Syrian Democratic Forces

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Syrian Democratic Forces
Arabic: قوات سوريا الديمقراطية
Kurdish: Hêzên Sûriya Demokratîk
هێزى ديموكراتيى سوورى
Syriac: ܚܝ̈ܠܘܬܐ ܕܣܘܪܝܐ ܕܝܡܩܪܛܝܬܐ
LeadersSDF General: Mazloum Abdi[1]
SDF Spokesman: Kino Gabriel[2]
Dates of operation10 October 2015 – present
AllegianceAutonomous Administration of North and East Syria
Group(s)Groups based in all of Northeastern Syria

Groups based in the Jazira Region & Deir ez-Zor Governorate

Groups based in the Euphrates Region

Groups based in the Afrin Region, Manbij Region, & Aleppo city (including Sheikh Maqsood), withdrew to Manbij in March 2018

Groups based in the Manbij Region

Groups based in the Raqqa District & Al-Thawrah District

HeadquartersQamishli (capital city)[47]
Active regionsNorthern Syria
minority interests
  • Jineology
  • Pro-SDF Syrian opposition
    • Size100,000 (2021 estimate)[50]
    Allies

    Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria NES police forces

    Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria NES civilian defence forces

    Opponents
    Battles and wars
    Syrian Civil War
    Preceded by
    Euphrates Volcano

    The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF)

    terrorist group.[109]

    Formed as a rebel alliance in the

    Kurdish militia recognized as a terrorist group by Turkey. SDF also includes several ethnic militias, and various factions of the Syrian opposition's Free Syrian Army.[113][114]

    The primary opponents of the SDF are the various

    Baghuz.[122]

    Since the territorial defeat of ISIL, the SDF has increasingly been involved with resisting the growing Turkish occupation of northern Syria.[123]

    Establishment

    Foundation

    The establishment of the SDF was announced on 11 October 2015 during a press conference in

    People's Protection Units (Yekîneyên Parastina Gel, YPG) and the Women's Protection Units (Yekîneyên Parastina Jin, YPJ) had been operating throughout the regions of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria
    , the other founding partners were more geographically focused.

    Geographically focused on the

    Liwa Thuwwar al-Raqqa had been expelled by the al-Nusra Front and ISIL from the city of Raqqa for its alliance with the YPG. The group participated in the capture of Tell Abyad
    from the Islamic State.

    Geographically focused on the Jazira Region in northeast Syria were the Assyrian Syriac Military Council (Mawtbo Fulhoyo Suryoyo, MFS) and the al-Sanadid Forces of the Arab Shammar tribe, both of whom had cooperated with the YPG in fighting ISIL since 2013.[126] The MFS is further politically aligned with the YPG via their shared secular ideology of democratic confederalism, which in the Assyrian community is known as the Dawronoye movement.[127]

    Geographically focused on the Manbij Region was the Army of Revolutionaries (Jaysh al-Thuwar, JAT), itself an alliance of several groups of diverse ethnic and political backgrounds, who had in common that they had been rejected by the mainstream Syrian opposition for their secular, anti-Islamist views and affiliations.

    Signatory groups

    The following groups signed the founding document:[124]

    1. People's Protection Units
      (Yekîneyên Parastina Gel, YPG)
    2. Women's Protection Units (Yekîneyên Parastina Jin, YPJ)
    3. Al-Sanadid Forces
    4. Syriac Military Council (Mawtbo Fulhoyo Suryoyo, MFS)
    5. Liwa Thuwwar al-Raqqa
    6. Euphrates Volcano
    7. Army of Revolutionaries (Jaysh al-Thuwar, JAT)
      1. 99th Infantry Brigade
    8. Brigade Groups of al-Jazira

    Political representation

    On 10 December 2015, after a two-day conference, the Syrian Democratic Council was established. Human rights activist Haytham Manna and Ilham Ehmed were elected co-chairman/woman at its founding.[128] The Assembly establishing the Syrian Democratic Council was made up of 13 members of different ethnic, economic and political backgrounds.

