Souliotes
Total population | |
---|---|
c. 4,500[5][6] (1803, est.) | |
Regions with significant populations | |
Souli | |
Tetrachori | c. 3,250[5][6] |
Eptachori | up to 1,250[5][6] |
Languages | |
Albanian Greek (from the 18th century onwards) | |
Religion | |
Orthodox Christianity |
The Souliotes were an Orthodox Christian Albanian tribal community in the area of Souli in Epirus from the 16th century to the beginning of the 19th century, who via their participation in the Greek War of Independence came to identify with the Greek nation.
They originated from
The first historical account of rebellious activity in Souli dates from 1685. During the 18th century, the Souliotes expanded their territory of influence. As soon as Ali Pasha became the local Ottoman ruler in 1789 he immediately launched successive expeditions against Souli. However, the numerical superiority of his troops was not enough. The siege against Souli was intensified from 1800 and in December 1803 the Souliotes concluded an armistice and agreed to abandon their homeland. Most of them were exiled in the Ionian Islands. On 4 December 1820, Ali Pasha constituted an anti-Ottoman coalition joined by the Souliotes, to which they contributed with 3,000 soldiers, mainly because he offered to allow the return of the Souliotes to their land, and partly by appeal to their shared Albanian origins.[10] After the defeat of Ali Pasha and with the outbreak of the Greek War of Independence, the Souliotes were among the first communities to take arms against the Ottomans. Following the successful struggle for independence, they settled in parts of the newly established Greek state and assimilated into the Greek nation, with many attaining high posts in the Greek government, including that of Prime Minister. Members of the Souliote diaspora participated in the national struggles for the incorporation of Souli to Greece, such as in the revolt of 1854 and the Balkan Wars (1912–1913) with Ottoman rule ending in 1913.
Geography
Name
The Souliotes (Albanian: Suljotë;[11] Greek: Σουλιώτες) were named after the village of Souli (Greek: Σούλι, Albanian: Suli), a hilltop settlement in modern Thesprotia, Greece. Souli gradually became the name of the entire region where the four main Souliot settlements are located (Souli, Avariko, Kiafa, Samoniva). Souli as a region is not attested in any sources before the 18th century. François Pouqueville, the French traveler, historian and consul in Ioannina, and others in his era theorized that the area was the ancient Greek Selaida and its modern inhabitants descendants of the Selloi, an ancient Greek tribe that inhabited the region in antiquity.[12][13] This hypothesis was fueled and proposed in the context of the rise of romanticism in Europe and the ideological return to the ancient past. Such views had little acceptance in historiography and were already rejected as early as the publication of the History of Souli (1815) by Christoforos Perraivos.[14]
The origin of the toponym Souli is uncertain.
Settlements
The core of Souli consisted of four villages (Greek: Τετραχώρι), namely: Souli (also known as Kakosouli), Avariko (also known as Navariko), Kiafa and Samoniva.[17] In time the confederation expanded and included additional seven villages (Greek: Επταχώρι). The latter became the outer defensive ring in case of an attack.[18] Both groups of villages were also collectively called Souli.[18] At the peak of their power, in 1800, Souliot leaders estimated that their community numbered c. 20,000 inhabitants.[19] Vasso Psimouli estimates a total population of c. 4,500 for the Souliot villages. Of these, she estimates that up to 1,250 were living in the "eptachori", among whom 500 were armed, according to Perraivos, organized in 18 clans, while the other 3,250, in 31 clans, were living in the "tetrachori" and provided c. 1200 armed men.[6]
Several surrounding villages, c. 50–66, which became part of the Souliote confederation were known as Parasouli.[20][21] Parasouliotes could join the Souliotes to armed operations but they had no representation in the Souliote government. In case they displayed distinction in warfare they received permission to settle in Souliote villages and enjoyed the same rights and duties as the Souliotes.[22]
Early history
Most scholars agree that the first inhabitants of Souli settled there in the middle of the 16th century as groups of shepherds. The earliest inhabitants came from southern Albania and the plains of Thesprotia.
The Souliote population was located in inland Thesprotia and for much of the 16th century remained away from the plagues and military events which affected coastal Epirus. This was an era of demographic increase for the area.[27] The Souliote clans were pastoralist communities. Demographic pressure, environmental conditions and lack of grazing grounds gradually created social conditions, which led many Souliote clans to engage in pillaging and raiding other Souliote clans and primarily the neighbouring, lowland peasant communities as a means to combat lack of means of subsistence. In the 18th century, the occasional use of raiding as a means of subsistence became an institutionalized activity of Souliote clans which systematically raided the lowland peasants. The price of weapons in the 17th century had decreased which made their acquirement much easier and the naturally defensive position of Souliote clans in their hilltop settlements made immediate intervention by the Ottoman authorities difficult.[28]
Society
Patrilineal clans
The Souliotes were organized in patrilineal clans which they called in Albanian farë (def. fara, pl. farat "tribe"). Membership in the fara was exclusively decided via patrilineality. Indicative of this condition is the translation of M. Botsaris of the Greek term genos which is the exact equivalent to fara as gjish which in Albanian means grandfather.[29] Each fara was formed by the descendants of a common patrilineal progenitor whose personal name became the clan name of the entire fara. It was led by a single clan leader who was its representative, although this practice was under constant negotiation as a leader may not have been acceptable by all members of the fara. Each clan was further divided in brotherhoods. As such, in time, it had the tendency to branch out in new clans which were formed as the original one grew in size and could no longer hold its cohesion as one unit under one leader. Members of the fara enjoyed privileges of settlement in specific villages and had the right to use in common specific natural resources (water springs, grazing grounds) which had been assigned to it.
All heads of clans gathered in the general assembly which Lambros Koutsonikas (himself a Souliot) recorded in Greek as Πλεκεσία, a term that can be linked to the Albanian pleqësia (council of elders). This acted as the highest political structure of Souliot society which was responsible for solving disputes, formulating tribal laws, arbitrage between clans in dispute and the enforcement of decisions of the council against members of the community. It was a space where the different fara of Souliot society negotiated with each other their position in Souliotic society.[30] The assembly was held in the open courtyard next to the church of St. George in Souli. The decisions of the pleqësia were not written down but agreed upon via the oral pledge of besë (def. besa) to which all heads of clans were bound. The concept of besa was the foundation for agreements not only within Souliot society but functioned as the basis for any agreements which Souliotes made with outsiders, including hostile forces in times of war. The significance of this concept is highlighted by the fact that M. Botsaris translates besë in Greek as threskeia (religion) and i pabesë ("without besë) as apistos (unbeliever). As each clan acted autonomously of the general assembly of their leaders, they could sign agreements with outsiders which contradicted the agreements which the Souliot community signed as a whole and this was a common cause of friction among the Souliot clans.[31]
A detailed recording of the Souliot clans appears for the first time by Perraivos. According to his notes, at the end of the 18th century, 450 families which belonged to 26 clans lived in the village of Souli. In Kiafa, there were 90 families which belonged to four clans. In Avariko, five families which belonged to three clans and in Samoniva 50 families which belonged to three clans.[32] As the Souliot population, new clans were established from existing ones and formed the population of the seven villages around core Souli. There was an informal hierarchy among Souliot clans in the second half of the 18th century which was determined by the fighting power (men) of each fara and its size. The Botsaris clan was one of the oldest and most powerful in all four villages of core Souli. Georgios Botsaris in 1789 claimed that his clan could field 1,000 men against Ali Pasha followed by the Tzavellas and Zervas clans each of which could field 300 men and other smaller clans with 100 men each.[33] George Botsaris presented himself as "the most respected individual among the Souliots" and his son Dimitris presented his father as the captain of the Souliots and himself as the commissioner of the Albanians(in Greek, ton Arvaniton epitropikos).[34][35] It is evident that in this period of Souliot history, social stratification among the clans had created an environment which led weaker clans to coalesce around stronger ones and be represented by them. The role, however, of the pleqësia was to stop such differentiation and maintain relations of equality in the community. Until the fall of Souli in 1803, the Souliot community never accepted to have a single leader from one clan and even in times of war each clan chose its leader from its own ranks. Thus, the Souliot tribal organization remained one which preserved the collective autonomy of each clan until its end. Social stratification was expressed since the second half of the 18th century in social practices of the Souliots, but was never institutionalized.[36]
Name in Albanian | Name in Greek | Settlement |
---|---|---|
Boçari | Botsaris | Souli (Sul) |
Xhavella | Tzavellas | Souli |
Kuçonika | Koutsonikas | Souli |
Dhrako | Drakos | Souli |
Danglli | Danglis | Souli, Samoniva |
Buca | Boutzias | Souli |
Sheho | Seos | Souli |
Zharba | Zarbas | Souli |
Vello | Velios | Souli |
Kallojeri | Kalogeros | Souli |
Thanasi | Thanasis | Souli |
Kashkari | Kaskaris | Souli |
Dora | Toras | Souli |
Vaso | Vasos | Souli |
Papajani | Papagiannis | Souli |
Todi | Todis | Souli |
Shahini | Sachinis | Souli |
Manxho | Mantzos | Souli |
Pallama | Palamas | Souli |
Buzbu | Bousbos | Souli |
Mati | Matis | Souli |
Zerva | Zervas | Kiafa (Qafa) |
Nika | Nikas | Kiafa |
Foto | Fotos | Kiafa |
Pandaziu | Pandazis | Kiafa |
Sallatari | Salataris | Avariko (Navarik) |
Bufi | Boufis | Avariko |
Xhori | Tzoris | Avariko |
Beka | Bekas | Samoniva |
Hërra | Iras | Samoniva |
The Souliotes wore red skull caps, fleecy capotes over their shoulders, embroidered jackets, scarlet buskins, slippers with pointed toes and white kilts.[37]
Economy
In the mid-sixteenth century Souli is listed in an
The Souliots were subject to a
Taxation archives show that the economy of the Souliotes was based on small-scale subsistence pastoralism which due to few available grazing grounds never increased enough to become a source of commercial activity. The spahis of Souli generated little profit from their position. It seems that no Ottoman official or timariot holder of Souli lived there. This likely happened not because of Souliot hostility but because of the extended practice of Ottoman officials since the 17th century to not live on the territories they were assigned to, but in the closest large urban settlement. All archival sources show that throughout its existence the Souliotic community paid its taxes regularly and complied with Ottoman economic laws in their transactions and as such was represented in the Ottoman system, but it was not integrally included in it as its remote position and lack of natural resources didn't lead to any Ottoman presence within Souli. As a result, Psimouli (2016) describes the status of Souli as a "community without Turkish presence, but not necessarily autonomous".[43]
Blood vengeance
Blood vengeance was one of the core social practices in Souliot society. It regulated relations between clans, the social hierarchy of Souli and the attribution of customary justice in cases of violations of clan property. Blood vengeance was ideologically linked with the concepts of honour-dishonour which was a collective trait of the entire clan.
