Soviet Union–United States relations
Soviet Union |
United States |
---|---|
Diplomatic mission | |
Embassy of the Soviet Union, Washington, D.C. | Embassy of the United States, Moscow |
Envoy | |
Ambassador Maxim Litvinov (first) Viktor Komplektov (last) | Ambassador William C. Bullitt Jr. (first) Robert S. Strauss (last) |
Relations between the
History
Pre-World War II relations (1917–1939)
Provisional Government
In wake of the
Hoping the fledgling parliamentary democracy that would reinvigorate Russian contributions to the war, President Wilson took sizable strides to build a relationship with the Provisional Government. The day following his request declaration of war on Germany, Wilson began offering American governmental credits to the new Russian government totaling $325 million — about half of which was actually used. Wilson also dispatched the Root Mission, a delegation led by Elihu Root and inclusive of leaders from the American Federation of Labor, YMCA, and the International Harvester company, to Petrograd to negotiate means through which the United States could encourage further Russian commitment to the war.[5] By product of poorly chosen delegates, a lack of interest from those delegates, and a significant inattention to the role and influence of the Petrograd Soviet (some members of which were opposed to the continuing Russian war effort), the mission made little benefit to either nation. Despite the satisfactory reports returning from Petrograd, whose impression of the nation's conditions came directly from the Provisional Government, American consular and military officials in closer contact with the populace and army occasionally warned Washington to be more skeptical in their assumptions about the new government. Nonetheless, the American government and public were caught off-guard and bewildered by the fall of the Provisional Government in the October Revolution.[1][5][6]
Soviet Russia
After the Bolshevik takeover of Russia in the October Revolution, Vladimir Lenin withdrew Russia from the First World War, allowing Germany to reallocate troops to face the Allied forces on the Western Front. This caused the Allied Powers to regard the new Russian government as traitorous for violating the Triple Entente terms against a separate peace.[7] Concurrently, President Wilson became increasingly aware of the human rights violations perpetuated by the new Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, and opposed the new regime's militant atheism and advocacy of a command economy. He also was concerned that communism would spread to the remainder of the Western world, and intended his landmark Fourteen Points partially to provide liberal democracy as an alternative worldwide ideology to Communism.[8][9]
However, President Wilson also believed that the new country would eventually transition to a free-market economy after the end of the chaos of the Russian Civil War, and that intervention against Soviet Russia would only turn the country against the United States. He likewise advocated a policy of noninterference in the war in the Fourteen Points, although he argued that the former Russian Empire's Polish territory should be ceded to the newly independent Second Polish Republic. Additionally many of Wilson's political opponents in the United States, including the Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee Henry Cabot Lodge, believed that an independent Ukraine should be established. Despite this, the United States, as a result of the fear of Japanese expansion into Russian-held territory and their support for the Allied-aligned Czech Legion, sent a small number of troops to Northern Russia and Siberia. The United States also provided indirect aid such as food and supplies to the White Army.[7][10][8]
At the
American relief and Russian famine of 1921
Under
At its peak, the ARA employed 300 Americans, more than 120,000 Russians and fed 10.5 million people daily. Its Russian operations were headed by Col.