    Ethnic makeup

    Initially, the mostly Kurdish YPG/YPJ comprised the majority of SDF and dominated it organizationally.[129][130] However, it has had smaller minorities of other communities involved in it from the beginning, including Christians, Yezidis, Turkmen and Arabs.[131]

    The participation of thousands of Arab troops fighting under the SDF, in its military councils as well as various militias and rebel groups, during the battle for Raqqa in 2015 initially made local Arab groups see that Arabs and the SDF could work together. This encouraged increased Arab membership at the time.[132] By 2017, the SDF was reported by the United States Department of Defense to have an Arab majority.[133][134] A 2019 Wilson Center study also suggested that a majority of the Syrian Democratic Forces' personnel are Arabs. The study was based on a respresentative survey with 391 SDF fighters; of the total respondents, 68.7% were Arabs, 17.2% Kurds, 12.5% Christians, 0.9% Yezidis, and 0.6% Turkmens. By comparison, the SDF itself estimated at the time that 50-70% of its troops were Arabs, 30-50% Kurds, 5% Christians, 2% Yezidis, and 2% Turkmens.[135]

    Unofficial figures, quoted in Al Majalla in 2021, similarly indicated a sizeable Arab majority, 65,000 out of 100,000 total. The Arab membership of the SDF may relate to the pay levels and conscription going on within the Arab majority Northeast Syria region, as the SDF has a mandatory 1 year of service for all men living in its area of control.[50]

    Size, growth and composition

    The SDF is in control of about 25% of the territory of Syria.[123] In 2018, following a Turkish invasion into north west Syria, the SDF was forced from Afrin.[123][136] In October 2019, the SDF had to retreat from Tell Abyad and Ras al-Ayn after a renewed Turkish invasion of Syrian territory.[123]

    2015

    At the time of its founding in late 2015,

    Hasakah Governorate.[138] In November, the FSA group Euphrates Jarabulus Battalions announced its accession to the SDF.[139] In December, members of the Deir ez-Zor Governorate-based Arab tribe al-Shaitat joined the SDF, sending fighters to al-Shaddadah.[140]

    2016

    Hussam Awak, a former brigadier general in the Syrian Armed Forces who resigned in 2005 and joined the SDF in October 2016, later leaving in December 2017

    With continuous growth in particular due to Arab groups and volunteers joining, in March 2016 only an estimated 60% of the men and women in the SDF fighting force were ethnic

    Northern Raqqa offensive, The Economist said the SDF fighting force to be composed of "about 20,000 YPG fighters and about 10,000 Arabs".[143] The next month in December 2016, Colonel John Dorrian, the Operation Inherent Resolve spokesman, stated that the SDF contained around 45,000 fighters, of which more than 13,000 were Arabs.[144]

    2017

    According to a March 2017 statement of the Spokesman for the International Coalition forces, U.S. Colonel John Dorrian, 75 percent of the SDF forces fighting in

    Stephen Townsend in the same month said that "I'm seeing what is probably a pretty broad coalition of people and the Kurds may be providing the leadership, because they have a capable leader who's stepped up to this challenge. And they are providing some of the organisational skill, but I see a large contingent about 23 to 25, 000 so far and growing, Arabs, who are marching to liberate their part of northern Syria. So, I don't see a Kurdish state. I see a multi-cultural, multi-party, multi-ethnic, multi-sectarian Syrian region being liberated from ISIS. Over."[163]

    YPJ fighter in 2014

    Late June, an analysis by the Counter Terrorism Center at West Point said "growing acceptance of the SDF by Sunni Arab rebel groups" and more generally "growing legitimacy of the SDF".[161] Another analysis as of late June described the YPG as "only one faction of many within the SDF", however that "it's the YPG that makes the SDF reliable and effective. The SDF's other components function as auxiliaries to the SDF's 'backbone', the YPG, which ensures effective, unitary command and control."[164]

    2018

    SDF-controlled territory (green), claimed territory (red), Turkish-occupied territory (red) in October 2019
    Press conference of the SDF on 22 January 2018, involving Kino Gabriel (center), spokesman of the SDF.
    • On 13 January 2018, it was announced that the US-led Coalition would train a group called the Syrian Border Security Force (BSF), and would aim to reach 30,000 fighters, half of those being composed by current SDF members.[175]
    • On 20 January 2018, Kino Gabriel, the spokesman for the Syriac Military Council, was also made the spokesman for the SDF.[2]
    • In early June 2018, the Brigade For The Liberation of Idlib and Afrin, and the Idlib Revolutionaries Brigade where established.
    • In July 2018, the first Sapper unit was established.[6]
    • On 1 August 2018, the first Special Forces Regiment was formed.[5]
    • On 24 September 2018, the
      Assyrian Democratic Party announced the creation of a united military leadership for Nattoreh and the Khabour Guards
      . The united force will known as the "Ashur Forces".