Language
The Souliots spoke Albanian, being the descendants of an Albanian pastoral group that had settled in the area, while, due to their communication and exchanges with the mostly Greek-speaking population of surrounding areas and the importance of their economic and military presence during the eighteenth century, learnt to use also Greek.[46] For the social use of each language, William Martin Leake writes that "Souliot men spoke Albanian at home and all men could speak Greek as they were their neighbours, while many women could speak Greek too". For the movements of Souliots to the villages of Lakka Souliou in the 18th century, the Greek Orthodox Bishop Serafeim Byzantios notes that "as the Souliotes speak Albanian, most villages of Lakka speak Albanian, but Greek is not unknown to them". The closest existing variant of Souliotic Albanian is that of the village Anthousa (Rapëza) and also Kanallaki. This dialect is spoken only by few people in modern times.[47]
Further evidence on the language of the Souliotes is drawn from the Rhomaic (Greek)-Albanian dictionary composed in 1809 mainly by Markos Botsaris and his family members.[48] The Albanian variant in the text shows lexical influence from Greek, Turkish and other languages. Of 1494 Albanian words of the vocabulary, 361 are loanwords from Greek, 187 from Turkish, 21 from Italian and two from other languages. The Albanian entries correspond to 1701 Greek entries. Many entries are related to religion and church organization. For Jochalas who edited and published the dictionary, despite the influence of Greek on Souliotic Albanian in the entries, it is evident that Botsaris and his family members who helped him lacked structural knowledge of Greek and were very inexperienced in writing. He also observes that the Albanian phrases are syntaxed as if were Greek (Yochalas, p.53). Similar lack of knowledge of Greek grammar, syntax and spelling is observed for all of the very few written documents by Souliotes.[47] Robert Elsie noted that the 1,484 Albanian lexemes "are important for our knowledge of the now extinct Suliot dialect of Albanian".[49] In the early twentieth century among the descendants of Souliotes in the Kingdom of Greece, there was an example of Souliote still being fluent in Albanian, namely lieutenant Dimitrios (Takis) Botsaris, a direct descendant of the Botsaris' family.[50]
The correspondence of the Souliotes to both Christian and Muslim leaders was either written in Greek or translated from Greek.[51] Greek was commonly used in Ottoman Epirus for writing not just between Christians (including Souliotes) but even between Muslim Albanian-speakers who employed Greek secretaries as is, e.g., the case with the correspondence between the Cham beys and Ali pasha.[52] A written account on the language Souliotes used is the diary of Fotos Tzavellas, composed during his captivity by Ali Pasha (1792–1793). This diary is written by F. Tzavellas himself in simple Greek with several spelling and punctuation mistakes. Emmanouel Protopsaltes, former professor of Modern Greek History at the University of Athens, who published and studied the dialect of this diary, concluded that Souliotes were Greek speakers originating from the area of Argyrkokastro or Chimara.[53][54] Εmmanuel Protopsaltis asserted based on his reading of the texts that the national sentiment and the basic ethnic and linguistic component of Souli was Greek rather than Albanian.[55] Psimouli criticizes the publication by Protopsaltis for its lack of critical analysis.[56][need quotation to verify]
Toponyms
In a study by scholar Petros Fourikis examining the onomastics of Souli, most of the toponyms and micro-toponyms such as: Kiafa, Koungi, Bira, Goura, Mourga, Feriza, Stret(h)eza, Dembes, Vreku i Vetetimese, Sen i Prempte and so on were found to be derived from Albanian.[57] A study by scholar Alexandros Mammopoulos (1982 concludes that not all the toponyms of Souli were Albanian and that many derive from various other Balkan languages, including quite a few in Greek.[58] In a 2002 study, Shkëlzen Raça states that Souliote toponyms listed by Fourikis can only be explained through Albanian.[57] Vasso Psimouli (2006) states that many of the placenames of the wider area of Souli are Slavic or Aromanian (Zavruho, Murga, Sqapeta, Koristiani, Glavitsa, Samoniva, Avarico), while those of the core of the four Souliotic settlements are mostly Albanian.[59]
Relations with Ottoman officials
1685–1772
The first historical account of anti-Ottoman activity in Souli dates from the
Perraivos (1815) based on oral stories he collected proposed that the first attack against Souli by the Ottoman authorities occurred in 1721. Archival sources show that the campaign occurred more likely in 1731-33 and didn't have Souliotes as its specific target. In the early 18th century, the Muslim Cham beys of
The second recorded attack against Souli in oral history occurred in 1754 by Mustafa Pasha of Yanina.[62] This oral story is confirmed in archival sources and has been recorded in a text in the Church of St. Nicholas of Ioannina.[63] During the transfer of some brigands from Margariti to Yanina the Souliotes attacked the guards and freed them. The text preserved in the Church of St. Nicholas notes that the person who had captured them was a Muslim from Margariti who was collaborating with them as he was the buyer of the stolen goods. This network of brigandage which the Muslim agas and beys of Margariti and the Souliotes had created in the region was the cause of the attack by Mustafa Pasha.[63]
Other attacks in the same era include that Dost Bey, commander of Delvinë (1759) and Mahmoud Aga, governor of Arta (1762).[62] During 1721–1772 the Souliotes managed to repulse a total of six military expeditions. As a result, they expanded their territory at the expense of the various Ottoman lords.[64] Souliotes participated in the Orlov revolt that broke out around 1770 against Ottoman Empire, with the help of Russia. Many of the joined the Russian fleet. Their revolt was connected with the acts of Russian agents in Epirus, which continued till the 2nd Russo-Turkish War (1787–1792). The Russian agent Ludovicos or Luigi Sotiri (a doctor from Lefkada) came to Souli probably in 1771, carrying a letter from Alexei Grigoryevich Orlov, guns and ammunition and urged Souliotes to revolt. The Turks, who got informed on the movements of Souliotes, in March 1772 sent against them an army of 5.000 Muslim Albanians, who were defeated and their leader Suleyman was captured. The hostilities lasted till mid 1772.[65] According to other source the Souliotes were attacked by 9.000 men under Suleyman Tsapari. In 1775, Kurt Pasha sent a military expedition to Souli that ultimately failed. During the
Perraivos (1815) notes that by the end of the 18th century the central settlement of Souli had increased to 26 clans with a total of 450 families.[32] The Greek peasants who were farmers in the lands which the Souliots had acquired were distinguished by the name of the village in which they dwelt. Clan, class and territorial labels had significance in addition to religion.[25]
Ali Pasha-Souliot relations
Relations between Ali Pasha and the Souliotes are documented since 1783 when the Souliotes had fought for Ali Pasha's army as allied mercenaries against Ahmet Kurt Pasha of the Pashalik of Berat.[67] As soon as Ali Pasha became the local Ottoman ruler, all local factions which held power over tax collection were opposed to him. In February 1789, a coalition between the Muslim Albanian beys of Gjirokastër, Berat, Chameria and the Souliotes attempted to depose Ali Pasha. Clashes lasted for about 4 months and Ali Pasha was weakened but by May he signed an agreement with the Souliotes who abandoned the coalition and in exchange were given the right to act as armatoles in certain areas in Epirus and some of their clan leaders received wages from Ali Pasha. Ali Pasha managed to install as dervend agha (representative of the Pashalik of Yannina in Souli, one of his subordinates Andreas Iskos (relative of Georgios Karaiskakis)[68] As part of the same agreement he held five children of prominent Souliote families as hostages.[69] Ali Pasha launched successive spring-summer campaigns in 1789 and 1790. Although some Parasouliote settlements were captured, the defenders of Souli managed to repulse the attacks.[70] Despite the end of the Russo-Turkish War, Ali Pasha was obsessed to capture this centre of resistance.[70] Thus, he looked forward to implement indirect and long-term strategies since the numerical superiority of his troops proved inadequate.[70]
In July 1792 Ali dispatched an army of c. 8,000–10,000 troops against the Souliotes. It initially managed to push the 1,300 Souliote defenders to the inner defiles of Souli and temporarily occupied the main settlement of the region. However, after a successful counterattack, the Ottoman Albanian units were routed with 2,500 of them killed. On the other hand, the Souliotes suffered minimal losses, but Lambros Tzavelas, one of their main leaders, was mortally wounded.[71] The 1792 attack ended in Souliote victory and in the negotiations, the Botsaris clan managed to be recognized by Ali Pasha as the lawful representative of Souli and George Botsaris as the one who would enforce the terms of peace among the Souliotes.[72]
During the following seven years Ali Pasha undertook preparations to take revenge for the defeat. Meanwhile, he besieged the French-controlled towns of the Ionian coast. Especially two of them, Preveza and Parga, were vital to Souli for the supply of livestock and ammunition.[73] Perraivos records that, in his pursuit to gather all incomes of all large estate holders of the area in order to augment his political power, Ali tried to buy from Bekir bey, the sipahi of Souli, the timariot rights in Souli and, facing his obstinate refusal, killed him.[41]
At the fall of Preveza in late 1798, Ali Pasha managed to secure the neutrality of Souliotes through bribery.
