Tây Sơn wars
Tây Sơn wars Vietnamese Civil war of 1771–1802 | |||||||
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Nguyễn Huệ. | |||||||
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Belligerents | |||||||
Kingdom of Cambodia )
Siam France (1778–1802, limited) Kingdom of Vientiane Chinese Vietnamese (Hoà Nghĩa army Trịnh lord (1774–1786)
Qing dynasty (1788–1789) Royal Vietnamese army under Lê Chiêu Thống | |||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||
Nguyễn Huệ Nguyễn Lữ Nguyễn Quang Toản Ngô Văn Sở Po Tisuntiraidapuran Lý Tài (1771–1775) Chen Tianbao Zheng Yi † |
Nguyễn Phúc Ánh
Đỗ Thanh Nhơn Lê Văn Duyệt Lý Tài † (1775–1777) Po Ladhuanpuguh Rama I Chaophraya Aphaiphubet (Baen) Nanthasen Louis XVI (diplomatic only) Pierre Pigneau de Behaine Jean-Baptiste Chaigneau Jean-Marie Dayot Olivier de Puymanel Trịnh Sâm Sun Shiyi Cen Yidong † Lê Chiêu Thống | ||||||
Strength | |||||||
Tây Sơn: 25,000 (1774) South China sea pirates: 50,000 (1802)[2] |
Nguyễn lord: 22,740[3] (1771) Trịnh lords: More than 30,000 (1786)[1] China: 20,000–200,000[7] (1788–1789) | ||||||
Casualties and losses | |||||||
1–2 million civilians |
The Tây Sơn wars or Tây Sơn rebellion, often known as the Vietnamese civil war of 1771–1802, were a series of military conflicts association followed the Vietnamese peasant uprising of
.Overview
The Tây Sơn rebellion was a peasant
Background
The breakdown of royal rule in 16th century
The origin of the conflicts was back to the 15th century, when Vietnamese monarch Lê Thánh Tông (r. 1460 – 1497) started adopting the Ming-inspired Confucian reform over the country,[9] led the kingdom reached its height as a prosperity and regional superpower, its population expanded from 1.8 million in 1417 to 4.5 million people at the end of his reign.[10][11] The Lê royal family indefinitely exchanging Confucian niceties over the question of responsibility. He brought Dong-Kinh scholars and Thanh-Nghe warriors into his government. Lê Thánh Tông transformed Dai Viet into a centralized bureaucratic state with a strongly Confucian character and established the Nam-giao (Ch. Nan-chiao), a sacrifice to Heaven, as the new central state ritual. To staff the new bureaucracy, the Le dynasty king, referred to as an emperor in the Vietnamese records, for the first time consistently utilized the triennial examination system of the Ming dynasty to recruit scholars for appointment in the civil service. This administrative system constituted the Hong Duc model, named after the second of Le Thanh Tong's two reign periods.[9] Meanwhile, Đại Việt sent missions to China which the court considered tribute missions; the Ming court enfeoffed the Vietnamese ruler as the "king of Annam", while the Vietnamese used a rhetoric which placed their court on equal footing with the Ming empire.[12] However, after his death and his son Lê Hiến Tông (r. 1498 – 1504), the governance system of the royal family sink. Began with king Lê Uy Mục, seized the throne of Đại Việt in 1505, murdering his grandmother and two ministers and ushering in an era of instability.[13] The ruling Lê family, originally from Thanh Hóa in the south of Đại Việt, was increasingly dependent at court on two other leading Thanh Hóa military clans, the Trịnh and the Nguyễn. The Lê dynasty increasingly fell victim to intrigue between these competing clans. Bloodshed erupted in 1505–9, briefly forcing the Nguyễn clan back to Thanh Hóa.[14] Extreme weathers occurred in the early 16th century, such as drought periods in 1503 and 1504, and typhoon and floods occurred in the Red River Delta every years from 1512 to 1517, rapidly declined the economy of the Vietnamese state. Instability, famines, epidemics, disasters, peasant revolts and quick succession of eight rulers, six of whom were assassinated, led to the downfall of Đại Việt among Southeast Asian powers.[14][15][16]
In 1527, a high-rank military officer of the weakened court,
Civil war (1545–1592)
Without Ming intervention, but aided by members of two powerful Thanh Hóa military clans, the Nguyễn and Trịnh, the Lê family slowly made their way back to power. This effort continued through most of the sixteenth century, and in the course of the long seesaw struggle with the Mạc, a rivalry emerged between the two families, represented by their principal figures, Nguyễn Kim and Trịnh Kiểm (1503–1570).[25] This tension developed even though the families were not merely allied militarily, but were also linked through marriage. Nguyễn Kim had married one of his daughters to Trịnh Kiểm, thus binding the two families in a time-honored fashion. Neither the military nor the marital connections, however, could forestall Trịnh Kiểm's personal ambitions. The ongoing contest for political supremacy gradually saw the Trịnh gain the upper hand, a position that was secured when the Nguyễn paterfamilias was murdered at the hands of a surrendering Mạc general in 1545.[25] Eager to eliminate his rivals, Trịnh Kiểm arranged to have the elder Nguyễn son killed.
