities was 43 per cent.[182] There was marked variation in these pupils' performance across London. In one local authority, no Somali pupils were awarded five GCSEs at grades A*-C, but in five other local authorities, the proportion achieving this benchmark was between 52 per cent and 69 per cent.[183]
A number of explanations have been offered for the relatively poor performance of Somali pupils in British schools. These include the fact that many Somalis enter the British education system late due to their arrival as refugees and have had their education interrupted, stereotyping and a lack of cultural awareness on the part of school staff, an inability of parents to offer sufficient support due to lack of knowledge of the system and lack of maternal literacy, poverty and overcrowding in Somali homes, and a lack of role models.[181][184][185][186] Lack of English language ability is a key factor. In the London Borough of Lambeth, around 87 per cent of Somali pupils are not fluent in English.[187]
Significant improvements in the performance of Somali pupils have been observed in some London boroughs. In September 2000, Somali community groups in conjunction with Camden Council, police and the voluntary sector established the Somali Youth Development Resource Centre in order to provide advice, information and activities for Somali youngsters, with the aim of promoting educational achievement, after only one Somali pupil gained five good GCSEs in the borough that year.[108][188] The centre is credited with helping significantly improve Somalis' GCSE performance.[108] The Camden and Tower Hamlets local authorities reported that the performance of their Somali pupils was comparable with the overall student population in those boroughs in the school year 2011–12.[189]
Health and social services
Academic research has shown that British Somalis' ability to access healthcare "can be restricted through health service institutions' difficulties in recognising their linguistic and cultural diversity and is limited by combined wider social, political and economic effects".[190]
Due uncertainty over what services are available under the
Reporting about the COVID-19 pandemic in April 2020, the BBC stated that the pandemic "has hit the Somali community hard in both economic and human terms", with those dying of the disease including "a disproportionate number of Somalis".[195] A June 2020 report in the Financial Times noted that Somalis had been disproportionately impacted by the pandemic, though "[p]recisely how many have died is difficult to ascertain because Somalis do not yet feature as a separate ethnic identity in official UK statistics".[196]
Female genital mutilation
Research conducted by academics from the University of Bristol and Cardiff University in 2018 found that the Somalis included in the study were committed to the ending of FGM practices, but they felt traumatised and victimised by FGM safeguarding policies. The researchers noted that Somalis "felt distrusted, their intentions suspected and their needs ignored. There was a sense that the whole Somali community was unfairly targeted and had become a 'suspect community'...: a group considered by the state to be suspicious despite there being no evidence of criminal involvement. Participants also described FGM-safeguarding policy as inherently racist and gave examples of how wider debates on FGM directly contributed to experiences of racist violence from the public".[209]
Khat use
Khat is a plant that is mainly grown in East Africa and the Middle East. Its leaves are chewed for their stimulating properties, primarily by people from these regions. Within Somali culture especially, khat chewing has a long history as a social custom that traditionally brings people together to relax and to encourage conversation. Some people also use it to help them stay alert during work or school. Ordinarily, khat use would be limited to specific periods of the day and session durations.[210] A 2007 source reports that khat was readily available at that time in mafrishes, commercial establishments where the substance was sold and chewed.[211] Within the Somali community as well as other groups with khat-chewing traditions, the activity was generally perceived as legitimate and not censured like alcohol and illegal drug use are within those same communities.[210] In June 2014, khat use was made illegal in the UK.[212]
Prior to the ban, some commentators, health professionals and community members expressed concerns about the long-term effects of the use of khat by Somalis in the UK, suggesting that excessive use has a negative social and health impact on the community.[211] One review of studies of the effects of khat use by Somalis and other immigrants on their mental health suggested that there was a need for better research on khat-chewing and its possible link with psychiatric disorders; it also suggested that public discourse on the issue displayed elements of a moral panic.[213] Some Somali community organisations also campaigned for khat to be banned.[214] As a result of these concerns, the Home Office commissioned successive research studies to look into the matter, and in 2005, presented the question of khat's legal status before the Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs. After a careful review of the evidence, the expert committee recommended in January 2006 that the status of khat as a legal substance should remain for the time being.[211]
In 2005, the Home Office issued a report on research examining the level and nature of the use of khat by Somalis in four English cities; Birmingham, Bristol, London and Sheffield. It found that 38 per cent of the respondents had ever used khat in their lifetime, with 58 per cent of men and only 16 per cent of women reporting having ever used it. 34 per cent of the overall sample indicated that they had chewed khat the month before, with 51 per cent all men in the study and 14 per cent of the women having done so. Some reported family tensions arising from their khat use. 49 per cent of those surveyed were in favour of banning khat, with 35 opposed, but the report suggested that this would not be effective. Three-quarters of participants who had used khat reported having suffered health effects, although these were mostly mild in nature, with the most common symptoms respondents associated with khat use being sleeping difficulties, loss of appetite, and an urge to chew more khat. The study concluded that most of the participants who were using khat were using it moderately in terms of both the quantity used and the frequency and duration of chewing sessions, and that khat use was typically a social activity. Only a small minority of the study participants' khat use was judged to be excessive.[210] In January 2013, the Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs also again cited insufficient evidence that the plant caused serious health or societal problems to warrant governmental control.[215]
In 2008,
Forced marriage
According to data published by the British government's Forced Marriage Unit (FMU), a joint effort between the
Community
Community organisations
In 2011, the
The Anti-Tribalism Movement (ATM) was established in London in 2010, with the aim of combatting clan-based discrimination in Britain and in Somalia.[226] In 2011, Reuters reported that the organisation claimed to have 53,000 followers, most of them based in Somalia.[227] As of 2015[update], the ATM claims to have 130,000 members worldwide.[226]
Involvement in politics
The Somali community has become increasingly engaged in local politics.