In June–July 1800 a new campaign was mounted by Ali involving 11,500 troops. When this direct assault failed, Ali resorted to long-term measures to subdue the warrior community. In order to isolate the seven main villages of Souli from the Parasouliote villages as well as Parga and Preveza, Ali ordered the construction of tower fortifications around Souli. For two years the Souliotes were able to survive this encirclement by the smuggling of supplies from Parga and from nearby Paramythia and Margariti. Nevertheless, a lack of food and supplies was taking its toll.[75] In April 1802 the Souliotes received a supply of food, weapons and ammunition by a French corvette stationed in Parga. This intervention by the French offered Ali the pretext for a new expedition against them with the support of the agas and beys of Epirus and southern Albania.[76]
Fall of Souli (1803)
In 1803 the position of the Souliotes became desperate with the artillery and famine depleting their ranks.[76] On the other hand, the defenders in Souli sent delegations to the Russian Empire, the Septinsular Republic and France for urgent action but without success.[76][69] As the situation became more desperate in the summer of the same year, Ali's troops began assaults against the seven core villages of Souli. Meanwhile, the British turned to the Ottoman Empire in order to strengthen their forces against Napoleon, and the weapons and ammunition supplies were interrupted. Without support from outside and wearied by years of siege, the unity of the Souliote clans started to split. As such two chieftains, Athanasios Koutsonikas and Pilios Gousis, withdrew from the defense.[76]
However, the rest in Souli gathered together in Saint George's Orthodox Church and decided either to fight or die. The remaining Souliotes numbered at no more than 2,000 armed men. The main leaders were Fotos Tzavellas, Dimos Drakos, Tousas Zervas, Koutsonikas, Gogkas Daglis, Giannakis Sehos, Fotomaras, Tzavaras, Veikos, Panou, Zigouris Diamadis, and Georgios Bousbos. They won all the decisive battles.[citation needed] Without food and ammunition, they were forced to withdraw to the fortresses of Kiafa and Kougi, where they lost the last battle on December 7, 1803.[66] Following that, the Souliotes concluded an armistice with Veli Pasha, Ali's son and commander of the expedition. Finding their defense untenable in the long run, they agreed upon a treaty on 12 December which obliged them to abandon their homeland. They were allowed to leave with arms, the necessities of war, foodstuffs and whatever else they wished to take.[77]
When the last Souliot tribes left, monk Samuel stayed with 5 Souliots in the fortified monastery of Saint Paraskevi in Kugi, in order to surrender war supplies to deputies of
Exile (1803–1820)
After the surrender of Souli, Souliote clans chose divergent paths but many were ultimately led to move to the Ionian Islands and in south Greece. Kitsos Botsaris who had succeeded his father as armatolos of Tzoumerka became a target. Botsaris gathered his clan and 1,200 Souliotes who retreated to Agrafa. In January 1804, they were attacked by Ali Pasha's army under Beqir Bey with support from the local armatoloi Zikos Michos, Tzimas Alexis and Poulis. As the Botsaris clan was given the important armatolik of Tzoumerka, other armatoloi had targeted them. The Souliotes were besieged for 3 months on the grounds of the monastery of the Assumption of Mary. In the final battle, on April 7, most Souliotes were killed and of those who survived many were taken hostage. About 80 escaped from this battle. Ali Pasha at the same time published a firman which targeted the Botsaris clan which was hunted down. Kitsos Botsaris and his family with a few others managed to escape to Parga and later settled in the Ionian Islands. He returned to the Pashalik of Yanina in 1813 when Ali Pasha gave him again the armatolik of Tzoumerka but as soon as he returned he was murdered by a Gogos Bakolas.[79]
Many Souliotes entered service with the Russians on
With the
Colonel Minot, the commander of the regiment, appointed as battalion captains mostly the leaders of Souliote clans who enjoyed the respect among the soldiers. Among them were: Tussa Zervas, George Dracos, Giotis Danglis, Panos Succos, Nastullis Panomaras, Kitsos Palaskas, Kitsos Paschos. Fotos Tzavellas, Veicos Zervas.[85]
During the Anglo-French struggle over the Ionian Islands between 1810 and 1814, the Souliotes in French service faced off against other refugees organized by the British into the Greek Light Infantry Regiment. Since the Souliotes were mostly garrisoned on Corfu, which remained under French control until 1814, very few entered British service.
Participation in the Greek War of Independence
Return to Souli (1820-1822)
In July 1820 the Sultan issued a
The uprising of the Souliotes, among the first to revolt against the Sultan, like the rest of the other Greek exiles in the Ionian islands, inspired the revolutionary spirit among the other Greek communities. Soon they were joined by additional Greek communities (armatoles and klephts).
In continuation of their cooperation during the summer, the Souliots, Muslim Albanian beys and the Greek
Distanced from their thitherto Albanian allies, the Souliots turned to the government of revolted Greece, to which they had sent a plenipotentiary,
After Hurshid captured Ali and had him decapitated in January 1822, he decided to turn his attention to the rebels at Souli and laid siege to it.
In the revolutionary armies
Markos Botsaris opted to remain in
In early 1823 western Central Greece was beset by infighting among
In December 1823, the
During this period, the Souliots integrated in a new reality, defined by their incorporation in the national, political and military goals of the Greek Revolution and their Hellenization, while maintaining their organization in autonomous, competing clans, remnants of the old clans.
Settlement in Greece and legacy
Souliote groups had already moved during the war to areas which would form part of the Greek Kingdom. After the Greek War of Independence, the Souliotes could not return to their homeland as it remained outside the borders of the newly formed Greek state. Different groups of refugees who settled in Greece after the war despite their common status as refugees had their own peculiarities, interests and customs. The Souliotes, alongside people from the area of Arta and the rest of Epirus, in many cases insisted on being represented as a separate group in their affairs with the Greek state and maintain their own representatives. In other cases are grouped together with the other Epirote refugees as "Epirosouliotes" or just "Epirotes".[155] The Souliots were considered to have "a sense of superiority" and were seen by some as being arrogant because they considered themselves to be superior in military affairs in their participation in the war. This feeling of superiority of Souliotes was not only directed towards other groups of refugees but also towards the central authorities. In such conditions, it was difficult for the Souliotes to follow the central government and they were constantly a source of "reaction and mutinies". A local relation from Agrinio (1836) to the central government reports that as the Souliotes were jobless and without land they had resorted to looting and robbing the local population.[156]
Since at least 1823 when many of them moved from the Ionian islands to western Greece, the Souliotes had been aiming to settle in
At the Third National Assembly at Troezen, the Souliotes requested to be given land in the Peloponnese near Epidaurus but this proposal remained postponed as well.[159] On July 24, 1829, the Souliotes submitted a new report which asked from the government of Ioannis Kapodistrias 1)to find land of their settlement 2)to pay them back wages for the participation in the war 3)to enact measures for widows and orphans. These proposals were met with support by Kapodistrias [160] Since March 1829, many Souliotes had fought for the capture of Nafpaktos and their contribution was major in this victory. The Souliotes who fought in this battle believed that the best landed property and housing of Nafpaktos belonged to them since they capture the area so they occupied and took them as their own. There were some negative reactions to their activity from locals, but only to a small degree possibly because the population of the town had dwindled during the war and it had to be repopulated. In Nafpaktos, the locals were rather friendly towards them and supported their request to build their own settlement nearby; as such, according to Kostavasilis (2002) per Raikos (1957) "Nafpaktos became their second homeland".[161]
Despite the settlement of groups of Souliotes via the occupation of landed property, a permanent solution to their resettlement didn't exist in 1829 and even during the early years of the reign of Othon I. Friedrich Thiersch, a contemporary of Kapodistrias, writes that he was concerned with resettling Souliotes, Cretans and Thessalians from the area of Mt. Olympus in the same area as members of their own community as he thought that their settlements would become dangerous areas. Such a consideration might be plausible, but modern historiography considers that the issue remained unsolved for a long time due to systemic factors and not because of the individual predisposition of Kapodistrias.[162] At the Fifth National Assembly at Nafplion (late 1831- early 1832) the Souliotes were represented by Kitsos Tzavelas and Ioannis Bairaktaris. After many debates and requests by Souliotes to be given land, the delegates of the assembly agreed to give land only to Souliotes who fought in the war and to allow them to build their settlements in limited properties in Nafpaktos and Agrinio.[163] In April/May 1834, the new government of Othon as a measure which sought to placate the Souliotes and the locals of the areas which would see Souliot settlement prepared a legal act which was never officially published. The government accepted the Souliot requests for the implementation of the decisions of 1831-32 "to the extent that no unknown obstacles exist". This formulation allowed for local interest groups in these areas to postpone the creation of the settlements which eventually were halted. As a reaction against the new decision, on September 26, 1834, the Souliotes from all three areas (Nafpaktos, Agrinio, Mesologgi) signed a petition and elected Kostas Botsaris as a representative to take all necessary measures for their requests to be accepted. This new initiative had no success and reports of Souliotes from this era attest to their claims of great poverty of Souliot families. A Souliot petition to Othon reports that they were forced to" sell their weapons, furniture and even their clothes to get food". The Souliotes informed Othon that "the only science they know is that of weapons" which they offered to him. The petition ends with the statement that if no solution is found for their settlements, they will be "forced to leave their desired [...] Greece, in which they fervently fought, and go to a foreign land in search for means to survive".[164]