With the Revival Lê headquarters in Thanh Hóa now dominated by thái sư Trịnh Kiểm and the
Trịnh–Nguyễn partition
In the next two centuries, the kingdom of
In 1624, Nguyễn Hoàng's son and successor, Nguyễn Phúc Nguyên formally rejected a Trịnh demand for tax revenues, warfare returned as the two powerful families had waged wars for almost 45 years (1627–1672), which resulted in inclusive.[32] Both sides then accepted the military stalemate, and a de facto cease-fire emerged.[33]
Trịnh Tonkin
In Tonkin, The Trịnh clan, led by Trịnh Tùng (c.1570–1623) did not seize the royal throne of Đại Việt.[34] Having restored the Lê royal family to the throne of Đại Việt, Trịnh kept them there, married to Trịnh daughters, and maintained control of the court and the land as lords (V. chúa), not as kings.[34] In 1674 the Trinh called a halt to their military efforts at unification and worked instead to re-establish the Hong Duc model of governance.[35][36] With the resolution of the problem of the Mạc on the northern border in Cao Bằng in 1677, diplomatic relations with the Ch'ing settled into a predictable pattern of a tribute mission sent every three years or a double mission every six years, proceeding by land to present gold and silver objects. The result of these missions was a steady, asymmetric relationship that guaranteed Dai Viet its independence. The scholar-officials on these missions from Thang-Long absorbed the flourishing elements of Ch'ing society during the long K'ang-hsi reign.[37] The Trinh developed their agricultural base, imposed their former centralized bureaucratic model, adopted scholar values, and had formal tributary ties with the Qing dynasty in Beijing. The strengths, weaknesses, and Chinese connections of each system set the political trajectories through the eighteenth century.[38] Unlike the Lê royals and scholar-officials who embraced Confucian values, much of the general Vietnamese populace remained Buddhists. Yet the spread of Confucian ideas, ancestral rites, and the growth of shrines, especially in north Vietnam, also brought social change, because it affected the roles of women. Vietnamese women enjoyed a higher degree of gender equality than any other East Asian women.[39] Mahayana Buddhism had a major revival. Catholicism became a presence in Vietnamese society at a number of different social levels.[40] A 1784 estimate suggests that north Vietnam had a Catholic Christians population of 350,000 to 400,000, while southern Vietnam had about 10,000 to 15,000 Christians.[41]
With peace, the population grew, and with the rise in population and productivity came expansion of commercial activity. The marketplace was as much a positive point of interest to these Vietnamese officials as was the rice paddy. Since the Vietnamese had long used Chinese-style copper coins but did not have a sufficient supply of copper ore, the issue of a sound money supply was a crucial one in the rising economy.
Nguyễn Cochinchina
Unlike northern Vietnam under Confucian influences, Nguyễn Cochinchina promoted Vietnamese Buddhism. Nguyễn lords replaced old Cham temples with pagodas. According to Pierre Poivre, around 1750 Nguyễn lords had built 400 pagodas and shrines in Huế alone.[48] Most of pre-18th century southern Vietnamese pagodas were destroyed in the Tây Sơn rebellion, either because of their pro-Nguyen associations or because the Tây Sơn had a policy allowing only one pagoda for each district.[48]
In terms of economy, Nguyễn lords’ Cochinchina largely relied on maritime trade, particularly trade with markets in Japan and China.
The newly developing local economies, encouraged at first by Japanese financing and then by Fujianese, produced goods such as indigenous silk, pepper, sugar, and forest goods. This financing likely took the form of credit advances to be paid off with locally produced materials. The situation was conducive to the petty capitalism that was practiced on China's southeast coast, but without the restraints imposed by the Ming and Ch'ing governments. Fukienese merchants operating along the Vietnam coast were free to develop their enterprises as commodity producers in a more dynamic fashion than in their homeland. The thriving local economies drew more Vietnamese settlers, perhaps following kinship ties, from Dai Viet into the new realm. Much of the southern economy was linked to the flow of international commerce.[50] The Nguyen even employed Westerners at the court. For example, in 1686 Lord Nguyễn Phúc Tần (r. 1648–87) had his personal doctor, Bartholomeu da Costa. In 1704, lord Nguyễn Phúc Chu (r. 1691–1725) employed Antonio de Arnedo and de Lima in 1724 to teach him mathematics and astronomy.[55] Europeans continued to serve the Nguyen court until 1820.[56]
Crises of Vietnam in 18th century
Crises in Trịnh's north Vietnam
In Northern Vietnam, the social crisis began in the early 18th century. Population raised from 4.7 million in 1634 to 6.4 million people in 1730.
Buddhism regained status by gaining royal spectacular influence. Trịnh rulers had many temples repaired and new ones built. Lord Trịnh Cương (r. 1709–1729) made frequent pleasure trips to pilgrimage sites and composed poetry about them. From 1713 he forced inhabitants of three districts of Bắc Ninh to work for six years on the restoration of a single temple. But in 1719 he feared unrest, abandoned the project, and exempted the districts from a year's taxation. [64] Several years later he resumed the conscription of labor for temple construction. A year after his death, his son Trịnh Giang (r. 1729–40) began a similar project, obliging the people of three districts of Hải Dương to work day and night on two pagodas there, digging canals, building roads, and transporting timber and stone. In 1731 he had the emperor Lê Dụ Tông (r. 1709–1729) strangled and a number of courtiers executed. While Trịnh Giang was having other officials investigate the budget, he expended much of it on Buddhist construction, left trusted eunuchs in charge of the court, and allowed local officials to impose exactions on villagers. A series of major rural revolts broke out in the 1730s, one lasting until 1769.[64] Through the middle of the eighteenth century, under Trịnh Doanh (r. 1740–67) these socioeconomic strains contributed to increasing instability across Dai Viet. Local leaders of all types rose in resistance.[65] At court the royal Lê family chafed under the control of their maternal kin, the Trịnh. In 1737, three Lê princes attempted a palace coup. The Trinh suppressed the effort, and only one prince, Lê Duy Mật (d. 1769), survived by escaping into the Laos hills called by the Vietnamese Tran Ninh (Plain of Jars), southwest of the capital. Lê Duy Mật resisted for three decades as other rebellions rose and were crushed through the 1740s and 1750s.[65] The Trịnh finally destroyed the prince and his group in 1769. A prominent scholar informed the Trịnh court around 1750 that 1,070 of the 9,668 villages in the Red River Delta were simply gone, along with 297 of Thanh Hóa's 1,392 villages and 115 of the 706 in Nghệ An. 30% of Northern Vietnam's 11,766 villages were empty.[66] As the numbers of adherents of Buddhism and Christianity grew among Vietnamese on all social levels, scholars worked to control their texts and continued to write Chinese-style poetry.[65]
Crises of Nguyễn's south Vietnam
Unlike Trịnh's Tonkin, the administrative system of Cochinchina formed part of a complex web of fiscal relations.
