Germanic peoples
The Germanic peoples were historical groups of people that once occupied
Scholars generally agree that it is possible to refer to Germanic-speaking peoples after 500 BCE.
Archaeological finds suggest that Roman-era sources portrayed the Germanic way of life as more primitive than it actually was. Instead, archaeologists have unveiled evidence of a complex society and economy throughout Germania. Germanic-speaking peoples originally shared similar religious practices. Denoted by the term
Traditionally, the Germanic peoples have been seen as possessing a law dominated by the concepts of
The publishing of
Terminology
Etymology
The etymology of the Latin word Germani, from which Latin Germania and English Germanic are derived, is unknown, although several proposals have been put forward. Even the language from which it derives is a subject of dispute, with proposals of Germanic, Celtic, and Latin, and Illyrian origins.[10] Herwig Wolfram, for example, thinks Germani must be Gaulish.[11] The historian Wolfgang Pfeifer more or less concurs with Wolfram and surmises that the name Germani is likely of Celtic etymology and is related to the Old Irish word gair ('neighbours') or could be tied to the Celtic word for their war cries, gairm, which simplifies into 'the neighbours' or 'the screamers'.[12] Regardless of its language of origin, the name was transmitted to the Romans via Celtic speakers.[13]
It is unclear that any people group ever referred to themselves as Germani.
In modern English, the adjective Germanic is distinct from German, which is generally used when referring to modern Germans only. Germanic relates to the ancient Germani or the broader Germanic group.[17] In modern German, the ancient Germani are referred to as Germanen and Germania as Germanien, as distinct from modern Germans (Deutsche) and modern Germany (Deutschland). The direct equivalents in English are, however, Germans for Germani and Germany for Germania[18] although the Latin Germania is also used. To avoid ambiguity, the Germani may instead be called "ancient Germans" or Germani by using the Latin term in English.[19][17]
Modern definitions and controversies
The modern definition of Germanic peoples developed in the 19th century, when the term Germanic was linked to the newly identified
Apart from the designation of a language family (i.e., "Germanic languages"), the application of the term "Germanic" has become controversial in scholarship since 1990,[1] especially among archaeologists and historians. Scholars have increasingly questioned the notion of ethnically defined people groups (Völker) as stable basic actors of history.[24] The connection of archaeological assemblages to ethnicity has also been increasingly questioned.[25] This has resulted in different disciplines developing different definitions of "Germanic".[1] Beginning with the work of the "Toronto School" around Walter Goffart, various scholars have denied that anything such as a common Germanic ethnic identity ever existed. Such scholars argue that most ideas about Germanic culture are taken from far later epochs and projected backwards to antiquity.[26] Historians of the Vienna School, such as Walter Pohl, have also called for the term to be avoided or used with careful explanation,[27] and argued that there is little evidence for a common Germanic identity.[28] The Anglo-Saxonist Leonard Neidorf writes that historians of the continental-European Germanic peoples of the 5th and 6th centuries are "in agreement" that there was no pan-Germanic identity or solidarity.[29] Whether a scholar favors the existence of a common Germanic identity or not is often related to their position on the nature of the end of the Roman Empire.[30]
Defenders of continued use of the term Germanic argue that the speakers of Germanic languages can be identified as Germanic people by language regardless of how they saw themselves.
Classical terminology
The first author to describe the Germani as a large category of peoples distinct from the Gauls and Scythians was Julius Caesar, writing around 55 BCE during his governorship of Gaul.[35] In Caesar's account, the clearest defining characteristic of the Germani people was that they lived east of the Rhine,[36] opposite Gaul on the west side. Caesar sought to explain both why his legions stopped at the Rhine and also why the Germani were more dangerous than the Gauls and a constant threat to the empire.[37] He also classified the Cimbri and Teutons, peoples who had previously invaded Italy, as Germani, and examples of this threat to Rome.[38][39] Although Caesar described the Rhine as the border between Germani and Celts, he also describes a group of people he identifies as Germani who live on the west bank of the Rhine in the northeast of Gaul, the Germani cisrhenani.[40] It is unclear if these Germani were actually Germanic speakers.[41] According to the Roman historian Tacitus in his Germania (c. 98 CE), it was among this group, specifically the Tungri, that the name Germani first arose, and was spread to further groups.[42] Tacitus continues to mention Germanic tribes on the west bank of the Rhine in the period of the early Empire.[43] Caesar's division of the Germani from the Celts was not taken up by most writers in Greek.[44]
Caesar and authors following him regarded Germania as stretching east of the Rhine for an indeterminate distance, bounded by the Baltic Sea and the
Caesar and, following him, Tacitus, depicted the Germani as sharing elements of a common culture.
