Swedish Social Democratic Party

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
"Socialdemokraterna" redirects here. For the political party in the Åland Islands, see Åland Social Democrats.

Swedish Social Democratic Workers' Party
Sveriges socialdemokratiska arbetareparti
Lena Hallengren
Founded23 April 1889; 133 years ago (1889-04-23)
HeadquartersSveavägen 68, Stockholm
Student wingSocial Democratic Students of Sweden
Youth wingSwedish Social Democratic Youth League
Women's wingSocial Democratic Women in Sweden
Religious wingReligious Social Democrats of Sweden
LGBT wingLGBT Social Democrats of Sweden
Membership (2020)Decrease 75,000[1]
Ideology
County councils[5]
572 / 1,597
Municipal councils[6]
4,364 / 12,780
Website
socialdemokraterna.se

The Swedish Social Democratic Party, formally the Swedish Social Democratic Workers' Party

social-democratic[8][9] and democratic socialist[10] political party in Sweden
. Founded in 1889, the SAP is the country's oldest and currently largest party.

From the mid-1930s to the 1980s, the Social Democratic Party won more than 40% of the vote. From 1932 to 1976, the SAP was continuously in government. Most recently, the party was heading the government from 2014 to 2022. It participates in elections as "The Workers' Party – The Social Democrats" (Swedish: Arbetarepartiet – Socialdemokraterna [ˈârːbeːtarɛpaˌʈiːɛt sʊsɪˈɑ̂ːldɛmʊˌkrɑːtɛɳa] (listen)).

History

Founded in 1889 as a member of the

red rose which is believed to have been Fredrik Ström's idea.[citation needed] The words of honour as recorded by the 2001 party programme are "freedom, equality, and solidarity". The party had influences from Marxism in its early days, but these were gradually removed in the years leading up to the split in 1917.[11] Between 1923 and 1940, the party was a member of the Labour and Socialist International.[12]

Swedish social democracy rose due to the extension of suffrage to the working class and the organizing of trade unions and other civic associations.[13] Unlike in many other European countries, the Swedish socialist left was able to form a stable majority coalition during the early 20th century.[14] Early on, in large part due to the leadership of Hjalmar Branting, the Swedish socialists adopted a flexible and pragmatic understanding of Marxism.[14] They were also willing to form cross-class coalitions with liberals and farmers.[15][14] Political scientist Sheri Berman also credits the Swedish Social Democratic success during the interwar years to the party's adoption of Keynesianism during the Great Depression (which she contrasts with the Social Democratic Party of Germany's reluctance towards Keynesian policies during the same time and the German Social Democrats' subsequent decline).[14]

In 2007, the Social Democrats elected

centre-right coalition, The Alliance. On 26 November 2010, the Red–Green alliance was dissolved.[16] The party is a member of the Progressive Alliance, the Party of European Socialists[17] and SAMAK. The party was a member of the Socialist International until March 2017.[18][19]

Party organisation and voter base

Currently, the SAP has about 100,000 members, with about 2,540 local party associations and 500 workplace associations.[

corporatist organ, it has also formed policy in compromise mediation with employers' associations (primarily the Confederation of Swedish Enterprise
and its predecessors) as well as trade unions.

Organisations within the Swedish Social Democratic movement include:

The SAP had its golden age during the mid-1930s to mid-1980s when in half of all general elections it received between 44.6% and 46.2% (averaging 45.3%) of the votes, making it one of the most successful parties in the history of the

liberal-democratic world.[20]

In two of the general elections in

Second World War, and it led to voters most likely wanting one party to be in majority to give a parliament that could not be hung. In 1944, the tides of the war had turned and the Allied nations looked to win, giving voters more confidence in voting by preference and explaining the more normal electoral result of 46.6%. The previously-excluded SKP also achieved a result of 10.3% in this election. In 1968, the established Communists, most likely due to bad press about the Soviets overtaking of Czechoslovakia (Prague Spring
), got a historically bad result of 3% of the votes while the SAP enjoyed 50.1% and an absolute majority in parliament. Only in a fairly brief period between the elections of 1973 to 1979 did the SAP get below the normal interval of 44.6% to 46.2%, instead scoring an average of 43.2%, losing in 1976 (the first time in 44 years) and again just barely in 1979. However, the Social Democrats won back power in 1982 with a normal result of 45.6%.