Year | Number of junks | Revenues through trade (in tael) | Sources |
---|---|---|---|
1740s | 70 | 140,000 | [75] |
1771 | 16 | 38,000 | [75] |
1772 | 12 | 14,300 | [75] |
1773 | – | 3,200 | [75] |
In the south, tensions between
To solve the economic crisis, in the early 1770s lord
The rise of Tây Sơn brothers
Background of the revolt
The Tây Sơn brothers were from the
The Nguyen government of Huế placed heavy tax burdens on the area and its highlands. In 1765, the regent, Trương Phúc Loan (d. 1776), seized power in the Nguyen capital, which exacerbated the problems in an already deteriorating situation. In 1771, Nguyễn Nhạc chose to flee into the Central highlands regions just west of his home rather than risk arrest at the hands of Nguyen officials who were already looking for him. He took with him his brothers and a small group of supporters, hoping that the remote location would protect them while he planned his next move. He was encouraged in this course of action by his teacher, Trương Văn Hiến, a refugee from the Loan-dominated Nguyen court. Hiến urged Nhạc to see himself as destined to fulfill a long-standing local prophecy: "tây khởi nghĩa, bắc thu công" (in the west there is a righteous uprising, in the north great feats are accomplished).[88]
Uprising (1771–1773)
In 1771, Nguyễn Nhạc and his fellows revolted against Trương Phúc Loan's dominated Nguyen lord. Their movement drew highlanders, Cham people, and Vietnamese, together with Chinese pirates, all with their own grievances and interests, to proceed to Thuận Quảng and destroy Trương Phúc Loan and his regime.[89] Of these two groups, the more important, financially and militarily, were the ethnic Chinese, many of whom were members of the significant coastal trading community. Ethnic Chinese traders, in particular, had grown increasingly unhappy with the downturn in trade and with Nguyen tax policies, and hoped that the Tây Sơn might provide an improvement.[90]
The region of
Captured of Qui Nhơn (1773)
Seeking to establish a foothold in lowland coastal regions of their home province, the Tây Sơn rebels needed to capture the walled city of
By 1774, the Tây Sơn rebels grown to more than 25,000 soldiers.[1]
Wars in 1773–1785
Fall of Nguyễn-ruled Cochinchina
After their victory at Qui Nhơn, Tây Sơn forces were able to seize several adjacent prefectures before encountering some resistance from Nguyen forces. In the meantime, and taking advantage of the turmoils in South Vietnam, the Trịnh invaded late in 1774, ostensibly to assist the Nguyen in putting down the Tây Sơn, but clearly seeing a golden opportunity to overpower their long-time political rivals. The young ruler Nguyễn Phúc Thuần (Định Vương) with his nephew,
Sent south by the Trinh as an official, the Dong Kinh intellectual Lê Quý Đôn left a remarkable description of the great wealth discovered by the Trinh forces at Huế in the form of the many thousands of strings of imported cash produced abroad for the Nguyen regime.[96]
Tây Sơn campaigns in Saigon
The next ten years were marked by a series of back and forth military campaigns between the Tây Sơn and Nguyen forces. The focal point of this contest was Gia Định Prefecture and its strategic city of
Local
The Tây Sơn forces captured Saigon for the first time in mid spring of 1776 as the youngest brother,
In 1778, Nguyễn Nhạc proclaimed himself "Heavenly King" (thiên vương) in a ceremony held in the citadel of the former Cham capital, Chà Bàn (Vijaya), near Qui Nhơn, took the reign name Thái Đức and choose the citadel of Chà Bàn, the ancient Cham political center, as his own capital.[101] The Trịnh recognized Nhạc the next year but accorded him only the rank of "Grand Duke" of Quảng Nam.[102] Through his adoption of a new reign title, Nhạc was declaring the establishment of an independent southern state, rather than challenging the Lê emperor's claims to authority over all of Đại Việt. When detailing his plans for further territorial conquests to the British envoy Charles Chapman in the same year, Nhạc spoke only of conquering the former Nguyen territories at that time under Trịnh control, making no mention of challenging Lê authority north of the Gianh River.[103]
Nguyen remnants in South Vietnam
The sole survivor of the Tây Sơn massacre of the Nguyen royal family was prince
With the support of the Đông Sơn army (local Nguyen supporter military group), Nguyễn Ánh proclaimed himself king (vương), ascended the throne in 1780, eliminated the powerful general Đỗ Thanh Nhơn, then acquired the power of the Đông Sơn army and gained direct contact with Gia Định people.