The Romans did not regard the eastern Germanic speakers such as Goths, Gepids, and Vandals as Germani, but rather connected them with other non-Germanic-speaking peoples such as the Huns, Sarmatians, and Alans.[44] Romans described these peoples, including those who did not speak a Germanic language, as "Gothic people" (gentes Gothicae) and most often classified them as "Scythians".[55] The writer Procopius, describing the Ostrogoths, Visigoths, Vandals, Alans, and Gepids, derived the Gothic peoples from the ancient Getae and described them as sharing similar customs, beliefs, and a common language.[56]
Subdivisions
Several ancient sources list subdivisions of the Germanic tribes. Writing in the first century CE, Pliny the Elder lists five Germanic subgroups: the Vandili, the Inguaeones, the Istuaeones (living near the Rhine), the Hermiones (in the Germanic interior), and the Peucini Basternae (living on the lower Danube near the Dacians).[57] In chapter 2 of the Germania, written about a half-century later, Tacitus lists only three subgroups: the Ingvaeones (near the sea), the Hermiones (in the interior of Germania), and the Istvaeones (the remainder of the tribes);[58] Tacitus says these groups each claimed descent from the god Mannus, son of Tuisto.[59] Tacitus also mentions a second tradition that there were four sons of either Mannus or Tuisto from whom the groups of the Marsi, Gambrivi, Suebi, and Vandili claim descent.[60][61] The Hermiones are also mentioned by Pomponius Mela, but otherwise, these divisions do not appear in other ancient works on the Germani.[60]
There are a number of inconsistencies in the listing of Germanic subgroups by Tacitus and Pliny. While both Tacitus and Pliny mention some Scandinavian tribes, they are not integrated into the subdivisions.[57] While Pliny lists the Suebi as part of the Hermiones, Tacitus treats them as a separate group.[62] Additionally, Tacitus's description of a group of tribes as united by the cult of Nerthus (Germania 40) as well as the cult of the Alcis controlled by the Nahanarvali (Germania 43) and Tacitus's account of the origin myth of the Semnones (Germania 39) all suggest different subdivisions than the three mentioned in Germania chapter 2.[63]
The subdivisions found in Pliny and Tacitus have been very influential for scholarship on Germanic history and language up until recent times.[57] However, outside of Tacitus and Pliny there are no other textual indications that these groups were important. The subgroups mentioned by Tacitus are not used by him elsewhere in his work, contradict other parts of his work, and cannot be reconciled with Pliny, who is equally inconsistent.[62][61] Additionally, there is no linguistic or archaeological evidence for these subgroups.[62][64] New archaeological finds have tended to show that the boundaries between Germanic peoples were very permeable, and scholars now assume that migration and the collapse and formation of cultural units were constant occurrences within Germania.[65] Nevertheless, various aspects such as the alliteration of many of the tribal names in Tacitus's account and the name of Mannus himself suggest that the descent from Mannus was an authentic Germanic tradition.[66]
Languages
Proto-Germanic
All
Although Proto-Germanic is reconstructed without dialects via the comparative method, it is almost certain that it never was a uniform proto-language.[74] The late Jastorf culture occupied so much territory that it is unlikely that Germanic populations spoke a single dialect, and traces of early linguistic varieties have been highlighted by scholars.[75] Sister dialects of Proto-Germanic itself certainly existed, as evidenced by the absence of the First Germanic Sound Shift (Grimm's law) in some "Para-Germanic" recorded proper names, and the reconstructed Proto-Germanic language was only one among several dialects spoken at that time by peoples identified as "Germanic" by Roman sources or archeological data.[76] Although Roman sources name various Germanic tribes such as Suevi, Alemanni, Bauivari, etc., it is unlikely that the members of these tribes all spoke the same dialect.[77]
Early attestations
