Syndicalism
Syndicalism is a
Major syndicalist organizations included the
The Spanish
Terminology
Syndicalism has French origins. In French, a syndicat is a trade union, usually a local union. The corresponding words in Spanish and Portuguese, sindicato, and Italian, sindacato, are similar. By extension, the French syndicalisme refers to trade unionism in general.
Many scholars, including
Others, such as Larry Peterson and Erik Olssen, disagree with this broad definition. According to Olssen, this understanding has a "tendency to blur the distinctions between industrial unionism, syndicalism, and revolutionary socialism".[7] Peterson gives a more restrictive definition of syndicalism based on five criteria:
- A preference for centralism.
- Opposition to political parties.
- Seeing the general strike as the supreme revolutionary weapon.
- Favoring the replacement of the state by "a federal, economic organization of society".
- Seeing unions as the basic building blocks of a post-capitalistsociety.
This definition excludes the IWW and the Canadian One Big Union (OBU), which sought to unite all workers in one general organization. Peterson proposes the broader category revolutionary industrial unionism to encompass syndicalism, groups like the IWW and the OBU, and others.[8]
Emergence
Rise
Syndicalism originated in France and spread from there. The French CGT was the model and inspiration for syndicalist groups throughout Europe and the world.
According to
According to
In 1905, the Industrial Workers of the World were formed in the United States by the Western Federation of Miners, the American Labor Union, and a broad coalition of socialists, anarchists, and labor unionists. Its base was mostly in the Western United States, where labor conflicts were most violent and workers therefore radicalized.[19] Although the Wobblies insisted their union was a distinctly American form of labor organization and not an import of European syndicalism, the IWW was syndicalist in the broader sense of the word. According to Melvyn Dubofsky and most other IWW historians, the IWW's industrial unionism was the specifically American form of syndicalism.[20] Nevertheless, the IWW also had a presence in Canada and Mexico nearly from its inception, as the United States economy and labor force was intertwined with those countries.[21]
French syndicalism and American industrial unionism influenced the rise of syndicalism elsewhere.
Syndicalists formed different kinds of organizations. Some like the French radicals worked within existing unions to infuse them with their revolutionary spirit. Some found existing unions entirely unsuitable and built federations of their own, a strategy known as dual unionism. American syndicalists formed the IWW, although William Z. Foster later abandoned the IWW after a trip to France and set up the Syndicalist League of North America (SLNA), which sought to radicalize the established American Federation of Labor (AFL). In Ireland, the ITGWU broke away from a more moderate, and British-based, union. In Italy and Spain, syndicalists initially worked within the established union confederations before breaking away and forming USI and the CNT respectively.[28] In Norway, there were both the Norwegian Trade Union Opposition (Norske Fagopposition, NFO), syndicalists working within the mainstream Norwegian Confederation of Trade Unions (Landsorganisasjonen i Norge in Norwegian, LO), and the Norwegian Syndicalist Federation (Norsk Syndikalistik Federation in Norwegian, NSF), an independent syndicalist organization set up by the Swedish SAC.[29] There was a similar conflict between the Industrial Syndicalist Education League and the Industrial Workers of Great Britain.[30]
By 1914, there were syndicalist national labor confederations in Peru,[31] Brazil,[32] Argentina,[33] Mexico,[34] the Netherlands, Germany, Sweden, Spain, Italy, and France, while Belgian syndicalists were in the process of forming one.[35] There were also groups advocating syndicalism in Russia,[36] Japan,[37] the United States,[38] Portugal, Norway, Denmark, Hungary, and Great Britain.[35] Outside of North America, the IWW also had organizations in Australia,[39] New Zealand, where it was part of the Federation of Labour (FOL),[40] Great Britain even though its membership had imploded by 1913,[30] and South Africa.[41] In Ireland, syndicalism took the form of the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union (ITGWU), which espoused a mix of industrial unionism and socialist Irish republicanism, and was labeled Larkinism.[42]
Reasons
There was a significant uptick in workers' radicalism in most developed
According to van der Linden and Thorpe, workers' radicalization manifested itself in their rejection of the dominant strategies in the labor movement, which was led by reformist trade unions and socialist parties.