From early 1778 until 1781 neither side sought to challenge the status quo, as both parties were busy consolidating their respective positions. Then, in the summer of 1781, hostilities broke out again as Nguyễn Ánh launched an unsuccessful attack against the Tây Sơn coastal stronghold at Nha Trang. This was followed in May 1782 by a Tây Sơn counterattack led by Nguyễn Nhạc and Nguyễn Huệ. The two brothers assembled 100 warships and moved south, forcing their way up the Saigon River to launch an assault against the citadel at Gia Định. The Chinese Hoà Nghĩa army under Nguyễn Ánh again engaged with Tây Sơn rebels.[101]
Having succeeded in fighting their way into the city, however, one of Nhạc's key lieutenants was killed by an ethnic Chinese general fighting for the Nguyen. Nhạc decided to clean out Chinese settlers in Saigon.[99] Tây Sơn troops burned and pillaged the shops of Chinese merchants and massacred thousands of Chinese residents. This was more generally reflected by Tây Sơn's anger at the increasing support given by the Chinese community to their Nguyen rivals. After this savage victory, the Tây Sơn leaders returned north in June, leaving the city in the hands of their lieutenants. Hearing that Huệ and Nhạc had left the city, Nguyễn Ánh counterattacked, recapturing the city a few months later.[101]
Relationship of Nguyen Anh and the French and Siamese invasion of 1785
The French first intervened in Vietnam in 1777 when Nguyễn Ánh fleeing from an offensive of the Tây Sơn, received shelter from Mgr
Contemporary witnesses clearly describe Pigneau's military role:”Bishop Pierre Joseph Georges, of French nationality, has been chosen to deal with certain matters of war” — J. da Fonceca e Sylva, 1781.[112]
The major Siamese invasion of Cambodia threatened to end Nguyễn rule there, but in 1781 the Siamese commander received news of trouble in the court at home. He offered a truce, marched his army back to Siam, and seized power. He took the Siamese throne as King Rama I, founding the Chakri dynasty in Bangkok in 1782.[102] In March 1783, Huệ and Lữ once again attacked Saigon, and again destroyed the Nguyen army and chased off Nguyễn Ánh.[113] Seeking to extend their triumph, the Tây Sơn commanders sent a fleet to chase after Nguyễn Ánh and his largely demoralized troops. A huge storm at sea, however, destroyed much of the Tây Sơn navy, allowing Nguyễn Ánh to escape to Phú Quốc Island, where his men were reduced to eating grasses and bananas.[101] Pigneau de Behaine visited the Siamese court in Bangkok at the end 1783.[114] Nguyễn Ánh also reached Bangkok in February 1784, where he obtained that an army would accompany him back to Vietnam.[115]
Nguyễn Ánh was given shelter by the Siamese king and plotted his next move, which came in January 1785. Starting from his base in Siam, and backed by an additional twenty thousand soldiers and three hundred ships contributed by the Siamese ruler, Ánh and his army moved by foot across Cambodia and by sea through the Gulf of Siam in an attack on the southern Vietnamese provinces. The Tây Sơn were ready for the Siamese-Nguyen attack, waiting in ambush along a stretch of the
Tây Sơn conquest of Tonkin, 1785–1788
Fall of the Trịnh Lord
Having decisively defeated Nguyễn Ánh, Nguyễn Nhạc saw an opportunity to realize a long-held ambition to expand his power into the former Nguyen territories between the Hải Vân pass and the Gianh River that were still being occupied by the Trịnh. The timing could not have been better, as the Trịnh grip on power had been substantially weakened by a series of famines and floods in the 1770s that had forced many people to leave their villages in search of food. Furthermore, the death of Trịnh Sâm in 1782 had been followed, by political infighting that had resulted in a palace coup. This had created political instability and the emergence of a renegade militia only loosely controlled by the new ruling faction. Finally, Nhạc's decision to go north was driven by strong encouragement from a prominent Trịnh defector, Nguyễn Hữu Chỉnh. Forced to flee Tonkin in the aftermath of the 1782 coup, Chỉnh had joined the Tây Sơn as a military leader and strategist. Over the next four years he had actively cultivated Nhạc's interest in going north, hoping that such an expedition would provide an opportunity to exact revenge on those who had forced him into political exile.
On Chỉnh's advice Nguyễn Nhạc sent an expedition north toward
Entering the capital, the victorious rebels opened official granaries and distributed food to the people. Once in the capital, Huệ held a solemn audience with the aged Cảnh Hưng emperor (Lê Hiển Tông) (r. 1740–1786) during which Huệ offered his submission and presented army and population registers to the emperor as well as a document proclaiming that the Lê dynasty had been restored to its rightful authority. The emperor, in return, gave Huệ the position of general and the title of grand duke as well as the hand of a Lê princess (Lê Ngọc Hân) in marriage.[120] Cảnh Hưng died a few days later and was succeeded by his nephew, Lê Chiêu Thống (r. 1786–1789).[117] A few days later, toward the end of August, the Tây Sơn brothers returned south with their armies, leaving behind their erstwhile ally Nguyễn Hữu Chỉnh. Forced to fend for himself, and unsure of his stature in north Vietnam, Chỉnh chose to retreat from the northern capital and to develop a base in Nghệ An.[120]
Civil war between three brothers in 1787
After returning south,
Unrest in northern Vietnam, 1786–1788
In the north meanwhile, the
Qing invasion of northern Vietnam
Having fled his capital during the second Tây Sơn invasion of north Vietnam in 1787, the Lê emperor Chiêu Thống invoked the tributary connections with the Ch'ing emperor and requested his government's aid.[96] Although the Qianlong Emperor of the Qing was hesitant to become involved in what looked like an internal Vietnamese affair, Sun Shiyi, the ambitious Qing governor for the southern Chinese provinces of Guangdong and Guangxi convinced him that the invasion would be a simple matter. In late October 1788, Qianlong sent an army of up to two hundred thousand, crossed into northern Vietnam, occupied Thăng Long (Hanoi) without meeting resistance, and briefly restored the Lê dynasty.[7]
Outnumbered, the Tây Sơn forces under Ngô Văn Sở retreated to
”The Emperor of China appears to fear this new Attila, as he has sent to crown him the king of Tonkin by the hand of an Ambassador, it being only a few months later, and forgetting the honor and loss of more than 40 or 50,000 men whom the tyrant killed the previous year in a single battle, in which the Chinese were armed to the teeth with sabers and guns, and outnumbered them ten to one. It is true that this embassy is, in everyone's eyes, so unbelievable that one doubts with some justification that which the Emperor has done. The tyrant himself has not designed to leave Cochinchina to have himself crowned at our capital, and he has contented himself with sending in his place a simple officer, who took the dress and name of his master and imposed himself on the Ambassador.”[125]