Definite and comprehensive evidence of Germanic lexical units only occurred after Caesar's conquest of Gaul in the 1st century BCE, after which contacts with Proto-Germanic speakers began to intensify. The Alcis, a pair of brother gods worshipped by the Nahanarvali, are given by Tacitus as a Latinized form of *alhiz (a kind of 'stag'), and the word sapo ('hair dye') is certainly borrowed from Proto-Germanic *saipwōn- (English soap), as evidenced by the parallel Finnish loanword saipio.[78] The name of the framea, described by Tacitus as a short spear carried by Germanic warriors, most likely derives from the compound *fram-ij-an- ('forward-going one'), as suggested by comparable semantical structures found in early runes (e.g., raun-ij-az 'tester', on a lancehead) and linguistic cognates attested in the later Old Norse, Old Saxon and Old High German languages: fremja, fremmian and fremmen all mean 'to carry out'.[79]
Linguistic disintegration
By the time Germanic speakers entered written history, their linguistic territory had stretched farther south, since a Germanic dialect continuum (where neighbouring language varieties diverged only slightly between each other, but remote dialects were not necessarily mutually intelligible due to accumulated differences over the distance) covered a region roughly located between the Rhine, the Vistula, the Danube, and southern Scandinavia during the first two centuries of the Common Era.[83] East Germanic speakers dwelled on the Baltic sea coasts and islands, while speakers of the Northwestern dialects occupied territories in present-day Denmark and bordering parts of Germany at the earliest date when they can be identified.[84]
In the 2nd and 3rd centuries CE, migrations of East Germanic gentes from the Baltic Sea coast southeastwards into the hinterland led to their separation from the dialect continuum.[85] By the late 3rd century CE, linguistic divergences like the West Germanic loss of the final consonant -z had already occurred within the "residual" Northwest dialect continuum.[86] The latter definitely ended after the 5th- and 6th-century migrations of Angles, Jutes and part of the Saxon tribes towards modern-day England.[87]
Classification
The Germanic languages are traditionally divided between East, North and West Germanic branches.[88] The modern prevailing view is that North and West Germanic were also encompassed in a larger subgroup called Northwest Germanic.[89]
- Northwest Germanic: mainly characterized by the i-umlaut, and the shift of the long vowel *ē towards a long *ā in accented syllables;[90] it remained a dialect continuum following the migration of East Germanic speakers in the 2nd–3rd century CE;[85]
- Primitive Norse: initially characterized by the monophthongization of the sound ai to ā (attested from ca. 400 BCE);[91] a uniform northern dialect or koiné attested in runic inscriptions from the 2nd century CE onward,[92] it remained practically unchanged until a transitional period that started in the late 5th century;[93] and Old Norse, a language attested by runic inscriptions written in the Younger Fuþark from the beginning of the Viking Age (8th–9th centuries CE);[94]
- West Germanic: including Old Saxon (attested from the 5th c. CE), Old English (late 5th c.), Old Frisian (6th c.), Frankish (6th c.), Old High German (6th c.), and possibly Langobardic (6th c.), which is only scarcely attested;[95] they are mainly characterized by the loss of the final consonant -z (attested from the late 3rd century),[96] and by the j-consonant gemination (attested from ca. 400 BCE);[97] early inscriptions from the West Germanic areas found on altars where votive offerings were made to the Matronae Vacallinehae (Matrons of Vacallina) in the Rhineland dated to ca. 160–260 CE; West Germanic remained a "residual" dialect continuum until the Anglo-Saxon migrations in the 5th–6th centuries CE;[87]
- East Germanic, of which only Gothic is attested by both runic inscriptions (from the 3rd c. CE) and textual evidence (principally Wulfila's Bible; ca. 350–380). It became extinct after the fall of the Visigothic Kingdom in the early 8th century.[98] The inclusion of the Burgundian and Vandalic languages within the East Germanic group, while plausible, is still uncertain due to their scarce attestation.[99] The latest attested East Germanic language, Crimean Gothic, has been partially recorded in the 16th century.[100]
Further internal classifications are still debated among scholars, as it is unclear whether the internal features shared by several branches are due to early common innovations or to the later diffusion of local dialectal innovations.[101][c]
History
Prehistory
The Germanic-speaking peoples speak an
Generally, scholars agree that it is possible to speak of Germanic-speaking peoples after 500 BCE, although the first attestation of the name Germani is not until much later.