The ARA's operations in Russia were shut down on June 15, 1923, after it was discovered that Russia under Lenin renewed the export of grain.[16]
Early trade
Leaders of American foreign policy remain convinced that the Soviet Union, which was founded by Soviet Russia in 1922, was a hostile threat to American values. Republican Secretary of State
Meanwhile, Great Britain took the lead in reopening relations with Moscow, especially trade, although they remained suspicious of communist subversion, and angry at the Kremlin's repudiation of Russian debts. Outside Washington, there was some American support for renewed relationships, especially in terms of technology.[21] Henry Ford, committed to the belief that international trade was the best way to avoid warfare, used his Ford Motor Company to build a truck industry and introduce tractors into Russia. Architect Albert Kahn became a consultant for all industrial construction in the Soviet Union in 1930.[22] A few intellectuals on the left showed an interest. After 1930, a number of activist intellectuals have become members of the Communist Party USA, or fellow travelers, and drummed up support for the Soviet Union. The American labor movement was divided, with the American Federation of Labor (AFL) an anti-communist stronghold, while left-wing elements in the late 1930s formed the rival Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). The CPUSA played a major role in the CIO until its members were removed beginning in 1946, and American organized labor became strongly anti-Soviet.[23]
Founded in 1924, Amtorg Trading Corporation, based in New York, was the main organization governing trade between the USSR and the US.[24] By 1946, Amtorg organized a multi-million dollar trade.[25] Amtorg handled almost all exports from the USSR, comprising mostly lumber, furs, flax, bristles, and caviar, and all imports of raw materials and machinery for Soviet industry and agriculture. It also provided American companies with information about trade opportunities in the USSR and supplied Soviet industries with technical news and information about American companies.[26][27] Amtorg was also involved in Soviet espionage against the United States.[28] It was joined, in both its trade and espionage roles, by the Soviet Government Purchasing Commission from 1942 onward.[29]
During Lenin's tenure, American businessman Armand Hammer established a pencil factory in the Soviet Union, hiring German craftsmen and shipping American grain into the Soviet Union. Hammer also established asbestos mines and acquired fur trapping facilities east of the Urals. During Lenin's New Economic Policy, which stemmed from the failure of war communism, Armand Hammer became the mediator for 38 international companies in their dealings with the USSR.[30] Before Lenin's death, Hammer negotiated the import of Fordson tractors into the USSR, which served a major role in agricultural mechanization in the country.[31][30] Later, after Stalin came to power, additional deals were negotiated with Hammer as an American–Soviet negotiator.[30]
Historian Harvey Klehr describes that Armand Hammer "met Lenin in 1921 and, in return for a concession to manufacture pencils, agreed to launder Soviet money to benefit communist parties in Europe and America."[32] Historian Edward Jay Epstein noted that "Hammer received extraordinary treatment from Moscow in many ways. He was permitted by the Soviet Government to take millions of dollars worth of Tsarist art out of the country when he returned to the United States in 1932."[33] According to journalist Alan Farnham, "Over the decades Hammer continued traveling to Russia, hobnobbing with its leaders to the point that both the CIA and the FBI suspected him of being a full-fledged agent."[34]
In 1929, Henry Ford made an agreement with the Russians to provide technical aid over nine years in building the first Soviet automobile plant, GAZ, in Gorky (Stalin renamed Nizhny Novgorod after his favorite writer).[35][36] The plant would construct Ford Model A and Model AA trucks.[36] An additional contract for construction of the plant was signed with The Austin Company on August 23, 1929.[37] The contract involved the purchase of $30,000,000 worth of Ford cars and trucks for assembly during the first four years of the plant's operation, after which the plant would gradually switch to Soviet-made components. Ford sent his engineers and technicians to the Soviet Union to help install the equipment and train the workforce, while over a hundred Soviet engineers and technicians were stationed at Ford's plants in Detroit and Dearborn "for the purpose of learning the methods and practice of manufacture and assembly in the Company's plants".[38][39]
Recognition in 1933
By 1933, the American business community, as well as newspaper editors, were calling for diplomatic recognition. The business community was eager for large-scale trade with the Soviet Union. The U.S. government hoped for some repayment on the old tsarist debts, and a promise not to support subversive movements inside the U.S. President
However, there was no progress on the debt issue, and little additional trade. Historians Justus D. Doenecke and Mark A. Stoler note that, "Both nations were soon disillusioned by the accord."[47] Many American businessmen expected a bonus in terms of large-scale trade, but it never materialized, instead being a one-way movement that saw the United States fuel the Soviet Union with technology.[48]
Roosevelt named William Bullitt as ambassador to the USSR from 1933 to 1936. Bullitt arrived in Moscow with high hopes for Soviet–American relations, but his view of the Soviet leadership soured on closer inspection due to the regime's totalitarian nature and terror. By the end of his tenure, Bullitt was openly hostile to the Soviet government. He remained an outspoken anti-communist for the rest of his life.[49][50]
World War II (1939–1945)
Before the Germans decided
Though operational cooperation between the United States and the Soviet Union was notably less than that between other allied powers, the United States nevertheless provided the Soviet Union with huge quantities of weapons, ships, aircraft, rolling stock, strategic materials, and food through the Lend-Lease program. The Americans and the Soviets were as much for war with Germany as for the expansion of an ideological sphere of influence. Before the war, future President Harry S. Truman stated that it did not matter to him if a German or a Russian soldier died so long as either side is losing.[51]