Meanwhile, when the Tây Sơn were campaigning the Qing in the north, Nguyễn Ánh and his Siamese allies under Rama I retook Saigon and the Mekong Delta in late 1788. He had easily driven out Nguyễn Lữ, who had been forced to flee to Qui Nhơn, where he died a short while later.[126][123]
Quang Trung in Power, 1789–1792
After accomplished his victory over Tet 1789, Quang Trung embarked on a two-pronged campaign to solidify his position. In the first instance he sought to assure himself of a lasting peace with the Chinese. To this end he employed the services of two of the foremost northern literati,
Having established a good relationship with the Chinese, Quang Trung turned to pressing domestic concerns. Quang Trung first moved the Tây Sơn base to The years of political chaos and warfare had taken a dramatic toll on the economic and social welfare of the territory under Tây Sơn control. Consequently, Quang Trung placed a high priority on attempting to restore order and economic productivity. He issued a proclamation calling for displaced peasants to return to their fields and established tax levels that encouraged this return and that rewarded the cultivation of abandoned fields. In addition to mandating the return of populations to their home villages, the new Tây Sơn emperor ordered a nationwide census and the establishment of a system of identity cards. Everyone would be issued one of these cards, and those found without a card were subject to immediate impressment into the Tây Sơn armies. Also in the realm of social policy, and no doubt guided by his northern Confucian advisers, Quang Trung ordered the inception of a project to oversee the translation and then publication of the Confucian classics from the original Chinese into nôm, the vernacular semi-phonetic script. The emperor also sought to revive the moribund educational system, including attempting to create a nationwide system of local schools to be run by local scholars and reviving the examination system. Although only one provincial-level examination was held before his death in 1792, this effort reflected Quang Trung's desire to establish an institutional base for his new regime.[123][127]
Quang Trung's generals engaged in at least two invasions of the Lao territories, ostensibly as punishment for the ruler of
Tây Sơn–Nguyễn War, 1792–1802
Weakening of the Tây Sơn
Quang Trung and Nguyễn Lữ died in the same year, 1792. At the time of his unexpected death in September 1792, Quang Trung-Nguyễn Huệ was only forty years old while on the cusp of launching a massive attack against Nguyễn Ánh's forces in Saigon.[126] His eleven-year-old son Nguyễn Quang Toản (r. 1792–1802) ascended the throne under the title of Cảnh Thịnh Emperor. The young monarch reigned under the supervision of a maternal uncle, Bùi Đắc Tuyên who served as regent but harbored plans for his own son and faced opposition from other Tây Sơn commanders. The next year, the Tây Sơn senior leader Nguyễn Nhạc died at the age of fifty, only a year after his younger brother.[131] After Nhạc's death, his young son Nguyễn Văn Bảo was named by his cousin Emperor Cảnh Thịnh as Nhạc's successor, but without any imperial trappings. Bảo was only to be titled hiếu công (filial duke) and was to be controlled by a delegation sent to Qui Nhơn for this purpose by his cousin.[123]
The Tây Sơn regimes’ failure to bring corruption under control may be attributed to the exigencies of ongoing warfare and the often limited bureaucratic skills of the rebel leaders and their close aides, both of which kept Tây Sơn administrative structures ad hoc in many places. While it could be said that the post–Quang Trung period was one of decline for the Tây Sơn regime, this decline was neither precipitous nor entirely assured until the last year or so of Tây Sơn rule. Even with their two main military and political figures gone, Tây Sơn generals continued regularly to challenge the Nguyen. Although not as ambitious as his father in terms of introducing socioeconomic changes, Quang Toản, as Emperor Cảnh Thịnh, did undertake several political initiatives. He abruptly canceled his father's unpopular "trust card" program shortly after taking power. He carried out at least one census in an effort to continue his father's attempts to restore population stability. Cảnh Thịnh also promoted some changes on the religious front. Probably guided by Confucian advisers, the new emperor ordered the consolidation of the countless Buddhist temples that dotted the countryside. These were to be dismantled, and larger Buddhist structures, centrally situated and serving a large area, were to be built from the gathered materials. In addition, and in response to suspicions about missionaries and their perceived allegiance to the Nguyen, he cracked down on Christianity beginning in 1795. As numerous missionary letters attest, this crackdown was far from systematic. Increasingly, however, Cảnh Thịnh found himself abandoned by the northern Confucian literati who had once eagerly provided assistance to his father. The charisma of Quang Trung could not be transferred to his young son, and even the scholars who had been optimistic that the new Tây Sơn regime might reverse the decades of decline seen under the Trinh slowly abandoned the new government. Moreover, the growing military threat posed by the Nguyen came increasingly to occupy the court at Huế.[132]
Nguyễn retake the Mekong Delta
After their defeat in 1785, the Nguyen had been forced to flee to Bangkok with their Siamese allies, and there
In 1790,
From 1787 until 1792, Nguyễn Ánh consolidated his position in the south, taking firm control of the area so long contested between the two rival armies. Nguyễn Nhạc appears not to have had the desire or capacity to launch an attack capable of dislodging the Nguyen from their southern stronghold. Nhạc directed periodic attacks against the Nguyen, but none succeeded in more than temporarily stalling the incremental Nguyen movement up the coast. The Nguyen regime traded with the Chinese rice, cotton fabric and raw silk and exchanged iron, black lead and
Nguyen offensive in 1792–1793
The military campaigns of the 1790s paralleled those of the 1770s and early 1780s, in that they were dictated by the coastal winds and were sometimes referred to as the “monsoon wars.” Each side would attack when the winds favored the ready movement of their naval forces. Although each camp possessed large numbers of infantry troops, movement by sea was far more efficient. On the other hand, movement by sea also meant that without a decisive victory, neither side could sustain its attacks or easily consolidate its victories. To extend one's campaign, particularly against a distant target, was to risk missing the wind patterns that would enable a return to one's base. Instead, the attackers would be left highly vulnerable to a subsequent counterattack. It was because of this pattern that Nguyen progress in the wars was so slow, and the despair of European advisers, who frequently lamented Nguyễn Ánh's seemingly overly cautious approach.