In Nafpaktos, where the population had dwindled during the war, Souliot resettlement moved ahead. Extensive landed properties had been given to Souliotes outside the boundaries of the castle and most of them engaged in agriculture. The locals and the Souliotes had good relations and the municipal authorities petitioned the government to speed up the procedure for the building of the new settlement.[165] In Agrinio, local reactions against the Souliotes caused many delays. The part of the local population which reacted against them accused them that they didn't plan to settle there peacefully but that they would engage in robberies and pillaging against them. In 1836, Souliotes were among the groups who took part in the anti-Bavarian movements in Greece and this caused further distrust towards them from the central authorities. In time, the dispute between Souliotes and locals led to the partial construction of the settlement.[166]
In 1854, during the
Members of the Souliote diaspora that lived in Greece played a major role in 19th- and 20th-century politics and military affairs, like Dimitrios Botsaris, the son of Markos Botsaris,[169] and the World War II resistance leader Napoleon Zervas.[170]
Identity and ethnicity
In Ottoman-ruled Epirus, national identity did not play a role to the social classification of the local society; religion was the key factor of
Self-identification
In the eighteenth century common traits in their appearance, such as displaying shaved forehead and temples, their social structure, common mores, and activities such as brigandage and war reinforced the sense of belonging in the same
Descriptions in contemporary and 19th-century accounts
Greek authors
During the emergence of Greek nationalism, at the cusp between the 18th and the 19th century, revolutionaries, such as Rigas Feraios and Adamantios Korais, referred admiringly to the Souliots[178] and registered their conflict with Ali pasha of Yanina as a national struggle for Greek independence.[179] Athanasios Psalidas (1767–1829), Greek scholar and secretary to Ali Pasha in early 19th century stated that the Souliotes were Greeks fighting the Albanians[8] and distinguishes Souliotes from "Arvanites".[180] He also stated that they are part of the Cham population and their correspondent region, known as Chameria, was inhabited by both Albanians and Greeks with the later being more numerous, while the villages of Souli were inhabited by "Greek warriors".[181] Adamantios Korais, major figure of the modern Greek Enlightenment states in 1803 that the Souliotes are the "pride of the Greeks".[148]
Western authors
Amongst Western European travelers and authors traveling in the region during the nineteenth century, they described the Souliotes in different terms, while most of them were based on claims they have heard or read rather than on research-based evidence,[182] dependent on their guides, without any knowledge of Greek and Albanian and having probably misunderstood the cultural and political reality of the region:[183]
In 1813 Hobhouse stated the Souliotes "are all Greek Christians and speak Greek" and resembled more "the Albanian warrior than the Greek merchant".[185] French historian Claude Fauriel described the Souliotes in 1814 as "a mixture of Greeks and Albanian Christians" who were originally refugees that settled in the Souli mountains.[186] In the nineteenth century, the ethnic and geographical terms Albanian and Albania were used often to incorporate the people of the area and southern Epirus, now part of Greece.[186]
British traveller Henry Holland wrote in 1815 that they were of "Albanian origin" and "belonging to the division of that people called the Tzamides" (Chams).[186] R. A. Davenport stated in 1837 that were some people who believed that the "nucleus of the Suliote population consisted of Albanians" who had sought refuge in the mountains after the death of Skanderbeg, while other people claimed shepherds settled Souli from Gardhiki which in both cases was to escape Ottoman rule.[182] In 1851 British traveler Edward Lear wrote the "mountains of Suli" were "occupied by Albanians" in the early medieval period and stayed Christian after the surrounding area converted to Islam.[182] Traveler Henry Baerlin referred to the Souliotes as shouting their defiance in Albanian to "threatening Greek letters sent by Ali Pasha" during their wars.[186][187] Traveler Brian de Jongh stated that the Souliots were of Albanian descent and "refugees from Albania [...] a branch of the Tosks", that kept "their Albanian mother tongue and Christian faith.[182] A NY Times[importance?] article from 1880 calls the Souliotes a "branch of the Albanian people" and referred to Souliote women like Moscho Tzavella as exemplary of "the extraordinary courage of the Albanian women... in the history of the country.[186]
Identification by historiography
During the early nineteenth century exile in Corfu, the Souliote population was usually registered in official Corfiot documents as Albanesi or Suliotti,
Scottish historian
According to Jim Potts, for Greek authors the issue of ethnicity and origins regarding the Souliotes is contested and various views exist regarding whether they were Albanian, Albanian-speaking Greeks, or a combination of Hellenised Christian Albanians and Greeks who had settled in northern Greece. According to the same author, the issue of the origin and ethnicity of the Souliots is very much a live and controversial issue in Greece today, and foreign writers have been equally divided.[190]
The Souliotes were called
Souliotes in literature and art
The image of Souliotes in art and literature is capacious. They were at times depicted as remote from European culture, exotic and simple mountaineers as proposed in
The romantic image of the wild, exotic Souliotes that
Rigas Feraios in his patriotic poem, Thourios (1797), mentioned the gallantry of the Souliotes and the Maniotes when he called on the Greeks to take up arms against the Ottomans.[217]
In 1818 at the Greek quarter of Odessa a ballet performance was organized under the name "The Soulios at Jannina".[218]
Theater plays and poems were produced during and soon after the Greek Revolution of 1821 for the Souliotes in general, and for certain heroes or events, such as Markos Botsaris or the Dance of Zalongo.
The Souliotic cycle of folksongs comprises traditional songs in Greek and Albanian.[219] At 1824 the first collection of folk material from Souli was published by Claude Charles Fauriel as part of his first collective work about Greek folk songs. In this work Fauriel presents various songs from the region together with descriptions about the correspondent historic events.[220] In 1852 Spyridon Zambelios published the collection Folk Songs of Greece. The Greek folk songs are mostly compiled from the Ionian Islands, and many of them are about Souli and the struggles of the Souliotes against the Ottoman Turks.[221] In 1878 Thimi Mitko published a collection of Albanian folk material in his Alvanikē melissa — Bleta Shqiptare (Greek: Αλβανική Μέλισσα - The Albanian Bee), which included lyric poems of heroic songs in southern Albanian dialect, including of the heroes of Souli;[222] the Song of Marko Boçari being among them.[223]
The Souliotes became the main topic in the works of several Greek poets: Andreas Kalvos, Iakovos Polylas, Christos Christovasilis, Aristotelis Valaoritis.[224]
Legacy
At the revolt of 1866–1869 in Crete and the holocaust of Arkadi the Greek military leader Panos Koronaios stated the determination of the Cretan rebels by saying that "Souli lives again in the Arkadi".[225]
During the Axis occupation of Greece (1941-1944) female resistance leader, Lela Karagianni, named her organization "women of Zalongo" and her members "present-day Souliotisses". Also, imprisoned female resistance fighters before their execution by Axis troops used to sing the Song of Zalonggo.[226]
See also
References
- ^ Ελευθερία Νικολαΐδου (Eleutheria Nikolaidou) (1997). "Η Ήπειρος στον Αγώνα της Ανεξαρτησίας (Epirus in the Struggle for Independence)". In Μιχαήλ Σακελλαρίου (Michael Sakellariou) (ed.). Ηπειρος : 4000 χρόνια ελληνικής ιστορίας και πολιτισμού (Epirus: 4.000 years of Greek history and civilisation). Athens: Εκδοτική Αθηνών. p. 277.
Στήν εἰκόνα πολεμιστές Σουλιῶτες σέ χαλκογραφία τῶν μέσων τοῦ 19ου αἰ. (In the picture Souliote warriors from a 19th c. chalcography)
- ^ "drawing _ British Museum". Retrieved 2022-11-03.
Description: Albanian Palikars in pursuit of an enemy
- ^ "Σουλιώτες πολεμιστές καταδιώκουν τον εχθρό. - Hughes, Thomas Smart - Mε Tο Bλεμμα Των Περιγηηγητων - Τόποι - Μνημεία - Άνθρωποι - Νοτιοανατολική Ευρώπη - Ανατολική Μεσόγειος - Ελλάδα - Μικρά Ασία - Νότιος Ιταλία, 15ος - 20ός αιώνας". Retrieved 2022-11-03.
Πρωτότυπος τίτλος: View of Albanian palikars in pursuit of an enemy
- ^ a b Murawska-Muthesius 2021, pp. 77–79.
- ^ a b c Ψιμούλη 2006, p. 201
- ^ a b c d Ψιμούλη 1995, pp. 169, 264
- ^
- NGL Hammond: Epirus: the Geography, the Ancient Remains, the History and Topography of Epirus and Adjacent Areas. Clarendon P., 1967, p. 24: "...they all fought equally well and none better than the Albanian-speaking Suliotes in Greek Epirus of whom Byron sang."
- ^ a b c Nikolopoulou, 2013, p. 299, "Still, regardless of ethnic roots, the Souliot identification with Greece earned them the title of "Greeks" by their Ottoman and Muslim Albanian enemies alike... identifies them as Greeks fighting the Albanians"
- ^
- Balázs Trencsényi, Michal Kopecek: Discourses of Collective Identity in Central and Southeast Europe (1770–1945): The Formation of National Movements. Central European University Press, 2006, ISBN 963-7326-60-X, S. 173. “The Souliotes were Albanian by origin and Orthodox by faith”.
- ISBN 0-521-43961-2, S. 65 “Swiss nationalism is, as we know, pluri-ethnic. For that matter, if we were to suppose that the Greek mountaineers who rose against the Turks in Byron's day were nationalists, which is admittedly improbable, we cannot fail to note that some of their most formidable fighters were not Hellenes but Albanians (the Souliotes).”
- Richard Clogg: Minorities in Greece: Aspects of a Plural Society. Hurst, Oxford 2002, S. 178. [Footnote] “The Souliotes were a warlike Albanian Christian community, which resisted Ali Pasha in Epirus in the years immediately preceding the outbreak the Greek War of Independence in 1821.”
- Miranda Vickers: The Albanians: A Modern History. I.B. Tauris, 1999, ISBN 1-86064-541-0, S. 20. “The Suliots, then numbering around 12,000, were Christian Albanians inhabiting a small independent community somewhat akin to that of the Catholic Mirdite tribe to the north”.
- Nicholas Pappas: Greeks in Russian Military Service in the Late 18th and Early 19th Centuries. Institute for Balkan Studies. Monograph Series, No. 219, Thessaloniki 1991, ]
- Fleming K. (2014), p.59
- André Gerolymatos: The Balkan Wars: Conquest, Revolution, and Retribution from the Ottoman Era to the Twentieth Century and Beyond. Basic Books, 2002, ISBN 0-465-02732-6, S. 141. “The Suliot dance of death is an integral image of the Greek revolution and it has been seared into the consciousness of Greek schoolchildren for generations. Many youngsters pay homage to the memory of these Orthodox Albanians each year by recreating the event in their elementary school pageants.”
- Henry Clifford Darby: Greece. Great Britain Naval Intelligence Division. University Press, 1944. “… who belong to the Cham branch of south Albanian Tosks (see volume I, pp. 363–5). In the mid-eighteenth century these people (the Souliotes) were a semi-autonomous community …”
- Arthur Foss (1978). Epirus. Faber. pp. 160–161. “The Souliots were a tribe or clan of Christian Albanians who settled among these spectacular but inhospitable mountains during the fourteenth or fifteenth century…. The Souliots, like other Albanians, were great dandies. They wore red skull caps, fleecy capotes thrown carelessly over their shoulders, embroidered jackets, scarlet buskins, slippers with pointed toes and white kilts.”