The voter base consists of a diverse swathe of people throughout Swedish society, although it is particularly strong amongst organised blue-collar workers.[21]

Decline since 2006

In the

Stockholm City residents voted for the SAP in 2006.[23]

From 2006 to

right-wing populist Sweden Democrats.[24][25][26]

In the 2018 Swedish general election, the Social Democrats' vote share fell to 28.3 percent, its lowest level of support since 1908.[27]

In the 2022 Swedish general election, Social Democrats remained Sweden’s largest party with 30,3% of the vote, however the right bloc won a slim majority in parliament.[28]

Electoral history

Statistical changes in voter base

Based on the Sveriges Television's exit polls.

Socio-economic groups and gender of voters
 Percentage of which voting for the Social Democrats
Group/Gender 2002 2006 2010 2014 2018 2022
Blue-collar workers 50 45 41 39 34 32
White-collar workers 32 24 20 24 27 32
Businessmen and farmers 18 13 16 15 13 19
Male 38 30 25 30 25 26
Female 37 31 29 32 31 34
Source: [29]

Riksdag

In the 1890s, the Social Democrats usually stood on the same ticket as the Liberals.

Election Votes % Seats +/– Government
1896 206 0.1 (#5)
1 / 230
 Increase 1 Opposition
1899 313 0.2 (#5)
1 / 230
 Steady 0 Opposition
1902 6,321 3.5 (#3)
4 / 230
 Increase 3 Opposition
1905 20,677 9.5 (#3)
13 / 230
 Increase 9 Opposition
1908 45,155 14.6 (#3)
34 / 230
 Increase 21 Opposition
1911 172,196 28.5 (#3)
64 / 230
 Increase 30 Opposition
Mar
1914 		228,712 30.1 (#3)
73 / 230
 Increase 9 Opposition
Sep
1914 		266,133 36.4 (#2)
87 / 230
 Increase 14 Opposition
1917 228,777 31.1 (#1)
87 / 230
 Decrease 1 Coalition
1920 195,121 29.6 (#1)
75 / 230
 Decrease 11 Opposition
1921 630,855 36.2 (#1)
93 / 230
 Increase 18 Minority (1921–1923)
Opposition (1923–1924)
1924 725,407 41.1 (#1)
104 / 230
 Increase 11 Minority (1924–1926)
Opposition (1926–1928)
1928 873,931 37.0 (#1)
90 / 230
 Decrease 14 Opposition
1932 1,040,689 41.7 (#1)
104 / 230
 Increase 14 Minority (1932–1936)
Opposition (1936)
1936 1,338,120 45.9 (#1)
112 / 230
 Increase 9 Coalition
1940 1,546,804 53.8 (#1)
134 / 230
 Increase 22 Coalition
1944 1,436,571 46.6 (#1)
115 / 230
 Decrease 19 Majority
1948 1,789,459 46.1 (#1)
112 / 230
 Decrease 3 Minority
1952 1,729,463 46.1 (#1)
110 / 230
 Decrease 2 Coalition
1956 1,729,463 44.6 (#1)
106 / 231
 Decrease 4 Coalition
1958 1,776,667 46.2 (#1)
111 / 231
 Increase 5 Minority
1960 2,033,016 47.8 (#1)
114 / 232
 Increase 3 Minority
1964 2,006,923 47.3 (#1)
113 / 233
 Decrease 1 Minority
1968 2,420,242 50.1 (#1)
125 / 233
 Increase 12 Majority
1970 2,256,369 45.3 (#1)
163 / 350
 Increase 38 Minority
1973 2,247,727 43.6 (#1)
156 / 350
 Decrease 7 Minority
1976 2,324,603 42.7 (#1)
152 / 349
 Decrease 4 Opposition
1979 2,356,234 43.2 (#1)
154 / 349
 Increase 2 Opposition
1982 2,533,250 45.6 (#1)
166 / 349
 Increase 12 Minority
1985 2,487,551 44.7 (#1)
159 / 349
 Decrease 7 Minority
1988 2,321,826 43.2 (#1)
156 / 349
 Decrease 3 Minority
1991 2,062,761 37.7 (#1)
138 / 349
 Decrease 18 Opposition
1994 2,513,905 45.2 (#1)
161 / 349
 Increase 23 Minority
1998 1,914,426 36.4 (#1)
131 / 349
 Decrease 30 Minority
2002 2,113,560 39.9 (#1)
144 / 349
 Increase 13 Minority
2006 1,942,625 35.0 (#1)
130 / 349
 Decrease 14 Opposition
2010 1,827,497 30.7 (#1)
112 / 349
 Decrease 18 Opposition
2014 1,932,711 31.0 (#1)
113 / 349
 Increase 1 Coalition
2018 1,830,386 28.3 (#1)
100 / 349
 Decrease 13 Coalition (2018–2021)
Minority (2021–2022)
2022 1,964,474 30.3 (#1)
107 / 349
 Increase 7 Opposition