The target of the Nguyen in virtually all of these campaigns was the southern Tây Sơn capital near
Following the Nguyen northward offensive, the Nguyen reoccupied
Tây Sơn counterattack in 1795
In the spring of 1795, Tây Sơn troops counterattacked against the Nguyen forces and chased them back toward Bà Rịa, southeast of Saigon. This was, however, to prove the last major Tây Sơn counteroffensive toward the deep south, and the Tây Sơn thrust was brief in any case.[147] An army of 1,500 Khmers was organized in Trà Vinh and, along with other Gia Định militia and reserve units, was ordered forward. The Tây Sơn forces were pushed back. Meanwhile, Nguyễn Ánh was with his fleet, filled with supplies and troops, waiting for the winds to change. When they did, he sailed to Nha Trang to disembark an army to relieve Diên Khánh, then continued to Phú Yên to disembark another army to block the Tây Sơn from escaping back north. During the next four months, fighting raged from Bình Thuận to Phú Yên. Defeated in Bình Thuận, Tây Sơn forces withdrew and joined the armies besieging Diên Khánh. At the same time, an army of uplanders helped Nguyễn Ánh to obtain an important victory in Phú Yên.[150]
Bình Thuận briefly changed hands again in 1795, and an anti-Nguyễn Cham revolt led by Tuần Phù, broke out ineffectually the next year. The surviving Tây Sơn–appointed Cham king,
Nguyen campaign in Da Nang, 1797
A Nguyen attack in the spring of 1797 bypassed the usual target of Qui Nhơn, heading instead farther north into the heart of Tây Sơn territory. This expedition led to a Nguyen occupation of the city of Da Nang (Tourane) that lasted for two months, before it was finally abandoned.[147]
First battle of Qui Nhơn (1799)
Nguyễn Ánh spent the last months of the year 1797 dealing with Chams who had been serving with the Tây Sơn.
In 1799 Nguyễn Ánh commenced a two-pronged offensive directed both at the Tây Sơn political center at Huế and their southern capital at Qui Nhơn, composed of three sloops of war commanded by French officers, each of them with 300 men; 100 galleys with troops, 40 war junks, 200 smaller ships, and 800 transport boats.
Meanwhile, Nguyễn Ánh's fleet defeated a Tây Sơn fleet as his land forces advanced and took Nguyen Nhạc's old capital, Chà Bàn, near the modern city of
Even with the setback suffered by the Nguyen side, the Tây Sơn were unable to counter the inexorable Nguyen advance up the coast. Nguyễn Ánh spent over three months in Bình Định, collecting rice, organizing supplies, recruiting soldiers, appointing administrators, fixing taxes, selecting students, seeking out those who had remained loyal, honoring the dead, building storehouses, organizing post stations, and positioning his soldiers, including a force of ten thousand Siamese. Over one thousand men from Bình Định were selected for their “strength and quickness” and trained to handle artillery. In October 1799, Nguyen Anh's long-time confidant and liaison with the Europeans, Pigneau, died.[154] Nguyễn Ánh brought his body back to Saigon and gave him a burial with honor.[155][156] The French forces in Vietnam continued the fight without him, until the complete victory of Nguyễn Ánh in 1802.[157]
Second battle of Qui Nhơn (1801)
After suppressing a Cham uprising in
"We have just burnt all the navy of the enemies, so that not even the smallest ship escaped. This was the bloodiest fight the Cochinchinese had ever seen. The enemies fought to the death. Our people behaved in a superior manner. We have many dead and wounded, but this is nothing compared to the advantages the king is receiving. Mr Vannier, Forsanz and myself were there, and came back safely. Before seeing the enemy navy, I used to despise it, but I assure you this was misconceived, they had vessels with 50 to 60 cannons."
— Letter from Jean-Baptiste Chaigneau to Barizy, 2 March 1801.[146]
These victories dramatically changed the battlefield situation in Nguyễn Ánh's favor, significantly strengthening his position in Bình Định. Just at that the moment, news arrived that Prince Cảnh had died of smallpox.[158] Sending word to his Laotian allies to renew their attacks, he sailed to Hội An, landing troops to join with local men from Quảng Ngãi and Quảng Nam who rallied to his banner. After collecting rice in Quảng Nam and capturing more Chinese pirates at sea, he sailed to Da Nang Bay and advanced to Huế. Tây Sơn forces offered little resistance as Huế quickly fell and the Tây Sơn emperor Cảnh Thịnh fled to the north.
