Succession to Elizabeth I
The succession to the childless
The topics of debate remained obscured by uncertainty.
Elizabeth I balked at establishing the order of succession in any form, presumably because she feared for her own life once a successor was named. She was also concerned with England forming a productive relationship with Scotland, whose Catholic and Presbyterian strongholds were resistant to female leadership. Catholic women who would be submissive to the Pope and not to English constitutional law were rejected.
. Elizabeth had outlived all of them.The legal position was held by a number of authorities to hinge on such matters as the statute
Cognatic descent from Henry VII
Descent from the two daughters of Henry VII who reached adulthood, Margaret and Mary, was the first and main issue in the succession.
Lennox claim
Stuart claimants
James VI was the son of two grandchildren of Margaret Tudor.
James VI's mother, Mary, Queen of Scots, was considered a plausible successor to the English throne. At the beginning of Elizabeth's reign she sent ambassadors to England when a parliament was summoned, anticipating a role for parliament in settling the succession in her favour.[5] Mary was a Roman Catholic, and her proximity to the succession was a factor in plotting, making her position a political problem for the English government, eventually resolved by judicial means. She was executed in 1587. In that year Mary's son James reached the age of twenty-one, while Arbella was only twelve.
Suffolk claimants
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While the Stuart line of James and Arbella would have had political support, by 1600 the descendants of Mary Tudor were theoretically relevant, and on legal grounds could not be discounted.
Catherine's first marriage to the youthful
Lady Mary Grey married, without royal permission, Thomas Keyes, and had no sons. She completely lacked interest in royal pretensions.[7]
The family of Eleanor Clifford was more often talked of in relation to the succession. A daughter
Ferdinando's position in the succession then led to his being approached in the superficial
Yorkist claimant
There was some interest early in the reign of Queen Elizabeth in a claimant from the House of York. Henry Hastings, 3rd Earl of Huntingdon, could make a claim only based on the idea that Henry VII was a usurper, rather than a legitimate king, but he had some supporters, ahead of the Tudor, Stuart and Suffolk lines.[9] Margaret Pole, Countess of Salisbury, a survivor of the Plantagenets, was his great-grandmother (on his mother's side), and her paternal grandfather was Richard, Duke of York. The Spanish diplomat Álvaro de la Quadra, on whose accounts the early intrigues round the succession have been reconstructed, considered that Robert Dudley, brother-in-law to Hastings, was pushing the Queen in March 1560 to make Hastings her successor, against his wishes.[10] There were also some pretensions from his relations in the Pole family.[11]
Lancastrian claim through John of Gaunt
The major political issue of the reign of Richard II of England, that his uncle, the magnate John of Gaunt, would claim the throne and so overturn the principle of primogeniture, was revived in the context of the Elizabethan succession, after seven generations. John of Gaunt's eldest daughter having married into the Portuguese House of Aviz, one of his descendants was the Infanta of Spain, Isabella Clara Eugenia. The legitimacy of Isabella's claim was seriously put forward, on the Catholic side of the argument. A reason given for Essex's Rebellion was that the Infanta's claim had gained traction with Elizabeth and her counsellors.[12][13]
Succession Act of 1543
The
Setting aside the will would have, in fact, threatened the prospects of James VI, by opening up a fresh legal front. It indeed specified the preference for descendants of Mary, rather than Margaret. However, in its absence, the matter of the succession could not be handled as an issue under statute law. If it were left to the common law, the question of how James, an alien, could inherit could be raised in a more serious form.[16]
There was no comparable Act of Parliament in Elizabeth's time. She did not follow the precedent set by her father in allowing parliamentary debate on the subject of the succession but instead actively tried to close it down throughout her reign. Paul Wentworth explicitly challenged her position on the matter in questions put to the House of Commons in 1566.[17]
In 1563, William Cecil drafted a bill envisaging the Privy Council having wide powers if the Queen died without an heir, but he did not put it forward.[18] Parliament petitioned the Queen to name her successor, but she did not do so.[19] A Bill was passed by Parliament in 1572, but the Queen refused her assent.[20] In the early 1590s, Peter Wentworth attempted to bring up the question again, but debate was shut down sharply. The matter surfaced mainly in drama.[21]
Succession tracts
Discussion of the succession was strongly discouraged and became dangerous, but it was not entirely suppressed. During the last two decades of the century, the Privy Council was active against pamphlets and privately circulated literature on the topic.[22] John Stubbs, who published on the closely related issue of the queen's marriage, avoided execution in 1579 but had a hand cut off and was in the Tower of London until 1581. In that year, Parliament passed the Act against Seditious Words and Rumours Uttered against the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty.[23] The publication of books deemed seditious became a felony.[24]
Much of the writing was therefore anonymous; in manuscript form or, in the case of Catholic arguments, smuggled into the country. Some was published in Scotland.