Another common explanation for the rise of syndicalism is that it was a result of the economic backwardness of the countries in which it emerged, particularly France. Newer studies have questioned this account.
Syndicalism came to be seen as a viable strategy because the general strike became a practical possibility. Although it had been advocated before, there were not sufficient numbers of wage workers to bring society to a standstill and they had not achieved a sufficient degree of organization and solidarity until the 1890s, according van der Linden and Thorpe. Several general or political strikes then took place before World War I:
Darlington cites the significance of the conscious intervention by syndicalist militants. The industrial unrest of the period created conditions which made workers receptive to syndicalist leaders' agitation. They spread their ideas through pamphlets and newspapers and had considerable influence in a number of labor disputes.[52] Finally, van der Linden and Thorpe point to spatial and geographical factors that shaped the rise of syndicalism. Workers who would otherwise not have had an inclination to syndicalism joined because syndicalism was dominant in their locales. For example, workers in the Canadian and American West were generally more radical and drawn to the IWW and One Big Union than their counterparts in the East. Similarly, southern workers were more drawn to syndicalism in Italy.[53] According to Altena, the emergence of syndicalism must be analyzed at the level of local communities. Only differences in local social and economic structures explain why some towns had a strong syndicalist presence, while others did not.[54]
Principles
Syndicalism was not informed by theory or a systematically elaborated ideology the same way socialism was by Marxism. Émile Pouget, a CGT leader, maintained: "What sets syndicalism apart from the various schools of socialism – and makes it superior – is its doctrinal sobriety. Inside the unions, there is little philosophising. They do better than that: they act!" Similarly, Andreu Nin of the Spanish CNT proclaimed in 1919: "I am a fanatic of action, of revolution. I believe in actions more than in remote ideologies and abstract questions." Although workers' education was important at least to committed activists, syndicalists distrusted bourgeois intellectuals, wanting to maintain workers' control over the movement. Syndicalist thinking was elaborated in pamphlets, leaflets, speeches, and articles and in the movement's own newspapers. These writings consisted mainly in calls to action and discussions of tactics in class struggle.[55] The philosopher Georges Sorel's Reflections on Violence introduced syndicalist ideas to a broader audience. Sorel presented himself as the premier theorist of syndicalism and was frequently thought of as such but was not a part of the movement, and his influence on syndicalism was insignificant, except in Italy and Poland.[56]
The extent to which syndicalist positions reflected merely the views of leaders and to what extent those positions were shared by syndicalist organizations' rank-and-file is a matter of dispute. Commenting on French syndicalism, the historian Peter Stearns concludes that most workers did not identify with syndicalism's long-range goals, and that syndicalist hegemony accounts for the relatively slow growth of the French labor movement as a whole. He says that workers who joined the syndicalist movement were on the whole indifferent to doctrinal questions, their membership in syndicalist organizations was partly accidental, and leaders were unable to convert workers to syndicalist ideas.[57] Frederick Ridley, a political scientist, is more equivocal. According to him, leaders were very influential in the drafting of syndicalist ideas. Syndicalism was more than a mere tool of a few leaders, and was a genuine product of the French labor movement.[58] Darlington adds that most members in the Irish ITGWU were won over by the union's philosophy of direct action.[59] Altena argues that, even though evidence of ordinary workers' convictions is scant, it indicates that they were aware of doctrinal differences between various currents in the labor movement and able to defend their own views. He observes that they likely understood syndicalist newspapers and debated political issues.[60]
Syndicalism is used by some interchangeably with anarcho-syndicalism. This term was first used in 1907 by socialists criticizing the political neutrality of the CGT, although it was rarely used until the early 1920s when
Critique of capitalism and the state
Syndicalists agreed with
Views on class struggle
In the syndicalist conception, unions played a dual role. They were organs of struggle within capitalism for better working conditions, and they were also to play a key role in the revolution to overthrow capitalism.