If we see that Germany is winning we ought to help Russia, and if Russia is winning we ought to help Germany, and that way let them kill as many as possible although I don't want to see Hitler victorious under any circumstances.[52]
This quote without its last part later became a staple in Soviet and later Russian propaganda as "evidence" of an American conspiracy to destroy the country.[53][54]
In total, the U.S. deliveries through Lend-Lease amounted to $11
Roughly 17.5 million tons of military equipment, vehicles, industrial supplies, and food were shipped from the Western Hemisphere to the Soviet Union, with 94 percent coming from the United States. For comparison, a total of 22 million tons landed in Europe to supply American forces from January 1942 to May 1945. It has been estimated that American deliveries to the USSR through the Persian Corridor alone were sufficient, by US Army standards, to maintain sixty combat divisions in the line.[61][62]
The United States delivered to the Soviet Union from October 1, 1941, to May 31, 1945, the following: 427,284
Memorandum for the President's Special Assistant Harry Hopkins, Washington, D.C., 10 August 1943:
In World War II Russia occupies a dominant position and is the decisive factor looking toward the defeat of the Axis in Europe. While in Sicily the forces of Great Britain and the United States are being opposed by 2 German divisions, the Russian front is receiving attention of approximately 200 German divisions. Whenever the Allies open a second front on the Continent, it will be decidedly a secondary front to that of Russia; theirs will continue to be the main effort. Without Russia in the war, the Axis cannot be defeated in Europe, and the position of the United Nations becomes precarious. Similarly, Russia’s post-war position in Europe will be a dominant one. With Germany crushed, there is no power in Europe to oppose her tremendous military forces.[65]
Cold War (1947–1991)
United States |
Soviet Union |
---|
The end of World War II saw the resurgence of previous divisions between the two nations. The expansion of communism in Eastern Europe following Germany's defeat saw the Soviet Union takeover Eastern European countries, purge their leadership and intelligentsia, and install puppet communist regime, in effect turning the countries into client or satellite states.[66] This worried the liberal free market economies of the West, particularly the United States, which had established virtual economic and political leadership in Western Europe, helping rebuild the devastated continent and revive and modernize its economy with the Marshall Plan.[67] The Soviet Union, on the other hand, was draining its satellites' resources by having them pay reparations to the USSR or simply looting.[68]
The United States and the Soviet Union nations promoted two opposing economic and political ideologies, and the two nations competed for international influence along these lines. This protracted a geopolitical, ideological, and economic struggle—lasting from the announcement of the Truman Doctrine on March 12, 1947, in response to the Soviet takeover of Eastern Europe, until the dissolution of the Soviet Union on December 26, 1991—is known as the Cold War, a period of nearly 45 years.
The Soviet Union detonated its
After Germany's defeat, the United States sought to help its Western European allies economically with the
In 1949, the Coordinating Committee for Multilateral Export Controls (CoCom) was established by Western governments to monitor the export of sensitive high technology that would improve military effectiveness of members of the Warsaw Pact and certain other countries.
All sides in the Cold War engaged in espionage. The Soviet KGB ("Committee for State Security"), the bureau responsible for foreign espionage and internal surveillance, was famous for its effectiveness. The most famous Soviet operation involved its atomic spies that delivered crucial information from the United States' Manhattan Project, leading the USSR to detonate its first nuclear weapon in 1949, four years after the American detonation and much sooner than expected.[74][75] A massive network of informants throughout the Soviet Union was used to monitor dissent from official Soviet politics and morals.[76][77]
Détente
Détente began in 1969, as a core element of the foreign policy of president Richard Nixon and his top advisor Henry Kissinger. They wanted to end the containment policy and gain friendlier relations with the USSR and China. Those two were bitter rivals and Nixon expected they would go along with Washington as to not give the other rival an advantage. One of Nixon's terms is that both nations had to stop helping North Vietnam in the Vietnam War, which they did. Nixon and Kissinger promoted greater dialogue with the Soviet government, including regular summit meetings and negotiations over arms control and other bilateral agreements. Brezhnev met with Nixon at summits in Moscow in 1972, in Washington in 1973, and, again in Moscow and Kiev in 1974. They became personal friends.[78][79] Détente was known in Russian as разрядка (razryadka, loosely meaning "relaxation of tension").[80]
The period was characterized by the signing of treaties such as
After the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962, the two superpowers agreed to install a direct hotline between Washington, D.C., and Moscow (the so-called red telephone), enabling leaders of both countries to quickly interact with each other in a time of urgency, and reduce the chances that future crises could escalate into an all-out war. The U.S./USSR détente was presented as an applied extension of that thinking. The SALT II pact of the late 1970s continued the work of the SALT I talks, ensuring further reduction in arms by the USSR and by the U.S. The Helsinki Accords, in which the Soviets promised to grant free elections in Europe, has been called a major concession to ensure peace by the Soviets.