- Nina Athanassoglou-Kallmyer (1983), "Of Suliots, Arnauts, Albanians and Eugène Delacroix". The Burlington Magazine. p. 487. “The Albanians were a mountain population from the region of Epirus, in the north-west part of the Ottoman Empire. They were predominantly Muslim. The Suliots were a Christian Albanian tribe, which in the eighteenth century settled in a mountainous area close to the town of Jannina. They struggled to remain independent and fiercely resisted Ali Pasha, the tyrannic ruler of Epirus. They were defeated in 1822 and, banished from their homeland, took refuge in the Ionian Islands. It was there that Lord Byron recruited a number of them to form his private guard, prior to his arrival in Missolonghi in 1824. Arnauts was the name given by the Turks to the Albanians”.
- Balázs Trencsényi, Michal Kopecek: Discourses of Collective Identity in Central and Southeast Europe (1770–1945): The Formation of National Movements. Central European University Press, 2006,
- ^ Fleming 2014, p. 47.
- ^ Camaj, Martin, & Leonard Fox (1984). Albanian grammar: with exercises, chrestomathy and glossaries. Otto Harrassowitz – Verlag. p. 20. "Patronymics in –ot are also included in this category: indef. sg. suljot ‘native of Suli’ – indef. pl. suljótë."
- ^ a b Pappas 1982, p. 24: "Souli gave its name to the confederation, a name whose origins are also unclear."
- ^ Augustinos 1994, p. 320: "Pouqueville, insisting on tracing everything back to antiquity, identified Souli with the ancient Selleis and the Souliots as the descendants of its inhabitants"
- ^ a b c d Psimuli 2016, pp. 134–139
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2006, pp. 141–2.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2006, pp. 142–147. Psimouli writes that S(h)ul-i (=«beam, stake») was perhaps used as a moniker for a tall person, an equivalent of the Greek word «ντερέκι».
- ISBN 960-204-031-9).
- ^ a b Pappas 1982, p. 24
- ^ Pappas 1982, p. 26: "By the end of the eighteenth century, the small commonwealth of Souli reached its zenith in population and fighting forces. According to its leaders' reckoning, by 1800 Souli had a population of 20,000 and a military strength of 2,000."
- ^ Vranousis, Sfyroeras, 1997, p. 254
- ^ Pappas 1982, p. 25
- ^ Pappas 1982, p. 26
- ^ Vranousis & Sfyroeras 1997, p. 248
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2006, pp. 123–124, 142–3.
- ^ a b Hart 1999, p. 202
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2006, pp. 133–4
- ^ Psimuli 2016, p. 250.
- ^ Psimuli 2016, p. 251-53.
- ^ Psimuli 2016, p. 144.
- ^ Psimuli, pp. 152–53.
- ^ Psimuli 2016, p. 154.
- ^ a b c Psimuli 2016, p. 145
- ^ Psimuli 2016, p. 148.
- ^ Psimuli 2016, p. 155.
- ^ Psimuli 2016, p. 399.
- ^ Psimuli 2016, p. 156.
- ^ a b Arthur Foss (1978). Epirus. Faber. pp. 160–161. “The Souliots were a tribe or clan of Christian Albanians who settled among these spectacular but inhospitable mountains during the fourteenth or fifteenth century…. The Souliots, like other Albanians, were great dandies. They wore red skull caps, fleecy capotes thrown carelessly over their shoulders, embroidered jackets, scarlet buskins, slippers with pointed toes and white kilts.”
- ^ Balta, Oğuz & Yaşar 2011, pp. 349, 352
- ^ Balta, Oğuz & Yaşar 2011, p. 356
- ^ Ασδραχάς 1964, pp. 175–177.
- ^ a b Ασδραχάς 1964, p. 178.
- ^ Psimuli 2016, pp. 239–41
- ^ Psimuli 2016, p. 246.
- ^ Psimuli 2016, p. 157.
- ^ a b Psimuli 2016, p. 158
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2006, p. 214
- ^ a b Psimuli 2016, pp. 180–81
- ^ Yochalas Titos (editor, 1980) The Greek-Albanian Dictionary of Markos Botsaris. Academy of Greece, Athens 1980, p. 53. (in Greek):
"Η παρουσία αύτη φαινομένων της ελληνικής συντάξεως εις το αλβανικόν ιδίωμα του Λεξικού είναι δυνατόν να ερμηνευθή κατά δύο τρόπους:- α) Ότι η μητρική γλώσσα του Μπότσαρη και των συνεργατών του ήτο η Ελληνική, ...
- β) Είναι δυνατόν επίσης δυνατόν η επίδρασις της ελληνικής γλώσσης να ήτο τόσον μεγάλη επί της Αλβανικής της ομιλουμένης πιθανώς εις την περιοχήν του Σουλίου ..."
- a) The mother tongue of Botsaris and his coworkers was the Greek ...
- b) It is also possible that the influence of the Greek was so heavy on the Albanian possibly spoken in the area of Souli, ..."
- ISBN 978-1-78076-431-3.
- ^ Baltsiotis (2011). The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece.
The lieutenant of the Greek Army Dimitrios (Takis) Botsaris, after a looting incident during the First Balkan War, pronounces an order that "from this time on every one who will dare to disturb any Christian property will be strictly punished" (see K.D. Sterghiopoulos…, op.cit., pp. 173–174). In pronouncing the order in this manner he left Muslim properties without protection. Botsaris, coming from Souli, was a direct descendant of the Botsaris' family and was fluent in Albanian. He was appointed as lieutenant in charge of a Volunteers' company consisting of persons originating from Epirus and fighting mostly in South Western Epirus.
- ^ Pappas 1982, p. 27.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2006, pp. 215–6
- ^ Protopsaltes G. Emmanouel, The diary of captivity of Fotos Tzavellas 1792–1793), in “Mneme Souliou”, edited by the “Athens Society of the Friends of Souli”, 1973, vol. 2, pp. 213–225, in Greek. The text of the diary is in pp. 226–235.
- ^ Protopsaltes G. Emmanouel, Souli, Souliotes, Bibliotheke Epirotikes Etaireias Athenon (B.H.E.A.), No 53, p. 7, Athens, 1984. In Greek.
- ^ Pappas 1982, p. 27: "...the extent correspodents of Souli with Muslim and Christian leaders in is written in or translated from Greek. The language of the letters of the Souliotes, as well as the sentiments expressed in them, have led one prominent Greek scholar to assert that the basic ethnic and linguistic Component of Souli was Greek rather than Albanian.~note: Protopsaltes, "Souliotika semeiomata" pp 287–292"
- ^ Psimuli 2016, p. 392.
- ^ a b Raça 2012, p. 202. "Për më tepër, shumë nga suljotët sot vazhdojnë të përkujtojnë rrënjët e forta në viset shkëmbore të Sulit dhe nëpërmjet toponimisë nuk e kontestojnë origjinën shqiptare të tyre. Në këtë kontekst, siç bën të ditur albanologu grek me prejardhje shqiptare, Petro Furiqi (Πέτρο Φουρίκης), toponimet si: Qafa, Vira ose Bira, Breku i vetetimesë (Bregu i vetëtimës), Gura, Dhembes (Dhëmbës), Kungje, Murga e Fereza, nuk kanë si të shpjegohen ndryshe, përveçse nëpërmjet gjuhës shqipe." [Moreover, for many Souliotes today continue to commemorate the strong roots in the mountainous areas of Souli and through toponymy it does not dispute their Albanian origins. In this context, as knew the Greek albanologist of Albanian descent, Petro Furiqi (Πέτρο Φουρίκης), those toponyms are: Qafa, Vira or Bira, Breku i vetetimesë (Bregu i vetëtimës), Gura, Dhembes (Dhëmbës), Kungje, Murga and Fereza, have no other way of being explained, except through Albanian.]
- ^ Mammopoulos, Alexandros (1982). "Πόθεν η λέξη Κούγκι κι αλλα" (PDF). Epirotiki Etereia. 9: 3. Retrieved 17 April 2020.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2006, pp. 147, 148.
- ^ a b c Vranousis & Sfyroeras 1997, p. 247
- ^ Psimuli 2016, pp. 359–60.
- ^ a b Sfyroeras & Vranousis 1997, p. 47
- ^ a b Psimuli 2016, pp. 360–61
- ^ Pappas 1982, p. 26: "From 1721 to 1772, the Souliotes repulsed six punitive expeditions launched against them by pasas and be vs. and at the same time expanded their polity at the expense of the latter. By the end of the eighteenth century, the small commonwealth of Souli reached its zenith in population and fighting forces. According to its leaders' reckoning, by 1800 Souli had a population of 20,000 and a military strength of 2,000."
- ^ Papadopoulos Stefanos, "The Greek Revolution of 1770 and its impact on the Greek area", History of the Greek Nation, 1975, vol. 11, p. 76. In Grek (Παπαδόπουλος Στέφανος, "Η Ελληνική Επανάσταση του 1770 και ο αντίκτυπός της στις Ελληνικές χώρες", Ιστορία του Ελληνικού Έθνους, 1975, τ. 11, σ. 76.
- ^ a b c Nikolopoulou, 2013, p. 239
- ^ Psimuli 2016, p. 382-84.
- ^ Psimuli 2016, p. 385-87
- ^ a b Vranousis, Sfyroeras, 1997, p. 249
- ^ a b c Pappas 1982, p. 252
- ^ Pappas 1982, p. 253: "Ali immediately ordered an all out attack on Souli in July 1792 with... The Souliotes accepted negotiations and presented the terms which included: the exchange of hostaged Souliotes for prisoners taken from among Ali's troops, the return of all Parasouliote villages to the Souliote confederation"
- ^ Psimuli 2016, p. 410.
- ^ a b Pappas 1982, p. 254
- ^ a b Psimuli 2016, p. 411
- ^ Pappas 1982, p. 255
- ^ a b c d Pappas 1982, p. 256
- ^ Pappas 1982, p. 257
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2006, pp. 430–436.
- ^ Psimuli 2016, pp. 451–52.