European Parliament

Election Votes % Seats +/−
1995 752,817 28.1 (#1)
7 / 22
1999 657,497 26.0 (#1)
6 / 22
 Decrease 1
2004 616,963 24.6 (#1)
5 / 19
 Decrease 1
2009 773,513 24.4 (#1)
5 / 18
6 / 20
  • Steady 0
  • Increase 1
2014 899,074 24.2 (#1)
5 / 20
 Decrease 1
2019 974,589 23.5 (#1)
5 / 20
 Steady 0

Ideology, political impact and history

Hjalmar Branting
, the first elected SAP Prime Minister in 1920

The party's first chapter in its statutes says "the intention of the Swedish Social Democratic Labour Party is the struggle towards

From each according to his ability, to each according to his need".[30] Since the party held power of office for a majority of terms after its founding in 1889 through 2003, the ideology and policies of the SAP have had strong influence on Swedish politics.[31] The Swedish social democratic ideology is partially an outgrowth of the strong and well-organized 1880s and 1890s working class emancipation, temperance and religious folkrörelser (folk movements), by which peasant and workers' organizations penetrated state structures early on and paved the way for electoral politics. In this way, Swedish social-democratic ideology is inflected by a socialist tradition foregrounding widespread and individual human development.[32]

In 1967, Gunnar Adler-Karlsson confidently likened the social democratic project to the successful social democratic effort to divest the king of all power but formal grandeur: "Without dangerous and disruptive internal fights. ... After a few decades they [the capitalists] will then remain, perhaps formally as kings, but in reality as naked symbols of a passed and inferior development state."[33]

The Social Democrats are strong supporters of

social welfare provision, paid for by progressive taxation. The party also supports a social corporatist economy involving the institutionalization of a social partnership system between capital and labour economic interest groups, with government oversight to resolve disputes between the two factions.[34] Concerning constitutional issues, the Social Democrats advocate the abolition of monarchy.[35]

Liberalism

Prime Minister Tage Erlander
at a TV debate in 1967

Liberalism has also strongly infused social-democratic ideology. Liberalism has oriented social democratic goals to security. Tage Erlander, prime minister from 1946 to 1969, described security as "too big a problem for the individual to solve with only his own power".[36] Up to the 1980s, when neoliberalism began to provide an alternative, aggressively pro-capitalist model for ensuring social quiescence, the SAP was able to secure capital's co-operation by convincing capital that it shared the goals of increasing economic growth and reducing social friction. For many Social Democrats, Marxism is loosely held to be valuable for its emphasis on changing the world for a more just, better future.[37] In 1889, Hjalmar Branting, leader of the SAP from its founding to his death in 1925, asserted: "I believe that one benefits the workers so much more by forcing through reforms which alleviate and strengthen their position, than by saying that only a revolution can help them".[38]