    2019

    Support by the U.S.-led coalition
    An SDF IAG Guardian armoured personnel carrier in February 2017, one of several APCs that were supplied by the United States to the SDF.
    U.S. Army Stryker armoured vehicles drive through Qamishli and head to the Syria–Turkey border after Turkish–YPG April 2017 border clashes
    .
    Abdullah Ocalan
    in the background, mid-October 2017
    U.S. soldiers of the
    CJTF–OIR coalition train SDF commandos
    in live stress-fire, mid-July 2019

    Reported internal conflict between SDF factions

    • In November 2015,
      People's Protection Units (YPG), on 6 January 2016 the group reportedly issued a statement stating it was disbanding.[237] Later the same month, some sources stated that the Liwa Thuwar al-Raqqa reappeared, announcing it had decided to rejoin the SDF.[238]
    • Turkey has at various times tried and failed to incite tensions along ethnic lines within the SDF.[24] At the height of one such attempts after the start of the summer 2016 Manbij offensive, Sheikh Farouk al-Mashi, an ethnic Arab former member of the Syrian parliament and designated co-chairman of the Manbij City Council, stated: "I have a Syrian ID, and Kurds have a Syrian ID. Let those people who talk against us in Turkey and Europe come here and fight ISIS. Why this distortion in media about problems between Kurds and Arabs?" Ethnic Kurdish fellow co-chairman Salih Haji Mohammed stated: "In our social contract, we say we want to have good relations with neighboring countries like Turkey. Any country that does not interfere in Manbij and our areas, we will have good relations with."[239] A fighter gave his perspective as "we have Arabs, Kurds, nobody knows how many exactly, we all work under the SDF-forces".[240]
    • In September 2016, during the
      Liwa al-Tahrir, Abdul Karim Obeid, defected to the camp of Turkish-backed rebels with 20 to 100 of his men, citing opposition to reported YPG domination of the SDF, while SDF sources suggested he was displeased with the civil administration of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria replacing warlordist political rule in the Free Syrian Army style. The remaining fighters stayed with the SDF.[24]
    • Also, in September 2016, during the Turkish military intervention, some Arab sources reported that Liwa Ahrar al-Raqqa clashed with the YPG,[25] however two days later the Liwa Ahrar al-Raqqa's commander said that news about the clashes and defections were false, he denied that such clashes had ever happened.[241]
    • In mid-November 2016, Liwa Thuwar al-Raqqa's political bureau, which has strong connections with Turkey, condemned the SDF's
      Liwa Ahrar al-Raqqa
      , in response to the tensions.
    • On 10 December 2016, the second phase of the
      Jabhat Thuwar al-Raqqa participating under the SDF. 2 weeks later, the Raqqa Hawks Brigade reportedly captured several Thuwar al-Raqqa military commanders and forced them to announce their defection. On 27 December, the commanders declared on video that they are still with Thuwar al-Raqqa.[242] On 20 February 2017, one sub-commander of the Raqqa Hawks Brigade, Abu Yamen al-Meko, who reportedly had strong links to the Military Intelligence Directorate, declared his loyalty to Bashar al-Assad and formed the pro-government unit "Tajamou al-Shamal". His followers consequently raised the Ba'athist flag at their headquarters in the village of al-Fares. These actions, however, provoked the ire of Jabhat Thuwar al-Raqqa, which launched a surprise attack on al-Fares two days later and destroyed al-Meko's faction, killing or capturing its members. Jabhat Thuwar al-Raqqa went on to declare that it "would never allow the regime and its supporting militia to re-enter the city [of Raqqa] by any means".[243][244]
    • On 10 April 2017, a spokesman for the
      Wrath of Euphrates Operation, and we will participate in all stages until Raqqa and Deir ez-Zor are freed."[246]
    • On 28 September 2017, Yasser al-Dahla, commander of the Gathering of
      Euphrates Shield fighters who defected to the SDF to join the Gathering. Dahla reportedly threatened to cease his group's participation in the Deir ez-Zor offensive.[247]
    • On 15 November 2017, Talal Silo, surrendered or defected to the Turkish Army. The nature of his leaving the SDF being up for dispute.[172][173][174]
    • On 20 December 2017, Hussam Awak announced his resignation from the SDF on his Facebook page without providing any reasons.[16]
    • In May 2018, tensions began to build up between members of Arab tribes, including Liwa Thuwar al-Raqqa, and the rest of the SDF and the Raqqa Internal Security Forces over recruitment issues in Raqqa. A curfew was put in place in both Raqqa city and the rest of the governorate on 23 June, as the SDF and RISF besieged Thuwar al-Raqqa's headquarters and arrested between 90[248] and 200 of its members the next day.[249] By 25 June, the SDF and RISF captured all of Thuwar al-Raqqa fighters and their weapons in Raqqa, completely defeating the group, and the curfew was ended.[250] Following Liwa Thuwar al-Raqqa's defeat by the SDF and RISF, Abu Issa met with tribal leaders and SDF officials to discuss surrender and reconciliation. He was reportedly offered a position in the SDF general command.[251] Abu Issa would later go on to deny he was ever arrested by the SDF or the RISF.[252]
    • On 27 August 2023, the SDF arrested Ahmad Al Khubail, also known as Abu Khawla, who headed its Deir al Zor Council. This led to widespread unrest by various Arab tribal clans, fuelled by grieances over social issues and corruption by the AANES officials. Tens of civilians and fighters died in the resulting fighting.[253]