However, the Nguyen land forces were still blocked in Qui Nhơn by a spirited defense of the remaining Tây Sơn positions was being carried out by the wife-husband team of Bùi Thị Xuân and Trần Quang Diệu. The Tây Sơn forces after a seventeen-month campaign even recaptured Qui Nhơn in summer 1801. They held it only briefly, and for the last time.[160] It was the last and however meaningless victory for the Tây Sơn regime.[161] European observer reported that Tây Sơn and Nguyen casualties in Qui Nhơn were over 54,000.[1]
The last Tây Sơn resistance
The final blow came in the spring of 1802, when
In the aftermath of the Nguyen victory, the surviving Tây Sơn leaders were rounded up, and some, including Cảnh Thịnh and all members of his immediate family as well as the noted female general Bùi Thị Xuân, were pulled apart limb from limb.[163] Others, such as the officials Ngô Thì Nhậm and Phan Huy Ích, were publicly flogged, a beating that caused Nhậm's death within a year. Not content with punishing the living, Nguyễn Ánh ordered the exhumation of the remains of his long-time rivals Huệ and Nhạc. He then directed that their bones be ground into a powder and ordered his soldiers to urinate on them. In this manner, Nguyễn Ánh sought to ensure that the period of Vietnamese history that has subsequently been labeled the “Tây Sơn era” was definitely over.[164]
Aftermath
Establishment of Nguyễn dynasty
In June 1802 in Huế, Nguyễn Ánh proclaimed himself as the Gia Long emperor, renamed the country from "Đại Việt" to "Việt Nam". After a quarter-century of continuous fighting, Gia Long had unified these formerly fractious territories, ultimately leading what is now modern Vietnam and elevated his family to a position never previously occupied by any Vietnamese royalty. Gia Long became the first Vietnamese ruler to reign over territory stretching from China in the north, all the way to the Gulf of Thailand and the Cà Mau peninsula in the south.[4][165][166][167]
The new Nguyen leader adopted a system of government that invoked the fifteenth-century golden age of Lê Thánh Tông's Hong-duc reign (1470–97). The Nguyen were believed to have also borrowed some elements from their immediate Ch'ing present as well as from China's and Vietnam's own pasts, much as the Lê rulers in the fifteenth century had drawn on their own contemporary Ming model and their own past back to when Đông Kinh had been in the orbit of the Tang dynasty.[168] Although unifying the country under a single leadership, the Nguyễn triumph did little to resolve the conflicts that had been stirred up by the Tây Sơn wars. The peasant discontents that provoked the Tây Sơn uprising, and that were then exacerbated by it, were not adequately addressed by the new regime. Tây Sơn loyalists continued to find ways to stir up unrest, despite the relentless Nguyen efforts to remove all traces of Tây Sơn rule.[164] The remaining sons and grandsons of Nguyễn Nhạc were tracked down in 1830, and they were publicly executed.[169]
Roles of ethnic Chinese and Vietnamese Catholics
Ethnic Chinese played an important role during the Vietnamese civil war. The Chinese refugees had arrived in south Vietnam following the collapse of the Ming dynasty in 1679. The Nguyen lords granted them formal permission to settle in the coastal areas of south Vietnam, and soon thereafter settlements were established in various parts of the Nguyen realm. The Nguyen decision to permit this heavily armed party to settle in their territory stemmed in large part from the fact that the Chinese refugees were seen as potentially useful for settling areas that were still lightly populated and in many cases only loosely controlled by the court at Huế.[170] At the beginning of the Tây Sơn rebellion, the majority of Chinese joined and financed the Tây Sơn. One missionary wrote: "in the province of Cham [Quảng Nam] the rebels made an agreement with the Chinese, promising that if they gave their support in this enterprise, to liberate their populations from the tyranny that they suffered to that time and to name one of their mandarins as the King of Cochinchina."[171] However, ethnic Chinese also joined the Nguyen lord too, and in 1775 the Chinese under Lý Tài betrayed the Tây Sơn leaders to join with the Nguyen lord in Saigon. According to some accounts, the armies of Tập Định and Lý Tài were responsible for harassing the populations and for molesting girls and women. In a 1775 letter the missionary Pierre Jacques Halbout noted that "the rebels . . . are for the most part Chinese, and they have committed a thousand abominations, such as eating human flesh, saying that this is tastier than other meats." A Spanish missionary letter of the same period described the Chinese armies as committing worse atrocities than the Tây Sơn and their rivals combined.[172] Lý Tài himself was killed during a fight with the pro-Nguyen and anti-Chinese military under Đỗ Thanh Nhơn in 1777. Because of the Chinese support for the Nguyen, Tây Sơn armies appear to have specifically directed attacks against ethnic Chinese populations living in them.[173] Tây Sơn forces were reported to have carried out massacres of ethnic Chinese living in the central coastal port cities of Da Nang and Hội An in the mid-1770s, with a Spanish missionary reporting that "a number of Chinese were run through with swords; a number of others, in flight, were drowned in the river which ran near the city." In 1782, when the Tây Sơn forces entered Cambodia, "they went out to search for the Chinese who had fled from Cochinchina [and] they exterminated them without any other reason than for having embraced the party of the king." That same year, in the late spring, Tây Sơn relations with Chinese communities living in the Mekong Delta reached their nadir when the rebel forces massacred a large percentage of the Chinese population in Saigon, with estimates of the dead ranging from four thousand to twenty thousand.[174][175] However, in the 1790s the Tây Sơn did not continue to pursue a consistent anti-Chinese policy and began employing and sponsoring Chinese pirates to serve them and fought against the Nguyen lord.[176]
Chinese groups, such as