Syndicalists advocated
The final step towards revolution according to syndicalists would be a general strike. According to Griffuelhes, it would be "the curtain drop on a tired old scene of several centuries, and the curtain raising on another".[72] Syndicalists remained vague about the society they envisioned to replace capitalism, stating that it was impossible to foresee in detail. Labor unions were seen as being the embryo of a new society in addition to being the means of struggle within the old. Syndicalists generally agreed that in a free society production would be managed by workers. The state apparatus would be replaced by the rule of workers' organizations. In such a society, individuals would be liberated in the economic sphere but also in their private and social lives.[73]
Gender
Syndicalist policies on gender issues were mixed. The CNT did not admit women as members until 1918. The CGT dismissed feminism as a bourgeois movement. Syndicalists were mostly indifferent to the question of women's suffrage. Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, an IWW organizer, insisted that women "find their power at the point of production where they work" rather than at the ballot box.[74] Of the 230 delegates present at the founding of Canada's One Big Union, a mere 3 were women. When a female radical criticized the masculinist atmosphere at the meeting, she was rebuffed by men who insisted that labor only concern itself with class rather than gender issues.[75] The historian Todd McCallum concludes that syndicalists in the OBU advocated values of "radical manhood".[76]
Francis Shor argues that the "IWW promotion of sabotage represents a kind of masculine posturing which directly challenged the individualizing techniques of power mobilized by industrial capitalism". Thus, "the IWW's masculine identity incorporated features of working-class solidarity and protest ... through 'virile' syndicalism." For example, while defending a black fellow worker against a racist insult, an IWW organizer in Louisiana insisted that "he is a man, a union man, an IWW—a MAN! ... and he has proven it by his action." During World War I, one of the IWW's
Heyday
Before World War I
Syndicalists were involved in a number of strikes, labor disputes, and other struggles. In the United States, the IWW was involved in at least 150 strikes including the
In Portugal, the
British Wobblies were involved in two major strikes in Scotland, one at
There was no international syndicalist organization prior to World War I.
World War I
Syndicalists had long opposed interventionism. Haywood held that "it is better to be a traitor to your country than to your class". French syndicalists viewed the French Army as the primary defender of the capitalist order. In 1901, the CGT published a manual for soldiers encouraging desertion. In 1911, British syndicalists distributed an "Open Letter to British Soldiers" imploring them not to shoot on striking workers but to join the working class's struggle against capital. Syndicalists argued that patriotism was a means of integrating workers into capitalist society by distracting them from their true class interest. In 1908, the CGT's congress invoked the slogan of the First International, proclaiming that the "workers have no fatherland".[92]
When World War I broke out in July 1914, socialist parties and trade unions – both in neutral and belligerent countries – supported their respective nations' war efforts or national defense,
The majority of the French CGT and a sizable minority in the Italian USI did not.
USI's pro-war wing had the support of less than a third of the organization's members and it was forced out in September 1914. Its anarchist wing, led by Borghi, was firmly opposed to the war, deeming it incompatible with
A wave of pro-British sentiment swept Ireland during the war, although the ITGWU and the rest of the Irish labor movement opposed it, and half of the ITGWU's membership enlisted in the British military. The ITGWU had also been significantly weakened in 1913 in the
Syndicalists from Spain, Portugal, Great Britain, France, Brazil, Argentina, Italy, and Cuba met at an anti-war congress in
As the war progressed, disaffection with worsening living conditions at home and a growing numbers of casualties at the front eroded the enthusiasm and patriotism the outbreak of war had aroused. Prices were on the rise, food was scarce, and it became increasingly clear that the war would not be short. In Germany, food shortages led to demonstrations and riots in a number of cities in the summer of 1916. At the same time, anti-war demonstrations started. Strikes picked up from around 1916 or 1917 on across Europe and soldiers began to mutiny. Workers distrusted their socialist leaders who had joined the war effort. Thanks in part to their fidelity to internationalism, syndicalist organizations profited from this development and expanded as the war drew to an end.[116]
Russian Revolution and post-war turmoil
Disaffection with the war condensed in the
The Petrograd Soviet established the 66-member