In practice, the Soviet government significantly curbed the
The pro-Soviet American business magnate Armand Hammer of Occidental Petroleum often mediated trade relations. Author Daniel Yergin, in his book The Prize, writes that Hammer "ended up as a go-between for five Soviet General Secretaries and seven U.S. Presidents."[87] Hammer had extensive business relationship in the Soviet Union stretching back to the 1920s with Lenin's approval.[88][89] According to Christian Science Monitor in 1980, "although his business dealings with the Soviet Union were cut short when Stalin came to power, he had more or less single-handedly laid the groundwork for the [1980] state of Western trade with the Soviet Union."[88] In 1974, Brezhnev "publicly recognized Hammer's role in facilitating East-West trade." By 1981, according to the New York Times in that year, Hammer was on a "first-name basis with Leonid Brezhnev."[89]
Resumption and thaw of the Cold War
Tensions in détente
Despite the otherwise improvement in relations, various tensions would appear during détente. These included the
Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and end of détente
Détente, also described as linkage policy in the West, was challenged by proxy conflicts and increasing Soviet interventions, which included the Second Yemenite War of 1979.[95] The period of détente ended after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, which led to the United States-led 66-nation boycott of the 1980 Olympics in Moscow. The United States, Pakistan, and their allies supported the rebels. To punish Moscow, President Jimmy Carter imposed a grain embargo.[96] Carter also recalled the US Ambassador Thomas J. Watson from Moscow,[97] suspended high-technology exports to the Soviet Union[96][98] and limited ammonia imports from the Soviet Union.[99] According to a 1980 paper, the grain embargo hurt American farmers more than it did the Soviet economy. Other nations sold their own grain to the USSR, and the Soviets had ample reserve stocks.[100] President Ronald Reagan resumed sales in 1981.[96] Reagan's election as president in 1980 was further based in large part on an anti-détente campaign.[101] In his first press conference, President Reagan said "Détente's been a one-way street that the Soviet Union has used to pursue its aims."[102] Following this, relations turned increasingly sour with the Soviet repression of anti-occupation resistance in Poland,[103][104] end of the SALT II negotiations,[105] and the subsequent NATO exercise in 1983.[106]
Reagan attacks Soviet Union in "Evil Empire" speech
Reagan escalated the Cold War, accelerating a reversal from the policy of détente, which had begun in 1979 after the
End of the Cold War (1989–1991)
The failing Soviet economy and a disastrous war in Afghanistan contributed to Mikhail Gorbachev's rise to power, who introduced political reforms called glasnost and perestroika aimed at liberalizing the Soviet economy and society. At the Malta Summit of December 1989, both the leaders of the United States and the Soviet Union declared the Cold War over, and the Soviet forces retreated from Afghanistan.[113] In 1991, the two countries were partners in the Gulf War against Iraq, a longtime Soviet ally. On 31 July 1991, the START I treaty cutting the number of deployed nuclear warheads of both countries was signed by Gorbachev and Bush. START negotiated the largest and most complex arms control treaty in history, and its final implementation in late 2001 resulted in the removal of about 80% of all strategic nuclear weapons then in existence.[114]
Reagan and Gorbachev had eased Cold War tensions during Reagan's second term, but Bush was initially skeptical of Soviet intentions.