Although Christians as a group lay at the social margins, they were soon embroiled in the events of the Tây Sơn period, and there are some indications that they could be found at the very heart of the uprising. There are numerous anecdotes suggesting that the Tây Sơn brothers came from a family with Christian connections and may even themselves have been Christians. However, Spanish missionaries had reported that their possessions had been looted by the rebels wrote that not long after this encounter he was visited by some Tây Sơn officials.[178] In fact, the only Tây Sơn leader who was known to have actually persecuted Christians was Nguyễn Nhạc in central Vietnam. One missionary, the prolific Le Labousse, even remarked that it was fitting that Quang Trung, having never persecuted Christians, died a peaceful and dignified death, and Nguyễn Nhạc, having persecuted Christians for nearly a decade from the middle 1780s to the early 1790s, died ignobly and painfully.[179] Several missionaries mentioned that a powerful mandarin at Quang Trung's court was in fact a Christian and provided protection for Christians throughout Quang Trung's reign as well as the reign of his son. Quang Trung and Cảnh Thịnh's relative tolerance of Christianity and Christian missionaries may be mild compared to the reported enthusiasm for Christianity of the youngest brother, Nguyễn Lữ. This brother, who had de facto control over the provinces of the far south for much of the late 1770s and early 1780s when the Tây Sơn had effective control over the area, even issued an explicitly pro-Christian edict from Sài Gòn in December 1783. Some sources even claim that Nguyễn Lữ was a priest, though the reliability of this claim could certainly be called into question.[179] In any case, as long as Quang Trung held out the hope that he could win the missionaries, the Christians, or both to his side, he continued his policy of tolerance.[180]
However, after Quang Trung's death in 1792, the Tây Sơn began making suspicions to Christians and missionaries due to French and Catholic ranks in Nguyễn Ánh's army, and in 1795 the Tây Sơn regime made two
In the summer of 1802,
Roles of other ethnic groups
Tây Sơn reliance on the Chams reflected the proximity of the uprising's home to the territory of the former Cham rulers. Moreover, by inducing the Cham princess Thị Hoả to join their movement, the Tây Sơn leaders were able to bring a sizable number of Chams into their army. For the Chams the Tây Sơn may have represented an opportunity to restore some of their former political strength, while for the Tây Sơn the Chams and their semi autonomous political centers constituted an alternative site of political power to be drawn upon in their struggle with the Nguyen.[184]
In early 1788, a Khmer named Ốc Nha Long joined the Tây Sơn, bringing a small number of boats with him. He fought the Nguyen forces at Cần Thơ but was defeated.[185]
Legacy
Though itself short-lived, the Tây Sơn dynasty seems to have envisaged the length of Vietnamese history in distinctive ways, emphasizing not only Cham antecedents but indigenous Vietnamese themes, beyond the resort to nôm as the official writing language of government. In his proclamation to his army in 1789, Quang Trung placed himself in a long line of Vietnamese leaders who had fought successive Chinese dynasties: “...Throughout all these periods, the South [Đại Việt] and the North [China] were clearly separated.” Tây Sơn documents from 1792 and 1802 show that Quang Trung and his successors even accorded noble status to two long-dead Việt women generals, Nguyệt Thai and Nguyệt Độ, who had served with the
The post–Tây Sơn eras also took place in the realm of
Some mid-twentieth-century Vietnamese historians, notably Trần Huy Liệu and Văn Tân, looked at the political events of this period and saw a nationalist revolution (cách mạng). They characterized the Tây Sơn uprising as a focused effort to overthrow corrupt political forces, to reunify the country, to defend the nation against external threats, and to promote indigenous cultural elements. This interpretation of the movement conveniently reflected the political agenda of the post-1954 state in North Vietnam, even as it glossed over the true complexities of the Tây Sơn era. A closer examination makes it clear that the accomplishments of the Tây Sơn movement do not reveal a coherent ideological agenda on the part of its leaders. Moreover, although the uprising did result in a change of administration and some reorganization of the Vietnamese territories, its overall political impact was not revolutionary as most underlying political, economic, and social structures remained unaltered.[189]
See also
- Cochinchina Campaign
Notes
- ^ each ‘’quan’’ has 600 cash coins.
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- Reid, Anthony (2015). A History of Southeast Asia: Critical Crossroads. Wiley. ISBN 9781118512951.
- Hoang, Anh Tuấn (2007). Silk for Silver: Dutch-Vietnamese relations, 1637-1700. Brill. ISBN 978-9-04-742169-6.
- Trần, Khánh (1993). The Ethnic Chinese and Economic Development in Vietnam. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. ISBN 9789813016668.
- Reid, Anthony, ed. (2018). Southeast Asia in the Early Modern Era: Trade, Power, and Belief. Cornell University Press. ISBN 9781501732171.
- Dutton, George; Werner, Jayne; Whitmore, John K., eds. (2012). Sources of Vietnamese Tradition. ISBN 978-0-231-51110-0.
Further reading
- Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society: Volumes 16-17. Princeton University: The Branch. 1882. pp. 41–219.
- Bissachère, Pierre Jacques Lamonnier de La (1824). Etat actuel du Tunkin, de la Cochinchine, et des royaumes de Camboge, Laos et Lac-tho (in French). Harvard University: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, Brown, and Green.
- White, John (1812). A Voyage to Cochin China. The Bavarian State Library: Galignani.
- Crawfurd, John (1830). Journal of an Embassy from the Governor-general of India to the Courts of Siam and Cochin China Bexhibiting a View of the Actual State of Those Kingdoms: Volume 1. University of California: H. Colburn and R. Bentley.
- Bridgman, Elijah Coleman (1840). Chronology of Tonkinese Kings. Harvard University. pp. 205–212. ISBN 9781377644080.
- Society for the Propagation of the Faith (1919). Annals of the Propagation of the Faith. Cornell University: Institution.
- Father Adriano di, St. Thecla; Dror, Olga; Berezovska, Mariya; Taylor, K. W.; Jensen, Lionel M. (2018). Opusculum de Sectis Apud Sinenses Et Tunkinenses: A Small Treatise on the Sects Among the Chinese and Tonkinese. Cornell University Press. ISBN 9781501719073.
External links
- "Topic: Tay Son rebellion – Vietnamese history". Encyclopedia Britannica. Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc. 2019.
- "The Tay Son Rebellion". Country Study. U.S. Library of Congress.