Syndicalists in the West who had opposed World War I reacted gushingly to the Russian Revolution.[note 10] Although they were still coming to grips with the evolving Bolshevik ideology and despite traditional anarchist suspicions of Marxism, they saw in Russia a revolution that had taken place against parliamentary politics and under the influence of workers' councils. At this point, they also had only limited knowledge of the reality in Russia. Augustin Souchy, a German anarcho-syndicalist, hailed it "the great passion that swept us all along. In the East, so we believed, the sun of freedom rose." The Spanish CNT declared: "Bolshevism is the name, but the idea is that of all revolutions: economic freedom. ... Bolshevism is the new life for which we struggle, it is freedom, harmony, justice, it is the life that we want and will enforce in the world." Borghi recalled: "We exulted in its victories. We trembled at its risks. ... We made a symbol and an altar of its name, its dead, its living and its heroes."[133] He called on Italians to "do as they did in Russia".[134] Indeed, a revolutionary wave, inspired in part by Russia, swept Europe in the following years.[135]
In Germany, strikes and protests against food shortage, mainly by women, escalated and by 1917 had eroded public confidence in the government. The
Class struggle peaked in Italy in the years 1919–1920, which became known as the
In Portugal, working class unrest picked up from the start of the war. In 1917, radicals began to dominate the labor movement as a result of the war, the Sidónio Pais dictatorship established that year, and the influence of the Russian Revolution. The 1918 Portugal general strike was called for November but failed, and in 1919 the syndicalist General Confederation of Labour (Confederação Geral do Trabalho, CGT) was formed as the country's first national union confederation.[146]
In Brazil, in both Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, syndicalists, along with anarchists and socialists, were leaders in the
The United States underwent an increase in labor militancy during the post-war period. 1919 saw the
International Workers' Association
The Bolsheviks suppressed syndicalism in Russia but courted syndicalists abroad as part of their international strategy. In March 1919, the
Syndicalists became more estranged from the Comintern in 1920.
Decline
From the early 1920s, the traditional syndicalist movements in most countries began to wane; state repression played a role, although movements that were not suppressed also declined. According to van der Linden and Thorpe, syndicalist organizations saw themselves as having three options: they could stay true to their revolutionary principles and be marginalized, they could give up those principles in order to adapt to new conditions, or they could disband or merge into non-syndicalist organizations.
Syndicalism's decline was the result of a number of factors. In Russia, Italy, Portugal, Germany, Spain, and the Netherlands, syndicalist movements were suppressed by authoritarian governments. The IWW in the United States and the Mexican House of the World Worker were weakened considerably by state repression. Syndicalist movements that were not suppressed also declined. According to van der Linden and Thorpe, this was primarily the result of the integration of the working class into capitalist relations. Proletarian families became units of individualized consumption as standards of living increased. This was partly the result of
Vadim Dam'e adds to this that the development of capitalist production and changes in the division of labor diminished syndicalism's recruitment base.[179] According to authors like Stearns, Edward Shorter, Charles Tilly, and Bob Holton, who deem syndicalism a transitional form of workers' resistance between older craft-based artisanship and modern factory-based industry, syndicalism's decline was a product of that transition having been completed and workers being assimilated to capitalist factory discipline.[180] Darlington counters that syndicalism attracted a variety of workers, not just artisans and skilled workers; he concedes that such changes played a role in Spain, France, and some other countries.[181]
Several authors argue that syndicalism's demise was the result of workers' inherent pragmatism or conservatism, causing them to only be interested in immediate material gains rather than long-term goals like overthrowing capitalism.
According to many Marxists, syndicalism was a reaction to reformism in the labor movement and could not survive without it. The collapse of reformism after the war therefore automatically weakened syndicalism. According to Eric Hobsbawm, the biggest reason for syndicalism's decline was the rise of communism. Several communist parties drew their cadres from the syndicalists' ranks. To radical workers, the programmatic distinctions between syndicalism and communism were not all that relevant. The key is that, after the war, communism represented militancy or revolutionary attitude as such.[184] Darlington also sees the effects of the Russian Revolution as an important reason for the decline of syndicalism. The emergence of communism highlighted syndicalism's inherent weaknesses: the contradiction of building organizations that sought to be both revolutionary cadre organizations and mass labour unions, the emphasis on economic struggle to the detriment of political action and the commitment to localism limiting its ability to provide an effective centralized organization and leadership. Bolshevism's overcoming of these limitations and its success in Russia drew syndicalist leaders and members. It also exacerbated splits within the syndicalist camp.[185]
Legacy
The Nationalist faction victory in the Spanish Civil War put an end to syndicalism as a mass movement.