A number of treatises, or "succession tracts", circulated. Out of a large literature on the question, the 19th century librarian
The Hales tract
John Hales wrote a speech to give in the House of Commons in 1563;[28] he was a partisan of the Earl of Hertford, in right of his wife, the former Lady Catherine Grey.[27] It was related to the efforts of Lord John Grey, Lady Catherine Grey's uncle and guardian, who tried to make the case that she was the royal heir at an early point in Elizabeth's reign, incurring the Queen's wrath. This manuscript brought to bear on the question the old statute De natis ultra mare. It was influential in the following debate, but the interpretation of the statute became important.[29] It also caused a furore, and allegations of a plot. Hales could only be brought to say that he had shown a draft to John Grey, William Fleetwood, the other member of parliament for the same borough, and John Foster, who had been one of the members for Hindon.[30] Walter Haddon called Hales's arrest and the subsequent row the Tempestas Halesiana. What Hales was doing was quite complex, using legal arguments to rule out Scottish claimants, and also relying on research abroad by Robert Beale to reopen the matter of the Hertford marriage.[31] Francis Newdigate, who had married Anne Seymour, Duchess of Somerset, was involved in the investigation, but was not imprisoned; Hales was.[32] He spent a year in the Fleet Prison and the Tower of London, and for the rest of his life was under house arrest.[28]
The case for a Catholic successor
Early tracts
The Doleman tract
The arguments naturally changed after Queen Mary's execution. It has been noted that Protestant supporters of James VI took over debating points previously used by her supporters; while Catholics employed some arguments that had been employed by Protestants.[36]
A significant step was taken in Robert Highington's Treatise on the Succession, in favour of the line through the House of Portugal.
Other literature
The plot of Gorboduc (1561) has often been seen as a contribution to the succession debate.[40] This view, as expounded by Marie Axton, has led to much further debate. The play was given for the queen in 1562, and later published. Stephen Alford argues that it is a generalised "succession text", with themes of bad counsel and civil war.[41] From the point of view of Elizabethan and Jacobean literary criticism, it has been argued that it is significant to know when the succession was "live" as an issue of public concern, right into the reign of James I, and in what form drama, in particular, might be expressing comment on it. In particular, Hopkins points out that Macbeth and King Lear, both relating to legitimacy and dynastic politics, were written in the early years of James's reign.[42]
The term "succession play" is now widely applied to dramas of the period that relate to a royal succession. Plays mentioned in this way include, among other works by Shakespeare, Hamlet;[43] Henry V;[44] A Midsummer Night's Dream through allegory and the figure of Titania;[45] and Richard II as an atypical case.[46] Another, later play that might be read in this way is Perkin Warbeck (1634) by John Ford.[47]
The poet Michael Drayton alluded to the succession in Englands Heroicall Epistles (1597), in a way now seen as heavy-handed dabbling in politics.[48] In it, imaginary letters in couplets are exchanged by paired historical characters.[49] Hopkins sees the work as a "genealogical chain" leading up to the succession issue, and points out the detailed discussion of the Yorkist claim, in the annotations to the epistles between Margaret of Anjou and William de la Pole, 1st Duke of Suffolk (thought in Drayton's time to have been lovers).[50][51]
Position at the end of the century
Theories on the putative succession had to be revised constantly from the later 1590s. The speculations were wide, and the cast of characters changed their status.[52]
The Doleman tract of 1594 suggested one resolution to the succession issue: the Suffolk claimant William Stanley, 6th Earl of Derby should marry the Infanta of Spain, and succeed. Stanley, however, married the following year.[53] Charles Emmanuel I, Duke of Savoy, son-in-law of Philip II of Spain, became a widower in 1597. Catholic opinion suggested he might marry a female claimant, Lady Anne Stanley (the Earl's niece), if not Arbella Stuart.[52]
Thomas Wilson wrote in a report The State of England, Anno Domini 1600 that there were 12 "competitors" for the succession. His counting included two Stuarts (James and Arbella), three of the Suffolks (two Beauchamp claimants and the Earl of Derby), and George Hastings, 4th Earl of Huntingdon, younger brother of the 3rd Earl mentioned above. The other six were:[54]
- Charles Neville, 6th Earl of Westmorland via John of Gaunt[i]
- Henry Percy, 9th Earl of Northumberland via Edmund Crouchback
- António, Prior of Crato, nephew of Henry, King of Portugal, via John of Gaunt;[ii] and with related claims
- Ranuccio I Farnese, Duke of Parma[iii]
- Philip III of Spain
- The Infanta of Spain.