Bush and Gorbachev met in December 1989 at the
Dissolution of the Soviet Union
While Gorbachev acquiesced to the democratization of Soviet satellite states, he suppressed separatist movements within the Soviet Union itself.[127] Stalin had occupied and annexed the Baltic states of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia in the 1940s. The old leadership was executed or deported or fled; hundreds of thousands of Russians moved in, but nowhere were they a majority. Hatreds simmered. Lithuania's March 1990 proclamation of independence was strongly opposed by Gorbachev, who feared that the Soviet Union could fall apart if he allowed Lithuania's independence. The United States had never recognized the Soviet incorporation of the Baltic states, and the crisis in Lithuania left Bush in a difficult position. Bush needed Gorbachev's cooperation in the reunification of Germany, and he feared that the collapse of the Soviet Union could leave nuclear arms in dangerous hands. The Bush administration mildly protested Gorbachev's suppression of Lithuania's independence movement, but took no action to directly intervene.[128] Bush warned independence movements of the disorder that could come with secession from the Soviet Union; in a 1991 address that critics labeled the "Chicken Kiev speech", he cautioned against "suicidal nationalism".[129]
In July 1991, Bush and Gorbachev signed the
See also
- Russia–United States relations
- Russian Empire–United States relations
- Russia–NATO relations
- List of Soviet Union–United States summits
- Foreign relations of Russia
- Foreign relations of the Soviet Union
- Foreign policy of the Russian Empire
- Peaceful coexistence
- International relations (1814–1919)
- Diplomatic history of World War I
- International relations (1919–1939)
- Diplomatic history of World War II
- Soviet Empire
- Eastern Bloc
- Cold War
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- ^ Zbigniew Brzezinski, "The Cold War and Its Aftermath" Foreign Affairs 71#4 (1992), pp. 31-49 online
- ^ Naftali, George H. W. Bush (2007), pp. 91-93
- ^ Greene, p. 126
- ^ Heilbrunn, Jacob (31 March 1996). "Together Again". The New York Times.
- ^ Herring, pp. 906–907
- ^ Greene, pp. 134–137
- ^ Greene, pp. 120–121
- ^ Herring, p. 907
- ^ Herring, pp. 913–914
- ^ "1991: Superpowers to cut nuclear warheads". BBC News. 31 July 1991.
- ^ Greene, p. 204
- ^ Символ перемен. Как в России открывался первый "Макдоналдс"
- ^ Maynes, Charles (1 February 2020). "McDonald's Marks 30 Years in Russia". Voice of America. Retrieved 16 March 2022.
- ^ Naftali, George H. W. Bush (2007), pp 137-138
- ^ Greene, pp. 205–206
- ^ Letter to the Secretary-General of the United Nations from the President of the Russian Federation
- ISBN 9781136936074.
- ISBN 978-1135923112.
Further reading
- Bennett, Edward M. Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Search for Security: American-Soviet Relations, 1933-1939 (1985)
- Bennett, Edward M. Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Search for Victory: American-Soviet Relations, 1939-1945 (1990).
- Browder, Robert P. "The First Encounter: Roosevelt and the Russians, 1933" United States Naval Institute proceedings (May 1957) 83#5 pp 523–32.
- Browder, Robert P. The origins of Soviet-American diplomacy (1953) pp 99–127 Online
- Butler, Susan. Roosevelt and Stalin: Portrait of a Partnership (Vintage, 2015).
- Cohen, Warren I. The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations: Vol. IV: America in the Age of Soviet Power, 1945-1991 (1993).
- Crockatt, Richard. The Fifty Years War: The United States and the Soviet Union in world politics, 1941-1991 (1995).
- Dallek, Robert. Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy, 1932–1945 (Oxford University Press. 1979), a major scholarly study.\; online
- Diesing, Duane J. Russia and the United States: Future Implications of Historical Relationships (No. Au/Acsc/Diesing/Ay09. Air Command And Staff Coll Maxwell Afb Al, 2009). online Archived 20 June 2017 at the Wayback Machine
- Downing, Taylor. 1983: Reagan, Andropov, and a World on the Brink (Hachette UK, 2018).
- Dunbabin, J.P.D. International Relations since 1945: Vol. 1: The Cold War: The Great Powers and their Allies (1994).
- Feis, Herbert. Churchill-Roosevelt-Stalin: The War They Waged and the Peace They Sought (1957) online; a major scholarly study
- Fenby, Jonathan. Alliance: The Inside Story of How Roosevelt, Stalin and Churchill Won One War and Began Another (2015) excerpt; popular history
- Fike, Claude E. "The Influence of the Creel Committee and the American Red Cross on Russian-American Relations, 1917-1919." Journal of Modern History 31#2 (1959): 93–109. online.