The IWA exists to this day, albeit with very little influence. At most, it is a "flicker of history, the custodian of doctrine" according to Wayne Thorpe.
According to Darlington, syndicalism left a legacy that was widely admired by labor and political activists in a number of countries. For example, the IWW song "
In his study of French syndicalism, Stearns concludes that it was a dismal failure. He argues that the radicalism of syndicalist labor leaders shocked French workers and the government, and thereby weakened the labor movement as a whole. Syndicalism was most popular among workers not yet fully integrated into modern capitalist industry but most French workers had adapted to this system and accepted it, therefore it was not able to seriously challenge prevailing conditions or even scare politicians and employers.[203]
See also
- Autonomism
- Community unionism
- Council communism
- Guild socialism
- List of syndicalists
- National syndicalism
- Sorelianism
- Workerism
- Workplace democracy
Notes
- ^ Of frequent criticism has been the transplantation of the term into languages in which the etymological link to unionism was lost. Opponents of syndicalism in Northern and Central Europe seized upon this to characterize it as something non-native, even dangerous. When the Free Association of German Trade Unions (Freie Vereinigung deutscher Gewerkschaften, FVdG) endorsed syndicalism in 1908, it did not at first use the term for fear of using "foreign names".[4]
- ^ Darlington adds that this definition does not encompass communist or socialist unions because, in his own words, the syndicalist conception "differed from both socialist and communist counterparts in viewing the decisive agency of the revolutionary transformation of society to be unions, as opposed to political parties or the state and of a collectivized worker-managed socio-economic order to be run by unions, as opposed to political parties or the state."[5]
- ^ The CGT's absence led the New Statesman to liken the Congress "to playing Hamlet without the Prince of Denmark".[90]
- ^ Russian, Serbian, and Italian socialists were the exception.[93]
- Novorossiisk.[119]
- ^ Volin derided the unions, which were dominated by Mensheviks, as a "mediator between labor and capital" and as "reformist".[121]
- ^ Compared with the mass revolts in February, it was more of a coup d'état. According to its commander Leon Trotsky, no more than 30,000 participated.[123]
- ^ Golos Truda was suppressed and replaced with a new but short-lived journal, Vol'nyi Golos Truda (The Free Voice of Labor). A first All-Russian Conference of Anarcho-Syndicalists was held August 1918, followed by a second in November, which established the All-Russian Confederation of Anarcho-Syndicalists. There is no evidence this confederation was effective in coordinating syndicalist activities.[127]
- ^ Pro-war syndicalists in the CGT instead viewed the revolution as treason because the Bolsheviks withdrew Russia from the war. De Ambris and the syndicalist supporters of war in Italy also denounced the upheaval as a challenge to nationalism.[132]
- ^ The Swedish SAC initially chose the first option. As an increasing number of workers left to join the mainstream unions, it changed course and became increasingly reformist. In the 1930s, unemployment funds were set up in Sweden, managed by unions but with significant contributions from the state. The SAC initially refused to participate but the ensuing loss in membership forced the SAC to give in. SAC membership then started to slowly rise.[160]