- ^ Rados N. Konstantinos, Οι Σουλιώται και οι Αρματωλοί εν Επτανήσω (1804–1815). Η Λεγεών των "Ελαφρών Κυνηγετών" – Το "Αλβανικόν Σύνταγμα" – Τα δύο συντάγματα του "ελαφρού ελληνικού πεζικού του δουκός της Υόρκης". Athens, 1916, pp. 47, 48.
- ^ Legrand Emile, Bibliographie Ionienne ... des ouvrages publies par les Grecs des Sept-Iles. Paris, 1910, vol. 1, pp. 202, 203, article 699.
- ^ a b c Pappas 1982
- ^ ISBN 9780914710899.
- ^ Bode, Andreas (1975). «Albaner und Griechen als Kolonisten in Neurussland"», Beitrage zur Kenntnis Sudosteuropas und des Nahen Orients, Munchen, vol. 16 (1975), pp. 29–35, cited in: Les Grecs en Russie/Les colonies militaires, Oct. 1995, by Sophie Dascalopoulos (Prof.) – Vernicos Nicolas (Prof.) Archived 2012-06-14 at the Wayback Machine"We remark that the term "Albanian" is not an ethnic qualification but, as the terms "Zouave" and "Dragon", is used as generic to certain corps of infantry, formations of mercenaries recruited among Christians of Turkey. The Albanian Regiments were used also by the Italians and the French".
- ^ Boppe Auguste, Le Régiment Albanais (1807–1814), Berger-Levrault & Cie, Paris, 1902. p. 11.
- ^ Χατζηλύρας, Αλέξανδρος-Μιχαήλ. "H Ελληνική Σημαία. H ιστορία και οι παραλλαγές της κατά την Επανάσταση – Η σημασία και η καθιέρωσή της" (PDF). Hellenic Army General Stuff. Retrieved 17 April 2012.
- ^ a b c Ψιμούλη 2021, p. 34 .
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 24.
- ^ Skiotis 1976, pp. 105–106: "Ali's appeals were, of course, addressed primarily to the Kapitanioi of the Greek contingents in the Ottoman army. In addition , however , to the detachments of armatoloi already in the mainland , there were also numerous klephts and mountain tribesmen such as the Souliotes who had crossed over from the Ionian islands to Epirus at Ottoman invitation There had been over 3,000 of these fighting men in the islands, men who had been forced to flee from Ali's dominions as he had gradually extended his rule over Rumely. While in exile, they had served under the banner of whichever power held the islands, but the British had disbanded their regiments at the end of the Napoleonic wars. Unable any longer to make their living as soldiers , they were a destitute and bitter group which longed for some radical change in their political situation that would enable them to return to their homeland. Kapodistrias, a native Corfiote serving as Russian foreign minister, who knew most of the exiled chieftains from visiting the island in 1819, was extremely concerned about their plight and suspected that the British on the islands and Ali Pasha on the mainland were acting in concert to destroy what we may call the "military" Greeks. When both Ali Pasha and the Ottomans had requested their assistance in the summer of 1820, it was Kapodistrias who had encouraged them to take advantage of this opportunity to regain their ancestral villages. In fact, though certainly no revolutionary himself, he was so emphatic on that point he let it be known to Ypsilantes, who had been chosen the leader of the Hetaireia, that he endorsed the right of the "military" Greeks - "those Greeks who bear arms" to defend themselves against whatever foe attacked them, "as they have done for centuries". But the sanctioning of even limited rebellion by the foreign minister of the world's leading Orthodox power -made known to the chieftains by his two brothers in Corfu - could not but have serious repercussions in the months ahead. On several occasions in the past, these heroic mountain warriors had formed the shock-troops of peasant rebellion and consequently they had a powerful hold over the minds of the vast majority of the Greek people. It was not realistic to assume that the people would remained uninvolved while the military Greeks did battle with the Ottomans."
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 24-26.
- ^ Tzakis 2021, p. 209
- ^ Τρικούπης, Σπυρίδων (1853). Ιστορία της Ελληνικής Επαναστάσεως. Vol. 1. London: Taylor and Francis. p. 198.
ὁ ἀρχιστράτηγος τῆς Πύλης Ἰσμαὴλ-πασᾶς, ὁ καὶ Πασόμπεης
- ^ a b Fleming 2014, pp. 59, 63, Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 26-27.
- ^ Tzakis 2021, p. 209
- ISBN 978-960-213-371-2.
- ^ Skiotis 1976, p. 106-7
- ^ a b c Roudometof 2001, p. 25.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 27.
- ^ Skiotis 1976, pp. 106–107: "The news of the rising of the most famous and heroic among the Greeks could not fail but spread like wildfire through the land. Kasomoules, a contemporary memoirist, recalls that “the trumpet sounded from the north in the month of December and all Greeks, even in the most remote places were inspired by its call.” “If ever the cry of liberty is heard in Greece,” wrote the French consul in Patras, “it will come from the mountains of Epirus! According to all indications the moment has arrived.” Soon there were other Greek fighting men from the Ottoman camp, and neighboring mountain tribesmen joined with the Souliotes. In January even the Muslim Albanians, who had enjoyed a privileged position during Ali's rule, and resented Ottoman oppression as much as the Greeks, signed a formal pact with the Souliotes."
- ^ Skiotis 1976, p. 106: "Not surprisingly, the warlike and independent Souliotes, who like the other Greeks had been repeatedly mistreated by the Ottoman and who were especially close to the Kapodistrias brothers, were the first to rebel against the sultan (on 7/19 December) and ally themselves with Ali Pasha. They undoubtedly knew of the Hetaireia (as did everybody else by this time) but their purpose in revolting was most probably of a local nature: to regain the barren villages they had been forced to abandon seventeen years before..."
- hdl:10442/hedi/12856.) writes that at the time "neither Markos Botsaris nor the rest of the Souliots seem to know the Filiki Etaireia or the vision and the goals of the Greek Struggle for Independence."
... Οι συνεννοήσεις Σουλιωτών και μουσουλμάνων Αλβανών για την υπεράσπιση του Αλή πασά, οι οποίες οδήγησαν σε γραπτή συμφωνία (15/27 Ιανουαρίου 1821) στο Σούλι, ήταν σύμφωνες με τις θέσεις του Αλέξανδρου Υψηλάντη για την προετοιμασία της ελληνικής επανάστασης.
Regarding the question of the Souliots being aware of the Filiki Etaireia, Skiotis 1976, p. 106 writes that "They [=the Souliotes] undoubtedly knew of the Hetaireia (as did everybody else at the time)", while Mazower 2021, p. 44 writes that "the Souliot chieftains knew nothing about the Etaireia" when "Perraivos decided to confide what he called “the great purpose of the race" to them and produced a letter written by Ypsilantis and Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 31=Ψιμούλη 2021, p. 34 - ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 30, 32.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 32-34, 36-37, Mazower 2021, pp. 43–44 .
- ^ Tzakis 2021, p. 208-9, 210-1
- ^ Skiotis, 1976, p. 107: “In fact the astonishing progress of Greek arms in Epirus and the solidarity between the kapetanaioi there and Ali Pasha seems to have taken the top Hetairists in the Ottoman capital and Russia by surprise.”
- ^ Mazower 2021, p. 117 , Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 38-39.
- ^ Tzakis 2021, p. 211-2
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 39-41.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 43, 34, Mazower 2021, pp. 117–118 .
- ^ Tzakis 2021, p. 212
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 43-46, Mazower 2021, pp. 118–119 .
- ^ Mazower 2021, p. 118 : "No more was needed by way of confirmation... faith and ruler".
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 46
- ^ Odysseas Betsos, "Fots Boboris. An 1821 fighter from Krania", (Οδυσσέας Μπέτσος, «Φώτος Μπόμπορης. Ένας αγωνιστής του '21 από την Κρανιά.», Epiroton Koinon (Ηπειρωτών Κοινόν) 1, Preveza 2005, pp. 111–118. In Greek.
- ^ Giorgos I. Mustakis, "From our local parliamental history" (Γιώργος Ι. Μουστάκης, Από την κοινοβουλευτική ιστορία του τόπου μας), Ta Prevezanika, Published by the Municipal Library of Preveza, (Τα Πρεβεζάνικα), έκδοση της Δημοτικής Βιβλιοθήκης της Πρέβεζας, 2002, p. 405. In Greek
- ^ Giorgos I. Moustakis, "Από την κοινοβουλευτική ιστορία του τόπου μας", Τα Πρεβεζάνικα, publication of the Municipal Library of Preveza, Preveza, 2002, p. 405.
- ^ Lampros Giannu Kutsonikas, Genikē historia tēs Hellēnikēs epanastaseōs, 1864, vol. 2, p. 164. In Greek. (Λάμπρος Γ. Κουτσονίκας, Γενική Ιστορία της Ελληνικής Επαναστάσεως). Available in the Web. "Πληρεξούσιος των Σουλιωτών εστάλη ο Φώτιος Μπόμπορης".
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 46-7
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 46, 50–51.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 51–3.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 54–6.
- ^ Tzakis 2021, p. 213-5, 216-7
- Splantza to Asos. See Ψιμούλη 2021, p. 36)
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 61-4.
- ^ Tsiamalos 2007, pp. 254.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 61–2.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2021, pp. 37 , Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 65-6, 72.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 72–3.
- ^ a b Tsiamalos 2007, pp. 254–55.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 74.
- ^ Tsiamalos 2007, pp. 256.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 77–9. Spyridon Trikoupis describes this as a reaction to his perceived demotion, while Nikolaos Kasomoulis attributed his act to his hostility with fara of the Tzavellaioi.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 80–3
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 83–5.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 89
- ^ Koliopoulos 1987, p. 59, Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 89.
- ^ Διακάκης 2019, p. 136.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 90–1, Koliopoulos 1987, p. 59.
- ^ a b Tsiamalos 2007, pp. 257.
- ^ Κοτσώνης 2020, p. 92.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 90, Διακάκης 2019, p. 136-7.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 90, Koliopoulos 1987, p. 59, Διακάκης 2019, p. 136-7.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2006, p. 470-1.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2021, pp. 39–40 .
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2021, p. 40 .
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2021, p. 40 , Διακάκης 2019, p. 307-8.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2021, p. 40 .
- ^ a b Nikolopoulou, 2013, p. 301
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2021, p. 40
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2006, p. 471.