A category of evidence used to locate the Proto-Germanic homeland is founded on traces of early linguistic contacts with neighbouring languages. Germanic loanwords in the
Earliest recorded history
According to some authors the
The first century BCE was a time of the expansion of Germanic-speaking peoples at the expense of Celtic-speaking polities in modern southern Germany and the Czech Republic.
Roman Imperial Period to 375
Early Roman Imperial period (27 BCE–166 CE)
Throughout the reign of Augustus—from 27 BCE until 14 CE—the Roman empire expanded into Gaul, with the Rhine as a border. Starting in 13 BCE, there were Roman campaigns across the Rhine for a 28-year period.
However, within this period two Germanic kings formed larger alliances. Both of them had spent some of their youth in Rome; the first of them was Maroboduus of the Marcomanni,[i] who had led his people away from the Roman activities into Bohemia, which was defended by forests and mountains, and had formed alliances with other peoples. In 6 CE, Rome planned an attack against him but the campaign was cut short when forces were needed for the Illyrian revolt in the Balkans.[137][140] Just three years later (9 CE), the second of these Germanic figures, Arminius of the Cherusci—initially an ally of Rome—drew a large Roman force into an ambush in northern Germany, and destroyed the three legions of Publius Quinctilius Varus at the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest.[141] Marboduus and Arminius went to war with each other in 17 CE; Arminius was victorious and Marboduus was forced to flee to the Romans.[142]
Following the Roman defeat at the Teutoburg Forest, Rome gave up on the possibility of fully integrating this region into the empire.[143] Rome launched successful campaigns across the Rhine between 14 and 16 CE under Tiberius and Germanicus, but the effort of integrating Germania now seemed to outweigh its benefits.[144] In the reign of Augustus's successor, Tiberius, it became state policy to expand the empire no further than the frontier based roughly upon the Rhine and Danube, recommendations that were specified in the will of Augustus and read aloud by Tiberius himself.[145] Roman intervention in Germania led to a shifting and unstable political situation, in which pro- and anti-Roman parties vied for power. Arminius was murdered in 21 CE by his fellow Germanic tribesmen, due in part to these tensions and for his attempt to claim supreme kingly power for himself.[142]
In the wake of Arminius's death, Roman diplomats sought to keep the Germanic peoples divided and fractious.[146] Rome established relationships with individual Germanic kings that are often discussed as being similar to client states; however, the situation on the border was always unstable, with rebellions by the Frisians in 28 CE, and attacks by the Chauci and Chatti in the 60s CE.[147] The most serious threat to the Roman order was the Revolt of the Batavi in 69 CE, during the civil wars following the death of Nero known as the Year of the Four Emperors.[148] The Batavi had long served as auxiliary troops in the Roman army as well as in the imperial bodyguard as the so-called Numerus Batavorum, often called the Germanic bodyguard.[149] The uprising was led by Gaius Julius Civilis, a member of the Batavian royal family and Roman military officer, and attracted a large coalition of people both inside and outside of the Roman territory. The revolt ended following several defeats, with Civilis claiming to have only supported the imperial claims of Vespasian, who was victorious in the civil war.[150]
The century after the Batavian Revolt saw mostly peace between the Germanic peoples and Rome. In 83 CE, Emperor Domitian of the Flavian dynasty attacked the Chatti north of Mainz (Mogontiacum).[152] This war would last until 85 CE. Following the end of the war with the Chatti, Domitian reduced the number of Roman soldiers on the upper Rhine and shifted the Roman military to guarding the Danube frontier, beginning the construction of the limes, the longest fortified border in the empire.[153] The period afterwards was peaceful enough that the emperor Trajan reduced the number of soldiers on the frontier.[154] According to Edward James, the Romans appear to have reserved the right to choose rulers among the barbarians on the frontier.[155]
Marcomannic Wars to 375 CE
Following sixty years of quiet on the frontier, 166 CE saw a major incursion of peoples from north of the Danube during the reign of
The period after the Marconmannic Wars saw the emergence of peoples with new names along the Roman frontiers, which were probably formed by the merger of smaller groups.