These six may have all been taken as the Catholic candidates (Percy was not in fact a Catholic, though from a Catholic family). Wilson at the time of writing (about 1601) had been working on intelligence matters for
Of these supposed claimants, Thomas Seymour and Charles Neville died in 1600. None of the Iberian claims came to anything. The Duke of Parma was the subject of the same speculations as the Duke of Savoy;[52] but he married in 1600. Arbella Stuart was in the care of Bess of Hardwick,[56] and Edward Seymour in the care of Richard Knightley, whose second wife Elizabeth was one of his sisters.[57]
See also
- Alternative successions of the English crown
Notes
- ^ Westmorland's claim would be based upon primogeniture descent from the House of Lancaster. He was descended from Elizabeth, second eldest daughter of John of Gaunt. The Portuguese royal family, who was descended from Gaunt's eldest daughter Philippa, would have to be ignored.
- Duke of Parmaas next in line.
- ^ Farnese's claim would be made by standard primogeniture descent from John of Gaunt, through the latter's eldest daughter Philippa.
References
- ^ ISBN 978-0-7546-5410-0.
- ^ Alexander Courtney, 'The Secret Correspondence of James VI, 1601-3', Susan Doran & Paulina Kewes, Doubtful and dangerous: The question of the succession in late Elizabethan England (Manchester, 2014), p. 136.
- ISBN 9780521076135. GGKEY:5WXSWPX4YR7.
- ^ ISBN 978-0-8047-0299-7.
- ISBN 978-0-7190-5325-2.
- ^ ISBN 978-1-4094-7861-4.
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- ^ doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/13126. (Subscription or UK public library membershiprequired.)
- ISBN 978-0-8047-0299-7.
- ^ Claire Cross (1966). The Puritan Earl: The Life of Henry Hastings, Third Earl of Huntingdon (1536–1595). Macmillan. pp. 143–4.
- ^ Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (Great Britain), Third Series, Volume 8 (1914), p. 128; archive.org.
- ISBN 978-1-4094-7861-4.
- ISBN 978-0-252-07161-4. Retrieved 17 July 2013.
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- ^ Constitutional Documents of the Reign of James I, A.D. 1603–1625. CUP Archive. 1961. p. 4. GGKEY:H4D5R61RT8L.
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- ^ a b c d e Edward Edwards (1868). The Life of Sir Walter Ralegh: Together with His Letters: Now First Collected. p. 288.
- ^ a b historyofparliamentonline.org, Hales, John I (d. 1572), of Coventry, Warws. and London.
- ISBN 978-0-521-80085-3.
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- ^ historyofparliamentonline.org, Newdigate, Francis (1519–82), of Hanworth, Mdx.
- JSTOR 2871253.
- ^ Lee, Sidney, ed. (1896). . Dictionary of National Biography. Vol. 45. London: Smith, Elder & Co.
- ISBN 9780901050366.
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- ^ Robert Parsons (1594). A Conference about the Next Succession of the Crown of Ingland ... p. 6.
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- ^ ISBN 0-297-81348-X.
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- ^ Great Britain. Public Record Office (1870). Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, of the Reigns of Edward VI, Mary, Elizabeth, 1547–1580: Elizabeth 1601–1603; with addenda, 1547–1565. Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, & Roberts. p. 60.
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