    War crimes

    See also:
    People's Protection Units § Allegations concerning violations of international law

    On 15 March 2017, a video surfaced that showed members of the Northern Sun Battalion reportedly torturing an ISIL fighter, who had been captured while planting mines. One of these mines had reportedly killed nine fighters of the battalion, leading five others to take revenge on the ISIL militant. The Manbij Military Council condemned the act, and announced that the involved Northern Sun Battalion fighters would be held for trial for violating the Geneva Conventions.[254][255] The five accused were arrested on 17 March.[256]

    Ethnic cleansing and forced displacement allegations

    In June 2015 the Turkish government and Amnesty International reported that the YPG was carrying out an ethnic cleansing of non-Kurdish populations as part of a plan to join the Jazira and Euphrates regions into a single territory.[257]

    The U.S. State Department reacted by stating they would 'scrutinise' Amnesty International's accusations.[258] The U.S. State Department stated it had to determine if there was "any veracity to the claims", but showed concern by calling for any administrator in the area to rule "with respect for all groups regardless of ethnicity". The report makes accusations of looting, coercing civilians to join their armed forces and the forced targeted displacement of 1400 families in the Turkman villages of Hammam al-Turkman, 800 Turkmen from Mela Berho and Suluk residents. The report offers unnamed witness testimony from reported victims, cross referenced with photo and video evidence, media reports, and satellite imagery to substantiate these reports.[259]

    In a report published by the United Nations' Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic on 10 March 2017, the Commission refuted Amnesty International's reports of ethnic cleansing, stating that "'though allegations of 'ethnic cleansing' continued to be received during the period under review, the Commission found no evidence to substantiate reports that YPG or SDF forces ever targeted Arab communities on the basis of ethnicity".[260][261][262]

    In interviews, YPG spokespersons acknowledged that a number of families were in fact displaced. However, they placed the number at no more than 25,[263] and stated military necessity. They stated that the family members of terrorists maintained communications with them, and therefore had to be removed from areas where they might pose a danger.[259] They further reported that ISIL was using civilians in those areas to plant car bombs or carry out other attacks on the YPG.[259]

    Recruitment of minors

    In June 2014,

    Asayish) began receiving human rights training from Geneva Call and other international organisations with the YPG pledging publicly to demobilize all fighters under 18 within a month and began to enact disciplinary measures against commanders of the units that had involved in corruption and accepting recruit under age of 18 to their ranks.[267][268] In October 2015 the YPG demobilized 21 minors from the military service in its ranks.[269]

    In response to reports issued by international organisations such as Human Rights Watch,[270] the general command of the SDF issued a military order prohibiting the recruitment of children.[271] On 29 June 2019 Abdi, as representative of the SDF, signed the action plan of the United Nations aiming to prevent the enlistment of child soldiers in the armed forces. The action plan was signed to address the inclusion of the YPG in the SDF.[272]

    In 2020, United Nations reported SDF as the largest faction in the

    Hayat Tahrir al-Sham with 245 child soldiers.[273]

    See also

    Notes

    1. romanized
      : Ḥaylawotho d'Suriya Demoqraṭoyto.

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    Bibliography

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