From 250 onward, the Gothic peoples formed the "single most potent threat to the northern frontier of Rome".
The Roman limes largely collapsed in 259/260,[171] during the Crisis of the Third Century (235–284),[61] and Germanic raids penetrated as far as northern Italy.[172] The limes on the Rhine and upper Danube was brought under control again in 270s, and by 300 the Romans had reestablished control over areas they had abandoned during the crisis.[172] From the later third century onward, the Roman army relied increasingly on troops of Barbarian origin, often recruited from Germanic peoples, with some functioning as senior commanders in the Roman army.[173] In the 4th century, warfare along the Rhine frontier between the Romans and Franks and Alemanni seems to have mostly consisted of campaigns of plunder, during which major battles were avoided.[174] The Romans generally followed a policy of trying to prevent strong leaders from emerging among the barbarians, using treachery, kidnapping, and assassination, paying off rival tribes to attack them, or by supporting internal rivals.[175]
Migration Period (ca. 375–568)
The Migration Period is traditionally cited by historians as beginning in 375 CE, under the assumption that the appearance of the Huns prompted the Visigoths to seek shelter within the Roman Empire in 376.[176] The end of the migration period is usually set at 568 when the Lombards invaded Italy. During this time period, numerous barbarian groups invaded the Roman Empire and established new kingdoms within its boundaries.[177] These Germanic migrations traditionally mark the transition between antiquity and the beginning of the early Middle Ages.[178] The reasons for the migrations of the period are unclear, but scholars have proposed overpopulation, climate change, bad harvests, famines, and adventurousness as possible reasons.[179] Migrations were probably carried out by relatively small groups rather than entire peoples.[180]
Early Migration Period (before 375–420)
The
Due to mistreatment by the Romans, the Tervingi revolted in 377, starting the
In 401, Alaric invaded Italy, coming to an understanding with Stilicho in 404/5.
Other Goths, including those of Athanaric, continued to live outside the empire, with three groups crossing into the Roman territory after the Tervingi.[206] The Huns gradually conquered Gothic groups north of the Danube, of which at least six are known, from 376 to 400. Those in Crimea may never have been conquered.[207] The Gepids also formed an important Germanic people under Hunnic rule; the Huns had largely conquered them by 406.[208] One Gothic group under Hunnic domination was ruled by the Amal dynasty, who would form the core of the Ostrogoths.[209] The situation outside the Roman empire in 410s and 420s is poorly attested, but it is clear that the Huns continued to spread their influence onto the middle Danube.[210]
The Hunnic Empire (c. 420–453)
In 428, the Vandal leader
By 440,
The arrival of the Saxons in Britain is traditionally dated to 449, however, archaeology indicates they had begun arriving in Britain earlier.