Some observers have argued that this liberal aspect has hardened into increasingly neoliberal ideology and policies, gradually maximizing the latitude of powerful market actors.[39] Certainly, neoclassical economists have been firmly nudging the Social Democratic Party into capitulating to most of capital's traditional preferences and prerogatives which they term "modern industrial relations".[40] Both socialist and liberal aspects of the party were influenced by the dual sympathies of early leader Hjalmar Branting and manifest in the party's first actions, namely reducing the work day to eight hours and establishing the franchise for working-class people.

While some commentators have seen the party lose focus with the rise of SAP neoliberal study groups, the Swedish Social Democratic Party has for many years appealed to Swedes as innovative, capable and worthy of running the state.

bourgeois
parties in the 1980s and afterward.

Revisionism

Alexis Bjorkman

Among the social movement tactics of the Swedish Social Democratic Party in the 20th century was its

intellectuals".[49]

While the SAP has worked more or less constructively with more

class struggle and the policy tool of nationalization.[51] Hansson soothed that "[t]he expansion of the party to a people's party does not mean and must not mean a watering down of socialist demands".[52]
He further stated:

The basis of the home is community and togetherness. The good home does not recognize any privileged or neglected members, nor any favorite or stepchildren. In the good home there is equality, consideration, co-operation, and helpfulness. Applied to the great people's and citizens' home this would mean the breaking down of all the social and economic barriers that now separate citizens into the privileged and the neglected, into the rulers and the dependents, into the rich and the poor, the propertied and the impoverished, the plunderers and the plundered. Swedish society is not yet the people's home. There is a formal equality, equality of political rights, but from a social perspective, the class society remains, and from an economic perspective the dictatorship of the few prevails.[53]

Social democracy

The Social Democratic Party is generally recognized as the main architect of the

public services are supplied via local government as opposed to emphasizing social insurance program transfers.[56]

These social democratic policies have had international influence. The early Swedish

Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party infrastructure to the liberal Democratic Party in 1944.[57]

Social Democratic leader and Prime Minister Olof Palme
in the 1970s
Logo of the party between 1967 and 1987

Under the Social Democrats' administration, Sweden retained

centre-right coalition and Sweden has committed troops to support the United States and United Kingdom's interventions in Afghanistan
.

From Rehn–Meidner to neoliberalism

Because the Rehn–Meidner model allowed capitalists owning very productive and efficient firms to retain excess profits at the expense of the firms' workers, thus exacerbating inequality, workers in these firms began to agitate for a share of the profits in the 1970s, just as women working in the state sector began to assert pressure for better wages. Meidner established a study committee that came up with a 1976 proposal that entailed transferring the excess profits into investment funds controlled by the workers in the efficient firms, with the intention that firms would create further employment and pay more workers higher wages, rather than increasing the wealth of company owners and managers.[60] Capitalists immediately distinguished this proposal as socialism, and launched an unprecedented opposition—including calling off the class compromise established in the 1938 Saltsjöbaden Agreement.[61]

The 1980s were a very turbulent time in Sweden that initiated the occasional decline of Social Democratic Party rule. In the 1980s, pillars of Swedish industry were massively restructured. Shipbuilding was discontinued, wood pulp was integrated into modernized paper production, the steel industry was concentrated and specialized and mechanical engineering was digitalized.

neoliberal political-economic hegemony, the Social Democratic Party backed away from the progressive Meidner reform.[65]