- ISBN 9783835345959.
- ISBN 9783406630323.
- ISBN 9789604007561.
- ^ University of Chicago (1946), Encyclopædia britannica: a new survey of universal knowledge, Volume 3, Encyclopædia britannica, Inc., p. 957,
Marco Botsaris's brother Kosta (Constantine), who fought at Karpenisi and completed the victory, lived to become a general and senator in the Greek Kingdom. Kosta died in 1853..
- ^ Kostavasilis 2002, p. 27-28.
- ^ Kostavasilis 2002, p. 11.
- ^ Kostavasilis 2002, pp. 15–16
- ^ Kostavasilis 2002, p. 35
- ^ Kostavasilis 2002, p. 16.
- ^ Kostavasilis 2002, p. 25.
- ^ Kostavasilis 2002, p. 44.
- ^ Kostavasilis 2002, pp. 42–43.
- ^ Kostavasilis 2002, p. 146.
- ^ Kostavasilis 2002, p. 65: «Είμεθα βιασμένοι να αφήσωμεν την ποθητήν (...) Ελλάδα εις την οποίαν ηγωνίσθημεν ενθέρμως (...) να υπάγωμεν εις ξένην γην ζητούντες πόρον ζωής».
- ^ Kostavasilis 2002, p. 149.
- ^ Kostavasilis 2002, p. 150.
- ISBN 978-3-486-57597-2, p. 262
- ^ Ελευθερία Νικολαΐδου (1997). "Εσωτερικές εξελίξεις (1830-1913)". In Μ. Β. Σακελλαρίου (ed.). Ηπειρος : 4000 χρόνια ελληνικής ιστορίας και πολιτισμού. Αθήνα: Εκδοτική Αθηνών. p. 310.
- ^ University of Chicago. Encyclopædia britannica: a new survey of universal knowledge. Encyclopædia Britannica, inc., 1946, p. 957
- ^ Alexandros L. Zaousēs, Hetairia Meletēs Hellēnikēs Historias. Οι δύο όχθες, 1939–1945: μία προσπάθεια για εθνική συμφιλίωση. Ekdoseis Papazēsē, 1987, p. 110.
- ^ a b Nußberger & Stoppel, p. 8: "war im ubrigen noch keinerlei Nationalbewustsein anzutreffen, den nicht nationale, sodern religiose Kriterien bestimmten die Zugehorigkeit zu einer sozialen Gruppe, wobei alle Orthodoxe Christen unisono als Griechen galten, wahrend "Turk" fur Muslimen stand..." (...all Orthodox Christians were considered as "Greeks", while in the same fashion Muslims as "Turks")
- ^ In the late 1790s, Balkan Orthodox Christians routinely referred to themselves as “Christians”. Within the Ottoman Empire, these Greek Orthodox urban and mercantile strata were referred to by the Ottomans, the Church, and themselves as Rayah, Christians, or “Romans”, that is, members of the Rum millet. The name Roman was a legacy of history, not a factual identification of race or ethnicity. The term Roman originally designated a citizen of the Eastern Roman Empire. The Ottomans employed the term Rayah to imply all land cultivators regardless of religion; but in practice, in the Ottoman Balkans, this term meant the Orthodox Christians. For the Western audience in Germany, Austria, and Hungary, Greek Orthodox was synonymous with Orthodoxy. From Rum Millet to Greek Nation: Enlightenment, Secularization, and National Identity in Ottoman Balkan Society, 1453–1821, Victor Roudometof, p. 19 Archived 2016-03-04 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Schwandner-Sievers & Fischer 2002, p. 50
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2006, p. 189.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2006, p. 298-299.
- ISBN 9780698163980.
In fact, nationalism was an entirely alien concept to these Christian Albanians and they certainly did not see themselves as leading 'Greek armies': the following year they would even tell the Russian Tsar – in a confidential message begging for assistance – that 'we don't have anything in common with the other Greeks'. They felt generally closer to their fellow Albanian Muslims than they did to the Greeks, and Ypsilantis's rhetoric surely counted for less than the trust the Souliots placed in Perraivos himself.
- ISBN 9780914710899.
Their contribution in that conflict, although less well known, can be compared to those of the Souliotes on land and the Hydriotes and Spetsiotes at sea. These people, like the Cheimarriotes, were known to be Albanian-speaking or bilingual, yet they identified themselves wholly with the Greek national cause.
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2002, pp. 255–256
- ^ Ψιμούλη 2021, p. 34
- ^ Psalidas Ath. "History of the siege of Ioannina, 1820–1822", (Αθ. Ψαλίδας, "Ιστορία της πολιορκίας των Ιωαννίνων, 1820–1822") ed. 1962, in K.D. Stergiopoulos "The peculiarity of the military operations in Epirus in 1821" (Κ.Δ. Στεργιόπουλος, "Η ιδιομορφία των επιχειρήσεων Ηπείρου το 1821"), Ηπειρωτική Εστία, Νο. 289–290 (1976), pp 310, 311 "... the road Arta-Preveza-Paramythia is closed by insurgents thiefs [klefts] Souliotes and Arvanites " (text in italics is in quotation marks in the source). In Greek.
- ^ Kallivretakis, Leonidas (1995). "Η ελληνική κοινότητα της Αλβανίας υπό το πρίσμα της ιστορικής γεωγραφίας και δημογραφίας [The Greek Community of Albania in terms of historical geography and demography." In Nikolakopoulos, Ilias, Kouloubis Theodoros A. & Thanos M. Veremis (eds). Ο Ελληνισμός της Αλβανίας [The Greeks of Albania]. University of Athens. p. 36, 47: "Οι κατοικούντες εις Παραμυθίαν και Δέλβινον λέγονται Τζαμηδες και ο τόπος Τζαμουριά», δίδασκε ο Αθανάσιος Ψαλίδας στις αρχές του 19ου αιώνα και συνέχιζε: «Κατοικείται από Γραικούς και Αλβανούς· οι πρώτοι είναι περισσότεροι», ενώ διέκρινε τους δεύτερους σε Αλβανούς Χριστιανούς και Αλβανούς Μουσουλμάνους." Στην Τσαμουριά υπάγει επίσης την περιφέρεια της Πάργας, χωρίς να διευκρινίζει τον εθνοπολιτισμικό της χαρακτήρα, καθώς και τα χωριά του Σουλίου, κατοικούμενα από «Γραικούς πολεμιστές».
- ^ a b c d Potts 2014, p. 110.
- ^ Janion, 2015, p. 16: "... the travelers who were the authors of the majority of early works about Suli might have misunderstood the cultural and political reality of Epirus. They hardly ever knew the Greek language, not to mention Albanian, and in most cases, they were dependent on their guides
- ^ Murawska-Muthesius 2021, pp. 77–78.
- ^ a b Potts 2014, p. 108.
- ^ a b c d e Potts 2014, p. 109.
- ^ Fleming 2014, p. 66
- ^ a b Raça, Shkëlzen (2012). "Disa Aspekte Studimore Mbi Sulin Dhe Suljotët [Some research aspects regarding Souli and the Souliotes]". Studime Historike. 1 (2): 215. "Αλβανήτες", d.m.th., shqiptare i identifikon edhe Eleni Karakicu, bashkëshortja e pare e Marko Boçarit. Ajo në fakt drejton një kundër akuzë ndaj tij e familjes së tij, si përgjigje rreth një procesi gjyqësor për çështje shkurorëzimi të parashtruar nga vetë Marko Boçari më 1810, në shtatë ujdhesat e Detit Jon. Ndërmjet tjerash, Karakicu akuzon indiferencën e vjehrrive të saj me fjalët: Nëse ai i kishte të gjitha gjërat në duart e veta, se vjehrri dhe vjehrra ime nuk vendosen ta zënë e ta vrasin, sa Kostën e Stathit, po aq edhe këtë ta bëjnë per mua dhe se sipas tyre e kanë tradhtuar, atëherë veprimi i tillë është borxh dhe ligj për shqiptarët, që të lahen nga mëkati." "["Alvanites", or in other words Albanians is how Eleni Karakitsou, the wife of Markos Botsaris identifies them. It relates to an accusation against his family to answer questions in a divorce case trial filed by Markos Botsaris in 1810 in the Septinsular islands of the Ionian Sea. Among other things, Karakitsou accuses her in-laws of indifference with the words: He had everything in his hands, because my father in law and mother in law decided not catch and to kill him, like Kosta and Stathi, yet they did not do this for me and I believe they have betrayed me and such an action is owed and law for Albanians, so as to brush away those sins."
- ^ Potts 2010, p. 186: "Spiros Katsaros argues (1984) that the Suliots were much better off in Corfu, anyway. To the Corfiots, he suggests, in the period 1804–14, the Suliots were simply armed Albanian refugees, who were displacing them from their properties ... foreigners required to be housed at a short notice, prepared to squat illegally whenever necessary, needing to be taught Greek ... On these questions Katsaros is at odds with another Corfiot writer about the Suliots (himself of Suliot origins), D. Karamoutsos."
- ^ a b c Potts 2014, pp. 107–108 "While the Corfiot historian, K. D. Karamoutsos, in his study of Souliot genealogies (or lineages) does not disagree on the question of the vendetta, he has little time for what he considers extensive “misinformation” on the part of Katsaros. Karamoutsos has a more sympathetic view of the Souliots, insisting that no respectable historian could categorize them as members of the Albanian nation simply on the grounds that they had their roots in the centre of present-day Albania and could speak Albanian. On the contrary, he argues, they were 100% Orthodox and bilingual, speaking Greek as well as Albanian; he says that their names, customs, costumes and consciousness were Greek, and that they maintained Greek styles of housing and family structures. He accepts that some historians might place their forebears in the category of akrites, or border guards, of the Byzantine Empire. When they came to Corfu, the Souliots were usually registered in official documents, he says, as Albanesi or Suliotti. They were, he concludes, a special group, a Greek-Albanian people (ellinoarvanites). Vasso Psimouli, on the other hand, takes for granted that the Souliots were of Albanian origin. According to her, they first settled in Epirus at the end of the fourteenth century, but they were not cut off from the Greek-speaking population around them. They spoke Albanian at home but they soon began to use Greek. As these varying opinions suggest, Greek academics have not been able to agree whether the Souliots were Albanian, Albanian-speaking Greeks, or a mixture of Greeks and Hellenized Christian Albanians who had settled in northern Greece. The issue of the origin and ethnicity of the Souliots is very much a live and controversial issue in Greece today. Foreign writers have been equally divided."