- SS and SA rounded up opponents of Nazism, many syndicalists were put in prisons, concentration camps, and torture chambers.[165] Syndicalists distributed a number of newspapers, pamphlets, and leaflets, some smuggled from the Netherlands and Czechoslovakia, some printed in Germany. They passed information on the situation in Germany to their fellow syndicalists abroad.[166] They organized clandestine meetings to coordinate their activities and build an underground resistance network.[167] Illegal syndicalist activity peaked in 1934; by late 1934, the Gestapo started to infiltrate the underground organization and another round of arrests began. Although the start of the Spanish Civil War in 1936 briefly revitalized syndicalist activity, the syndicalist network was ultimately crushed by the Gestapo by 1937 or 1938. Most syndicalists who had not been arrested gave up at this point.[168] Several dozen German syndicalists went into exile and some ended up in Barcelona, working for the CNT and fighting in the Spanish Civil War.[169]
- ^ In France, many syndicalists were involved in the French Resistance.[171] For instance, Georges Gourdin, an activist in the CGT's Technicians' Federation, organized links between other syndicalists and anarchists, and aided them and other refugees in escaping the Gestapo. He was arrested by the Gestapo in 1944, tortured without giving up any information, and died at a camp near Nordhausen, Thuringia.[172] Another of the best known French resisters was Jean-René Saulière, who organized a resistance group that included the exiled Russian syndicalist Volin. The same day Toulouse was liberated in August 1944, a leaflet titled Manifesto of the Anarcho-Syndicalist Libertarian Groups was distributed by Saulière's network throughout the city.[173]
- ^ In Poland, syndicalists were among the first to organize the Polish resistance movement in World War II against Nazism. In October 1939, they formed the Union of Polish Syndicalists (ZSP) with 2,000 to 4,000 members. It published newspapers but also had fighting units in the resistance. In 1942, it joined the Home Army (AK) led by the Polish government-in-exile. Syndicalists also formed the Syndicalist Organization "Freedom" (SOW), which comprised several hundred activists and also had combatant units.[174] The ZSP and the SOW were involved in the Warsaw Uprising of 1944. They formed the 104th Company of Syndicalists, a military unit consisting of several hundred soldiers who wore red and black bands, and hung red and black flags on the building they captured.[175]
References
Citations
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- ^ Gervasoni 2006, p. 57.
- ^ Darlington 2008, pp. 4–5; Thorpe 2010b, p. 25.
- ^ Thorpe 2010b, pp. 25–26.
- ^ Darlington 2008, p. 5.
- ^ van der Linden & Thorpe 1990, pp. 1–2; Darlington 2008, pp. 5–7; van der Linden 1998, pp. 182–183.
- ^ Olssen 1992, p. 108.
- ^ Peterson 1981, pp. 53–56.
- ^ Thorpe 2010b, pp. 17–18.
- ^ Cole, Struthers & Zimmer 2017, pp. 2–3.
- ^ Altena 2010, p. 197; Zimmer 2018, p. 353.
- ^ Thorpe 1989, pp. 1–2, 5–6; Zimmer 2018, pp. 353–354.
- ^ van der Walt 2018, pp. 253.
- ^ Zimmer 2018, pp. 354–358.
- ^ Zimmer 2018, pp. 357–358.
- ^ Ridley 1970, pp. 43–44, 65–66; Mitchell 1990, pp. 27–28.
- ^ Ridley 1970, pp. 67–70; Mitchell 1990, pp. 28–29.
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- ^ Dubofsky 1969, pp. 36–37, 81–82; Zimmer 2018, p. 359.
- ^ Dubofsky 1969, pp. 147–148, 169–170; Peterson 1981, p. 53.
- ^ Cole, Struthers & Zimmer 2017, p. 8.
- ^ Zimmer 2018, p. 359.
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- ^ Darlington 2008, p. 89.
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- ^ Darlington 2008, pp. 82–85.
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- ^ Darlington 2008, pp. 18–20; Thorpe 1989, pp. 14–15.
- ^ Darlington 2008, p. 18; Chwedoruk 2010, p. 142; Ridley 1970, p. 249.
- ^ Stearns 1971, pp. 35–38, 100–101.
- ^ Ridley 1970, pp. 182–184.
- ^ Darlington 2008, p. 48.
- ^ Altena 2010, pp. 189–190.
- ^ Darlington 2009, pp. 29–30, 32–33; Thorpe 2010b, p. 17; Berry 2002, p. 134.
- ^ McKay 2012, p. 97; Darlington 2009, p. 29.
- ^ O'Connor 2010, p. 195; Zimmer 2018, p. 360.
- ^ McKay 2012, pp. 97–98.
- ^ Altena 2010, pp. 188, 191–194.
- ^ Darlington 2009, pp. 46–48.
- ^ Darlington 2008, pp. 21–22.