After the death of Attila (453–568)
In 455, in the aftermath of the death of Aetius in 453 and the murder of emperor Valentinian III in 455,[225] the Vandals invaded Italy and sacked Rome in 455.[226] In 456, the Romans persuaded the Visigoths to fight the Suevi, who had broken their treaty with Rome. The Visigoths and a force of Burgundians and Franks defeated the Suevi at the Battle of Campus Paramus, reducing Suevi control to northwestern Spain.[217] The Visigoths went on to conquer all of the Iberian Peninsula by 484 except a small part that remained under Suevian control.[227]
The Ostrogoths, led by Valamer's brother Thiudimer, invaded the Balkans in 473. Thiudimer's son Theodoric succeeded him in 476.[228] In that same year, a barbarian commander in the Roman Italian army, Odoacer, mutinied and removed the final western Roman emperor, Romulus Augustulus.[229] Odoacer ruled Italy for himself, largely continuing the policies of Roman imperial rule.[230] He destroyed the Kingdom of the Rugians, in modern Austria, in 487/488.[231] Theodoric, meanwhile, successfully extorted the Eastern Empire through a series of campaigns in the Balkans. The eastern emperor Zeno agreed to send Theodoric to Italy in 487/8.[232] After a successful invasion, Theodoric killed and replaced Odoacer in 493, founding a new Ostrogothic kingdom.[233] Theodoric died in 526, amid increasing tensions with the eastern empire.[234]
Toward the end of the migration period, in the early 500s, Roman sources portray a completely changed ethnic landscape outside of the empire: the Marcomanni and Quadi disappeared, as had the Vandals. Instead, the Thuringians, Rugians, Sciri, Herules, Goths, and Gepids are mentioned as occupying the Danube frontier.[235] From the mid-5th century onward, the Alamanni had greatly expanded their territory in all directions and launched numerous raids into Gaul.[236] The territory under the Frankish influence had grown to encompass northern Gaul and Germania to the Elbe.[237] The Frankish king Clovis I united the various Frankish groups in 490s,[238] and conquered the Alamanni by 506.[239] From the 490s onward, Clovis waged wars against the Visigoths, defeating them in 507 and taking control of most of Gaul.[238] Clovis's heirs conquered the Thuringians by 530 and the Burgundians by 532.[240] The continental Saxons, composed of many subgroups, were made tributary to the Franks, as were the Frisians, who faced an attack by the Danes under Hygelac in 533.[241]
The Vandal and Ostrogothic kingdoms were destroyed in 534 and 555 respectively by the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) empire under
Early Middle Ages to c. 800
Merovingian Frankia became divided into three subkingdoms:
Following their invasion in 568, the Lombards quickly conquered larger parts of the Italian peninsula.[250] From 574 to 584, a period without a single Lombard ruler, the Lombards nearly collapsed,[251] until a more centralized Lombard polity emerged under King Agilulf in 590.[252] The invading Lombards only ever made up a very small percentage of the Italian population, however Lombard ethnic identity expanded to include people of both Roman and barbarian descent.[253] Lombard power reached its peak during the reign of King Liutprand (712–744).[254] After Liutprand's death, the Frankish King Pippin the Short invaded in 755, greatly weakening the kingdom.[254] The Lombard kingdom was finally annexed by Charlemagne in 773.[255]
After a period of weak central authority, the Visigothic kingdom came under the rule of
In what would become England, the
Religion
Germanic paganism
Germanic paganism refers to the traditional, culturally significant religion of the Germanic-speaking peoples.
Like their neighbors and other historically related peoples, the ancient Germanic peoples venerated numerous indigenous deities. These deities are attested throughout literature authored by or written about Germanic-speaking peoples, including runic inscriptions, contemporary written accounts, and in folklore after Christianization. As an example, the second of the two Merseburg charms (two Old High German examples of alliterative verse from a manuscript dated to the ninth century) mentions six deities: Woden, Balder, Sinthgunt, Sunna, Frija, and Volla.[267]
With the exception of Sinthgunt, proposed cognates to these deities occur in other Germanic languages, such as Old English and Old Norse. By way of the comparative method, philologists are then able to reconstruct and propose early Germanic forms of these names from early Germanic mythology. Compare the following table:
Old High German | Old Norse | Old English | Proto-Germanic reconstruction | Notes |
---|---|---|---|---|
Wuotan[268] | Óðinn[268] | Wōden[268] | *Wōđanaz[268] | A deity similarly associated with healing magic in the Old English Nine Herbs Charm and particular forms of magic throughout the Old Norse record. This deity is strongly associated with extensions of *Frijjō (see below). |
Balder[269] | Baldr[269] | Bældæg[269] | *Balđraz[269] | In Old Norse texts, where the only description of the deity occurs, Baldr is a son of the god Odin and is associated with beauty and light. |
Sunne[270] | Sól[270] | Sigel[270] | *Sowelō ~ *Sōel[271][272] | A theonym identical to the proper noun 'Sun'. A goddess and the personified Sun. |
Volla[273] | Fulla[273] | Unattested | *Fullōn[273] | A goddess associated with extensions of the goddess *Frijjō (see below). The Old Norse record refers to Fulla as a servant of the goddess Frigg, while the second Merseburg Charm refers to Volla as Friia's sister. |
Friia[274] | Frigg[274] | Frīg[274] | *Frijjō[274] | Associated with the goddess Volla/Fulla in both the Old High German and Old Norse records, this goddess is also strongly associated with the god Odin (see above) in both the Old Norse and Langobardic records. |
The structure of the magic formula in this charm has a long history prior to this attestation: it is first known to have occurred in
Old High German | Old Norse | Old English | Proto-Germanic reconstruction | Notes |
---|---|---|---|---|
itis[276] | dís[276] | ides[276] | *đīsō[276] | A type of goddess-like supernatural entity. The West Germanic forms present some linguistic difficulties but the North Germanic and West Germanic forms are used explicitly as cognates (compare Old English ides Scildinga and Old Norse dís Skjǫldunga).[277] |
Other widely attested entities from the North and West Germanic folklore include elves, dwarfs, and the mare. (For more discussion on these entities, see Proto-Germanic folklore.)