- Fischer, Ben B. A Cold War conundrum: the 1983 soviet war scare (Central Intelligence Agency, Center for the Study of Intelligence, 1997). online
- Foglesong, David S. The American mission and the 'Evil Empire': the crusade for a 'Free Russia' since 1881 (2007).
- Gaddis, John Lewis. Russia, the Soviet Union, and the United States (2nd ed. 1990) online covers 1781-1988
- Gaddis, John Lewis. The United States and the Origins of the Cold War, 1941-1947 (2000).
- Garthoff, Raymond L. Détente and confrontation: American-Soviet relations from Nixon to Reagan (2nd ed. 1994) In-depth scholarly history covers 1969 to 1980. online
- Garthoff, Raymond L. The Great Transition: American-Soviet Relations and the End of the Cold War (1994), In-depth scholarly history, 1981 to 1991, online
- Glantz, Mary E. FDR and the Soviet Union: the President's battles over foreign policy (2005).
- Kennan, George F. Russia Leaves the War: Soviet American Relations 1917–1920 (1956).
- LaFeber, Walter. America, Russia, and the Cold War 1945-2006 (2008). online 1984 edition
- Leffler, Melvyn P. The Specter of Communism: The United States and the Origins of the Cold War, 1917-1953 (1994).
- Lovenstein, Meno. American Opinion Of Soviet Russia (1941) online
- McNeill, William Hardy. America, Britain, & Russia: Their Co-Operation and Conflict, 1941–1946 (1953), 820pp; comprehensive overview
- Morris, Robert L. "A Reassessment of Russian Recognition." Historian 24.4 (1962): 470–482.
- Naleszkiewicz, Wladimir. "Technical Assistance of the American Enterprises to the Growth of the Soviet Union, 1929-1933." Russian Review 25.1 (1966): 54-76 online.
- Nye, Joseph S. ed. The making of America's Soviet policy (1984)
- Saul, Norman E. Distant Friends: The United States and Russia, 1763-1867 (1991)
- Saul, Norman E. Concord and Conflict: The United States and Russia, 1867-1914 (1996)
- Saul, Norman E. War and Revolution: The United States and Russia, 1914-1921 (2001)
- Saul, Norman E. Friends or foes? : the United States and Soviet Russia, 1921-1941 (2006) online
- Saul, Norman E. The A to Z of United States-Russian/Soviet Relations (2010)
- Saul, Norman E. Historical Dictionary of Russian and Soviet Foreign Policy (2014).
- Sibley, Katherine A. S. "Soviet industrial espionage against American military technology and the US response, 1930–1945." Intelligence and National Security 14.2 (1999): 94–123.
- Smith, Gaddis. Morality, Reason and Power: American Diplomacy in the Carter Years (1986), 1976-1980.
- Sokolov, Boris V. "The role of lend‐lease in Soviet military efforts, 1941–1945." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 7.3 (1994): 567–586.
- Stoler, Mark A. Allies and Adversaries: The Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Grand Alliance, and US Strategy in World War II. (UNC Press, 2003).
- Taubman, William. Gorbachev (2017) excerpt
- Taubman, William. Khrushchev: The Man and His Era (2012), Pulitzer Prize
- Taubman, William. Stalin's American Policy: From Entente to Détente to Cold War (1982).
- Trani, Eugene P. "Woodrow Wilson and the decision to intervene in Russia: a reconsideration." Journal of Modern History 48.3 (1976): 440–461. online
- Ulam, Adam. Expansion and Coexistence: Soviet Foreign Policy, 1917-73 (1974), a major survey
- Ulam, Adam. The rivals : America and Russia since World War II (1976) online
- Unterberger, Betty Miller. "Woodrow Wilson and the Bolsheviks: The 'Acid Test' of Soviet–American Relations." Diplomatic History 11.2 (1987): 71–90. online
- Westad, Odd Arne ed. Soviet-American Relations during the Carter Years (Scandinavian University Press, 1997), 1976-1980.
- White, Christine A. British and American Commercial Relations with Soviet Russia, 1918-1924 (UNC Press, 2017).
- Zubok, Vladislav M. A Failed Empire: The Soviet Union in the Cold War from Stalin to Gorbachev (2009)