- ^ Darlington 2008, pp. 22–28.
- ^ Darlington 2008, pp. 28–31; van der Linden & Thorpe 1990, p. 19.
- ^ Darlington 2008, p. 35.
- ^ Darlington 2008, pp. 32–39.
- ^ Darlington 2008, pp. 39–42.
- ^ Darlington 2008, pp. 42–45.
- ^ Darlington 2008, pp. 105–106.
- ^ McCallum 1998, pp. 15–16.
- ^ McCallum 1998, p. 41.
- ^ Shor 1999, pp. 67–68, 73.
- ^ Gemie 1996, p. 433.
- ^ Gemie 1996, pp. 422–424.
- ^ Darlington 2008, pp. 62–63, 86–87; Dubofsky 1969, pp. 120–125, 202–208, 210–220, 227–283.
- ^ Hart 1990, pp. 188–199.
- ^ Bayerlein & van der Linden 1990, pp. 157–158.
- ^ Levy 2000, pp. 217–219.
- ^ Challinor 1977, p. xxx.
- ^ Darlington 2013, p. 42.
- ^ Darlington 2013, p. 42; O'Connor 2010, pp. 205–207.
- ^ Thorpe 1989, p. 1.
- ^ Thorpe 2010b, pp. 32, 34; Altena 2010, p. 185.
- ^ Lehning 1982, pp. 77–78; Thorpe 1989, pp. 53–54.
- ^ Thorpe 1989, p. 69.
- ^ Lehning 1982, pp. 78–80; Thorpe 1989, pp. 69, 72, 75–76, 79–80.
- ^ Darlington 2008, pp. 45–47.
- ^ Eley 2002, pp. 125, 127.
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- ^ Darlington 2008, p. 47; Thorpe 1989, p. 89.
- ^ Darlington 2006, p. 983.
- ^ a b Darlington 2006, p. 984.
- ^ Darlington 2006, p. 990; van der Linden & Thorpe 1990, p. 5.
- ^ Darlington 2006, p. 992.
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- ^ Darlington 2006, p. 985; Thorpe 2001, p. 10.
- ^ Darlington 2006, pp. 987–989.
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- ^ Avrich 1967, pp. 165–170; Thorpe 1989, p. 98.
- ^ Avrich 1967, pp. 181, 191–195; Thorpe 1989, pp. 99–100.
- ^ Avrich 1967, pp. 190–191, 194–195; Thorpe 1989, pp. 98–100, 163.
- ^ Avrich 1967, pp. 195–196; Thorpe 1989, p. 162.
- ^ Avrich 1967, pp. 197–199; Thorpe 1989, pp. 162–163.
- ^ Avrich 1967, pp. 222–225; Thorpe 1989, pp. 163–164.
- ^ Avrich 1967, pp. 228–231, 239.
- ^ Thorpe 1989, pp. 92–93.
- ^ Thorpe 1989, pp. 92–93; Tosstorf 2009, pp. 14–15.
- ^ Darlington 2008, p. 140.
- ^ Darlington 2009, p. 187; Eley 2002, pp. 138, 152–155.
- ^ Eley 2002, pp. 136–138, 153–154, 165.
- ^ Thorpe 2001, p. 6; Bock 1969, pp. 33, 86, 102–103.
- ^ Bock 1969, pp. 105, 108–109, 118–120.
- ^ Bock 1969, pp. 124–126.
- ^ Bock 1969, pp. 105–106, 155–156; Thorpe 2001, p. 19.
- ^ Bertrand 1982, pp. 383–385.
- ^ Levy 2000, p. 213; Roberts 1979, p. 177.
- ^ Bertrand 1982, p. 383.
- ^ Levy 2000, p. 246; Bertrand 1982, pp. 387–388.
- ^ Bertrand 1982, pp. 390–391.
- ^ Bayerlein & van der Linden 1990, pp. 159–161.
- ^ Batalha 2017, pp. 92–98; Toledo & Biondi 2010, pp. 387–391.
- ^ Thompson 1990, pp. 169, 174–178.
- ^ Darlington 2006, pp. 999–1000; Darlington 2008, pp. 162–163; Dubofsky 1969, pp. 452–456.