Amina Ali argues that Somali women have brought a "strong sense of political participation and activism" with them to Britain, rooted in a tradition of female engagement in politics in Somalia. In the UK, she argues that they find themselves excluded from the political process. Early Somali community groups, Ali states, were often headed by women and it was these groups that often introduced Somali women to British politics and "pointed them in the direction of the Labour party as the party for 'people like us to vote for'". She argues that despite this party loyalty, Labour has taken the Somali vote for granted and not engaged with or sought to understand the needs of the Somali community. She complains that Labour MPs in constituencies with large Somali populations have wrongly assumed that since the community is Muslim, they should engage with male community members only, and that even Somali men complain about a lack of engagement. In the run-up to the 2015 general election, Ali argued that Labour MPs in marginal constituencies "are slowly coming to the realisation that the Somali vote matters".[247]
Transnational activism
Academic Laura Hammond argues that the Somali British community's transnational activism responded effectively to the 2011 drought in East Africa, with members quickly mobilizing resources in the form of increased remittances to support family members in Somalia. They also pooled funds to support NGOs working in camps for displaced persons in Mogadishu, Ethiopia and Kenya.[67] A survey conducted by Hammond in South-Central Somalia also found that 68.2 per cent of providers of social services there were returnees.[67]
In February 2012, the British government held a consultation with representatives of the UK's Somali diaspora based around the
Business and enterprise
Somalis have a strong tradition in trade, with a long history of maritime enterprise stretching back to antiquity that includes possible commerce with ancient Britons based on rare commodities such as tin.[251] In recent times, several Somali multinational companies have their headquarters in the UK, such as Omar A. Ali's Integrated Property Investments Limited,[252] Alexander Yusuf's Villa and Mansion Architects, and Invicta Capital, which has an investment capital of £1.4 billion.[253] A 2008 study on immigrant business in Britain highlighted that the level of community support enjoyed by Somali traders was high in comparison to other immigrant groups.[254] In some areas, Somali enterprise has also begun replacing previously Indian-dominated business premises. Southall, for example, now features several Somali-oriented restaurants and cafés.[255]
A study on Somali business owners in Leicester found that they were highly motivated and wielded substantial social capital. The researchers suggested that this in turn made it easier for the entrepreneurs to establish themselves in the area, hire personnel, exchange information regarding local business opportunities, and pool funds. They argued that this was contingent upon under-capitalization, market barriers and related spatial and sectoral restrictions. Consequently, the Somali establishments followed what they posited was the standard ethnic minority business paradigm of being mainly concentrated in very competitive markets, with finite return on investment and uncertain durability.[256]
Networks
The Somali diaspora is inter-connected via information exchange and informal money transfer systems.
In 2014, the Fiiri Bandhiga entrepreneurial convention was also launched in London to showcase young Somali-owned businesses in the UK.[258]
Money transfer operators
Some Somali businesses with a presence in the UK, particularly in the remittance sector, already operate internationally. The latter include Dahabshiil, Qaran Express, Mustaqbal, Amal Express, Kaah Express, Hodan Global, Olympic, Amana Express, Iftin Express and Tawakal Express. Most are credentialed members of the Somali Money Transfer Association (SOMTA) (or its predecessor, the Somali Financial Services Association (SFSA)), an umbrella organisation that regulates the community's money transfer sector. The bulk of remittances are sent by Somalis to relatives in Somalia, a practice which has had a stimulating effect on that country's economy.[257]
Dahabshiil is the largest of the Somali money transfer operators (MTO), having captured most of the market vacated by
After Dahabshiil, Qaran Express is the largest Somali-owned funds transfer company. The firm has its headquarters in both London and Dubai, with 175 agents worldwide, 64 agents in London and 66 in Somalia, and charges nothing for remitting charity funds. Mustaqbal is the third most prominent Somali MTO with branches in the UK, having 49 agents in the UK and 8 agents in Somalia.[257]
Notable people
See also
- Somali diaspora
- Somalia-United Kingdom relations
- Black British people
Notes
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Further reading
- Haji-Abdi, Abdullahi (2014). Critical Realism, Somalia and the Diaspora Community. Abingdon: Routledge. ISBN 9781138233324.
- Hopkins, Gail (2010). "A changing sense of Somaliness: Somali women in London and Toronto". Gender, Place & Culture. 17 (4): 519–538. S2CID 146614552.
- Kahin, Mohamed H. (1997). Educating Somali Children in Britain. Trentham Books. ISBN 978-1-85856-089-2.
- .