- ^ "The Greek Flag and its History" (PDF). Hellenic Navy Academy. p. 5. Retrieved 30 July 2018.
- ^ Hart 1999, "Finlay's late 19th century impression gives some impressions of the social complexity of social categories in this area. To begin with, the Souliotes (celebrated by Byron and in Greek national history for their role in the liberation of Greece) were a "branch of the Tchamides, one of the three great divisions of the Tosks" (Finlay 1939:42)-in other words they initially spoke Albanian... the question of a national identity can hardly be applied here"
- ISBN 978-1-86064-541-9"The Suliots, then numbering around 12,000, were Christian Albanians inhabiting a small independent community somewhat akin to that of the Catholic Mirdite trive to the north
- ISBN 0786724579, p. 187.
- ^ “Greece, The Hidden Centuries” by David Brewer, Greek Reporter, Apr 12, 2010,
- ^ David Brewer (1 November 2011). The Greek War of Independence: The Struggle for Freedom and the Birth of Modern Greece. The Overlook Press. p. 46.
The Souliots were of Albanian origin and like other warrior Albanians lived by plunder and extortion practised on their neighbours.
- ^ Pappas, 1982, p. 42: "But regardless of their origins, in modern times the Souliotes have been looked upon as Orthodox Christian Albanians who identified themselves with the Greeks."
- ^ Pappas, 1982, p. 27: "Testimony to their hellenic orientation emerges in the overwhelming majority of Greek ballads in the cycle's of Souli's wars."
- ^ Woodhouse, Christopher Montague (1968). A Short History of Modern Greece. Praeger. p. 122.
- ^ Clogg, R. (2002). Minorities in Greece: Aspects of a Plural Society. Hurst. p. 178.
- ISBN 1-85065-462-X, 9781850654629 p. 184 describes Souliotes as "Orthodox and partly hellenized Albanian tribes".
- ^ Koliopoulos, John S.; Veremis, Thanos (2002). Greece: The Modern Sequel. From 1831 to the Present. London: Hurst & Co. p. 233.
Albanian-speaking Suliots and Hydriots, Vlach-speaking Thessalians and Epirots, and Slav-speaking Macedonians had fought in insurgent Greece along with the other Greeks, and no one at the time had thought of any of these non-Greek speakers less Greek than the Greek-speakers. When most of the northern Greek fighters settled in southern Greece as refugees, none of them thought, or was made to think, of himself as less of a Greek for speaking little or nothing of the language, notwithstanding the ongoing deate on Greekness and Greek identity.
- ISBN 963-7326-60-X, 9789637326608 p. 173 "The Souliotes were Albanian by origin and Orthodox by faith"
- ^ Fleming 2014, pp. 59, 99, 166
- ^ Fleming 2014, pp. 60.
- ^ Bartl, Peter (2016). Lexikon zur Geschichte Südosteuropas. Böhlau Verlag Wien. p. 921.
- ^ Κοτσώνης 2020, pp. 91–2.
- ^ Thede Kahl (1999). "Die Zagóri-Dörfer in Nordgriechenland: Wirtschaftliche Einheit–ethnische Vielfalt [The Zagori villages in Northern Greece: Economic unit – Ethnic diversity]". Ethnologia Balkanica. 3: 113–114. "Im Laufe der Jahrhunderte hat es mehrfach Ansiedlungen christlich-orthodoxer Albaner (sog. Arvaniten) in verschiedenen Dörfern von Zagóri gegeben. Nachfolger Albanischer Einwanderer, die im 15. Jh. In den zentral- und südgriechischen Raum einwanderten, dürfte es in Zagóri sehr wenige geben (Papageorgíu 1995: 14). Von ihrer Existenz im 15. Jh. wissen wir durch albanische Toponyme (s. Ikonómu1991: 10–11). Von größerer Bedeutung ist die jüngere Gruppe der sogenannten Sulioten – meist albanisch-sprachige Bevölkerung aus dem Raum Súli in Zentral-Epirus – die mit dem Beginn der Abwanderung der Zagorisier für die Wirtschaft von Zagóri an Bedeutung gewannen. Viele von ihnen waren bereits bei ihrer Ankunft in Zagóri zweisprachig, da in Súli Einwohner griechischsprachiger Dörfer zugewandert waren und die albanischsprachige Bevölkerung des Súli-Tales (Lakka-Sulioten) engen Kontakt mit der griechischsprachigen Bevölkerung der weiteren Umgebung (Para-Sulioten) gehabt hatte (Vakalópulos 1992: 91). Viele Arvaniten heirateten in die zagorische Gesellschaft ein, andere wurden von Zagorisiern adoptiert (Nitsiákos 1998: 328) und gingen so schnell in ihrer Gesellschaft auf. Der arvanitische Bevölkerungsanteil war nicht unerheblich. Durch ihren großen Anteil an den Aufstandsbewegungen der Kleften waren die Arvaniten meist gut ausgebildete Kämpfer mit entsprechend großer Erfahrung im Umgang mit Dörfer der Zagorisier zu schützen. Viele Arvaniten nahmen auch verschiedene Hilfsarbeiten an, die wegen der Abwanderung von Zagorisiern sonst niemand hätte ausführen können, wie die Bewachung von Feldern, Häusern und Viehherden."
- S2CID 142733144. "Until the Interwar period Arvanitis (plural Arvanitēs) was the term used by Greek speakers to describe an Albanian speaker regardless of his/hers religious background. In official language of that time the term Alvanos was used instead. The term Arvanitis coined for an Albanian speaker independently of religion and citizenship survives until today in Epirus (see Lambros Baltsiotis and Léonidas Embirikos, “De la formation d’un ethnonyme. Le terme Arvanitis et son evolution dans l’État hellénique”, in G. Grivaud-S. Petmezas (eds.), Byzantina et Moderna, Alexandreia, Athens, 2006, pp. 417–448."
- ^ Ψιμούλη 1995, p. 159
- ^ a b Baltsiotis. The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece. 2011. "The fact that the Christian communities within the territory which was claimed by Greece from the mid-19th century until 1946, known after 1913 as Northern Epirus, spoke Albanian, Greek and Aromanian (Vlach), was dealt with by the adoption of two different policies by Greek state institutions. The first policy was to take measures to hide the language(s) the population spoke, as we have seen in the case of “Southern Epirus”. The second was to put forth the argument that the language used by the population had no relation to their national affiliation. To this effect the state provided striking examples of Albanian-speaking individuals (from southern Greece or the Souliotēs) who were leading figures in the Greek state. As we will discuss below, under the prevalent ideology in Greece at the time every Orthodox Christian was considered Greek, and conversely after 1913, when the territory which from then onwards was called “Northern Epirus” in Greece was ceded to Albania, every Muslim of that area was considered Albanian."
- ^ Ψιμούλη, Βάσω (1996). "Σουλιὼτες: βοσκοί καί ἅρπαγες". Τα Ιστορικά. 24–25: 13.
- ^ Vranousis, Sfyroeras, 1997, p. 248: "According to C. Paparregopoulos, the Souliots were "a mixture of Greeks and Hellenized Albanians", and he goes on to say that "the Albanian tribe fortified the most noble the combatitive spirit of the Greek, and the Greek inspired in the Albanian the most noble sentiments of love of one's country, love of learning and the rule of law"
- ISBN 978-3-631-66991-4.
- ISBN 978-3-631-66991-4.
- ISBN 978-3-631-66991-4.
- ISBN 978-3-631-66991-4.
- ^ Mazower, 2021, p. 10
- ^ Pappas 1982, p. 296: "Aside from the Souliote cycle of folksongs in Greek and Albanian"
- hdl:10442/hedi/27097. Retrieved 25 August 2022.)
Ο Fauriel, εκδίδει το 1824 την πρώτη συλλογή ελληνικών δημοτικών τραγουδιών που αποτελεί και την πρώτη συλλογή υλικού για την περιοχή του Σουλίου. Η πρώτη, όπως έχουμε αναφέρει στην Εισαγωγή, συστηματική προσπάθεια συλλογής και καταγραφής των σουλιώτικων τραγουδιών σε σχέση με τα ιστορικά γεγονότα της εποχής, γίνεται από τον Fauriel το 1824. Από τότε και έπειτα η λαογραφία έχει να αναδείξει ένα σημαντικό αριθμό συλλογών, στις οποίες παρουσιάζεται το ποιητικό κείμενο των τραγουδιών, άλλοτε χωρίς σχολιασμό και άλλοτε133 συνοδευόμενο από το σχόλιο του αντίστοιχου ιστορικού γεγονότ
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(help - ^ Zervas 2016, pp. 116–117.
- ^ Skendi 1954, p. 13: "In 1878, Alvanikē melissa — Bleta Shqiptare (The Albanian Bee) appeared in Greek script in Alexandria, Egypt. It is one of the best Albanian collections, despite the fact that Efthim Mitko, the col-lector, was not in a position to be in direct contact with the people because he left Albania while young and lived in Egypt. The most important part of his collection are the lyric poems. Of the heroic songs, 97 are in the dialect of southern Albania and 26 in that of northern Albania. They celebrate exploits of beys, the heroes of Suli, and the battles of the Albanians in various parts of the Turkish Empire."
- ^ Skendi 1954, p. 173: "There is a variety of rhymes and assonances in the Albanian heroic songs. The most common pattern is a, a, but these can also be a, a, or a, a, a, a. There are other songs which follow the model a, b, a, b. Sometimes we find the same rhyme or assonance for a considerable number of lines. In "The Song of Marko Boçari from Suli" (Mitko, ed. Pekmezi, pp. 141—143), containing more than seventy octosyllabic lines, only six end in y, all the other lines have as a rhyme or asso-nance i."
- ISBN 978-1-4438-6278-3.
- ^ Nikolopoulous, 2013, p. 302
- ISBN 978-1-350-12114-0.
External links
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