- ^ Bercuson 1990, pp. 221, 230.
- ^ Thorpe 1989, pp. 100–101, 104; Tosstorf 2009, p. 15.
- ^ Thorpe 1989, pp. 112–116.
- ^ Thorpe 2017, p. 109.
- ^ Thorpe 1989, pp. 116, 122; Tosstorf 2009, p. 15.
- ^ Thorpe 1989, p. 125.
- ^ Thorpe 1989, pp. 126–129, 132; Tosstorf 2009, p. 16.
- ^ Darlington 2008, pp. 189–190; Thorpe 1989, pp. 132–133; Tosstorf 2009, pp. 16–18.
- ^ Thorpe 1989, p. 134.
- ^ van der Linden & Thorpe 1990, pp. 4–5, 17–18.
- ^ van der Linden & Thorpe 1990, pp. 18–19.
- ^ van der Walt 2018, p. 261.
- ^ Graf 2001, pp. 38–59.
- ^ Graf 2001, p. 36.
- ^ Graf 2001, pp. 38–29.
- ^ Graf 2001, pp. 40–41.
- ^ Graf 2001, pp. 48–49, 53.
- ^ Graf 2001, pp. 51–52.
- ^ Graf 2001, pp. 53, 55–56.
- ^ Graf 2001, pp. 58–59.
- ^ Berry 2001, pp. 78–81.
- ^ Berry 2001, p. 78.
- ^ Berry 2001, pp. 79.
- ^ Berry 2001, pp. 80–81.
- ^ a b Chwedoruk 2010, pp. 158–160.
- ^ Chwedoruk 2010, p. 160.
- ^ van der Linden & Thorpe 1990, pp. 17–18.
- ^ Darlington 2008, pp. 177–179.
- ^ Altena 2010, pp. 217–219.
- ^ Altena 2010, p. 217.
- ^ Darlington 2008, pp. 158–159.
- ^ Darlington 2008, pp. 159–160.
- ^ Darlington 2008, pp. 145–146.
- ^ Darlington 2008, pp. 151–152.
- ^ Hobsbawm 1999, pp. 69, 73–74.
- ^ Darlington 2008, p. 167.
- ^ Ealham 2015, p. 203.
- ^ Darlington 2008, pp. 3, 157.
- ^ Bock 1969, p. 348; Bock 1976, pp. 173–174.
- ^ Zimmer 2018, p. 364.
- ^ Bock 1976, pp. 253, 256.
- ^ Buhle 2005.
- ^ Travis 2000.
- ^ Levy 2000, p. 249.
- ^ van der Linden & Thorpe 1990, p. 19.
- ^ van der Linden & Thorpe 1990, pp. 257–258.
- ^ Barberis, McHugh & Tyldesley 2000, pp. 167–168.
- ^ Drücke 2011, p. 39; Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz 2011, pp. 165–166.
- ^ Pérez 2018.
- ^ Cleminson 2012, pp. 412–413; Pascual 2018; Pérez 2018.
- ^ Ealham 2015, pp. 122, 180–181, 212–215.
- ^ Ealham 2015, pp. 215–216; Pascual 2018.
- ^ Darlington 2008, pp. 278–279.
- ^ Stearns 1971, pp. 103–107.
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Further reading
- Ford, Earl C.; Foster, William Z. (1913). Syndicalism. Chicago: self-published.
- Herbert, Sydney; Rees, John Morgan (1922). Encyclopædia Britannica (12th ed.). London & New York: The Encyclopædia Britannica Company. . In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.).
- Industrial Workers of the World (1928). The IWW: What it is and what it is not. Chicago: Industrial Workers of the World.
- Anarcho-syndicalism: Theory and Practice: An Introduction to a Subject which the Spanish War has Brought into Overwhelming Prominence. London: Secker and Warburg.
- Sorel, Georges (1912). Reflections on Violence. New York: B.W. Huebsch.
- Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism. Edinburgh/Oakland: AK Press.
External links
- Official website of Industrial Workers of the World
- Official website of International Confederation of Labor
- Official website of Red and Black Coordination