The economic crisis in the 1990s has been widely cited in the Anglo-American press as a social democratic failure, but it is important to note not only did profit rates begin to fall worldwide after the 1960s,

currency speculation and a Moderate Party government led by Carl Bildt (1991–1994), creating the fiscal crisis of the early 1990s.[67] According to Cerra and Saxena (2005) almost all of the fall in the substantial GDP per capita lead over the OECD average that Sweden enjoyed through the 1960-1990 period can be attributed to the Swedish financial crisis, and there is no evidence for a substantial negative growth impact from egalitarian policies as in the 'Eurosclerosis' hypothesis.[68] The financial crisis can in turn be explained by policy errors.[69] For example in the late 1980's high inflation interacted with the tax code to produce negative real interest rates and an investment boom. However in 1990-1991 the highly trade exposed Swedish economy was impacted by the global downturn, but the commitment to the fixed exchange rate now required a rapid shift to high real interest rates in order to defend the peg, collapsing asset markets and fixed investment. The household savings rate rose appreciably, exacerbated by fears of welfare state retrenchment, exacerbating the fall in aggregate demand. Unemployment rose rapidly, and the banking sector went into crisis as the nonperforming rate rose sharply, prompting a large bailout program. According to Cerra and Saxena, the deep recession had large and permanent negative effects on Swedish GDP, which is consistent with other research suggesting that financial crisis can have extremely persistent effects.[70][71][72][73][74][75][76][77][78]

Göran Persson
, a prolific Social Democratic leader, holding the office of Prime Minister for ten years

When the Social Democrats returned to power in 1994, they responded to the fiscal crisis

German Social Democrats.[81]

21st century

In the 21st century, many of the aspects of the social-democratic

tax expenditures, slightly increase taxes on high income-earners and significantly reduce taxes on food. The Social Democratic Finance Minister increased spending on child support and continued to pay down the public debt.[83] By 1998, the Swedish macro-economy recovered from the 1980s industrial restructuring and the currency policy excesses.[62] At the turn of the 21st century, Sweden has a well-regarded, generally robust economy and the average quality of life after government transfers is very high, inequality is low (the Gini coefficient is .28) and social mobility is high (compared to the affluent Anglo-American and Central European countries).[63]

The Social Democratic Party pursues

feminist policies which promote healthful and humane conditions. Feminist policies formed and implemented by the Social Democratic Party along with the Green Party and the Left Party (which made an arrangement with the Social Democrats to support the government while not forming a coalition), include paid maternity and paternity leave, high employment for women in the public sector, combining flexible work with living wages and benefits, providing public support for women in their traditional responsibilities for care giving and policies to stimulate women's political participation and leadership. Reviewing policies and institutional practices for their impact on women had become common in social democratic governance.[84]

The Social Democratic Party was defeated in 2006 by the

Alliance for Sweden coalition which according to research from the Department of Government at Uppsala University can be largely traced to the SAP government's poor handling of the two major natural disasters that struck the Swedish political landscape at the turn of the new year of 2004 and 2005. These disasters are known as the 2004 Boxing Day Tsunami and the 2005 Storm Gudrun (Erwin). In particular, the Centre Party was very successful in its opposition against the SAP on the issue of the party's poor crisis response to these disasters.[85] Mona Sahlin succeeded Göran Persson as party leader in 2007, becoming the party's first female party leader. Prior to the 2010 Swedish general election, the Social Democratic Party formed a cooperation with the Green Party and the Left Party culminating in the Red–Green alliance. The cooperation was dissolved following another defeat in 2010, throwing the party in to its longest period in opposition since before 1936. Sahlin announced her resignation following the 2010 defeat and she was succeeded by Håkan Juholt in 2011. Initially, his leadership gave a rise in the opinion polls before being involved in a scandal surrounding benefits from parliament which after a period culminated in his resignation. Sahlin and Juholt become the first party leaders since Claes Tholin, who was party leader 1896–1907, to not become Prime Ministers
.

Stefan Löfven, elected by the party board, succeeded Juholt as party leader. Löfven led the Social Democratic Party into the 2014 European Parliament election which resulted in the party's worst electoral results at national level since universal suffrage was introduced in 1921. He then led the party into the 2014 Swedish general election which resulted in the party's second worst election result to the Riksdag since universal suffrage was introduced in 1921. With a hung parliament, Löfven formed a minority coalition government with the Green Party. On 2 October 2014, the Riksdag approved Löfven to become the country's Prime Minister and he took office on 3 October 2014 alongside his Cabinet.[86] The Social Democratic Party and the Green Party voted in favour of Löfvén becoming Prime Minister while the Left Party, a close ally of the SAP, abstained. The oppositional Alliance-parties also abstained while the Sweden Democrats voted against.

In the 2018 Swedish general election, the Social Democrats' vote share fell to 28.3 percent, its lowest level of support since 1911. Nevertheless, a Social Democrat and Green Party coalition government was formed in January 2019. Relying on support of the Centre Party and the Liberals, it is one of the weakest governments in Swedish history.[87]

In August 2021, Prime Minister Stefan Lofven announced his resignation and finance minister Magdalena Andersson was elected as the new head of Sweden's ruling Social Democrats in November 2021.[88] On 30 November 2021, Magdalena Andersson became Sweden's first female prime minister. She formed a minority government made up of only her Social Democrats. Her plan for forming a new coalition government with the Green Party was unsuccessful because her budget proposal failed to pass.[89][90]

On 18 October 2022, conservative leader Ulf Kristersson became new Prime Minister to succeed Magdalena Andersson, meaning the Social Democratic Party, although still Sweden’s largest party, was in the opposition.[91]

Party leaders

Party leader Period Party secretary
Claes Tholin
1896
1907
 Karl Magnus Ziesnitz
Carl Gustaf Wickman
First party leader after collective leadership.
Hjalmar Branting
1907
1925
 Carl Gustaf Wickman
Fredrik Ström
Gustav Möller
Prime Minister (1920, 1921–1923 and 1924–1925). Died in office.
Per Albin Hansson
1925
1946
 Gustav Möller
Torsten Nilsson
Sven Andersson
Prime Minister (1932–1936 and 1936–1946). Died in office.
Tage Erlander
1946
1969
 Sven Andersson
Sven Aspling
Sten Andersson
Prime Minister (1946–1969). Longest-serving Prime Minister in Swedish history.
Olof Palme
1969
1986
 Sten Andersson
Bo Toresson
Prime Minister (1969–1976 and 1982–1986). Assassinated.
Ingvar Carlsson
1986
1996
 Bo Toresson
Mona Sahlin
Leif Linde
Prime Minister (1986–1991 and 1994–1996).
Göran Persson
1996
2007
 Ingela Thalén
Lars Stjernkvist
Marita Ulvskog
Prime Minister (1996–2006).
Mona Sahlin
2007
2011
 Marita Ulvskog
Ibrahim Baylan
First female leader of the party.
Håkan Juholt
2011
2012
 Carin Jämtin
Resigned after a scandal.
Stefan Löfven
2012
2021
 Carin Jämtin
Lena Rådström Baastad
Prime Minister (2014–2021)
Magdalena Andersson
2021
 Tobias Baudin
Prime Minister (2021–2022)

See also

Literature

  • Andersson, Jenny (2006). Between growth and security: Swedish social democracy from a strong society to a third way. Manchester University Press.
  • Johansson, Karl Magnus; Von Sydow, Göran (2011). Swedish social democracy and European integration: Enduring divisions. Social Democracy and European Integration: The politics of preference formation. Routledge. pp. 157–187.
  • Therborn, Göran & Kjellberg, Anders & Marklund, Staffan & Öhlund, Ulf (1978) "Sweden Before and After Social Democracy: A First Overview", Acta Sociologica 1978 – supplement, pp. 37–58.
  • Therborn, Göran (1984) "The Coming of Swedish Social Democracy", in E. Collotti (ed.) Il movimiento operaio tra le due guerre, Milano: Annali della Fondazione Giangiacomo Feltrinelli 1983/84, pp. 527–593
  • Östberg, Kjell (2012). Swedish Social Democracy After the Cold War: Whatever Happened to the Movement?. Social Democracy After the Cold War. Athabasca University Press. pp. 205–234.

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