The great majority of material describing Germanic mythology stems from the North Germanic record. The body of myths among the North Germanic-speaking peoples is known today as Norse mythology and is attested in numerous works, the most expansive of which are the Poetic Edda and the Prose Edda. While these texts were composed in the 13th century, they frequently quote genres of traditional alliterative verse known today as eddic poetry and skaldic poetry dating to the pre-Christian period.[278]
West Germanic mythology (that of speakers of, e.g., Old English and Old High German) is comparatively poorly attested. Notable texts include the
Very few texts make up the corpus of Gothic and other East Germanic languages, and East Germanic paganism and its associated mythic body is especially poorly attested. Notable topics that provide insight into the matter of East Germanic paganism include the Ring of Pietroassa, which appears to be a cult object (see also Gothic runic inscriptions), and the mention of the Gothic Anses (cognate with Old Norse Æsir '(pagan) gods') by Jordanes.[281]
Practices associated with the religion of the ancient Germanic peoples see fewer attestations. However, elements of religious practices are discernable throughout the textual record associated with the ancient Germanic peoples, including a focus on sacred groves and trees, the presence of seeresses, and numerous vocabulary items. The archaeological record has yielded a variety of depictions of deities, a number of them associated with depictions of the ancient Germanic peoples (see Anthropomorphic wooden cult figurines of Central and Northern Europe). Notable from the Roman period are the Matres and Matronae, some having Germanic names, to whom devotional altars were set up in regions of Germania, Eastern Gaul, and Northern Italy (with a small distribution elsewhere) that were occupied by the Roman army from the first to the fifth century.[282]
Germanic mythology and religious practice is of particular interest to Indo-Europeanists, scholars who seek to identify aspects of ancient Germanic culture—both in terms of linguistic correspondence and by way of
Conversion to Christianity
Germanic peoples began entering the Roman Empire in large numbers at the same time that
The areas of the Roman Empire conquered by the Franks,
While attempts to convert the Scandinavian peoples began in 831, they were mostly unsuccessful until the 10th and 11th centuries.[296] The last Germanic people to convert were the Swedes, although the Geats had converted earlier. The pagan Temple at Uppsala seems to have continued to exist into the early 1100s.[297]
Society and culture
Runic writing
Germanic speakers developed a native script, the runes (or the fuþark), and the earliest known form of which consists of 24 characters. The runes are generally held to have been used exclusively by Germanic-speaking populations.[k] All known early runic inscriptions are found in Germanic contexts with the potential exception of one inscription, which may indicate cultural transfer between the Germanic speakers to Slavic speakers (and may potentially be the earliest known writing among Slavic speakers).[l]
Like other indigenous scripts of Europe, the runes ultimately developed from the Phoenician alphabet, but unlike similar scripts, the runes were not replaced by the Latin alphabet by the first century BCE. Runes remained in use among the Germanic peoples throughout their history despite the significant influence of Rome.[m]
The precise date that Germanic speakers developed the runic alphabet is unknown, with estimates varying from 100 BCE to 100 CE.[303] Generally accepted inscriptions in the oldest attested form of the script, called the Elder Futhark, date from 200 to 700 CE.[304] The word rune is widely attested among Germanic languages, where it developed from Proto-Germanic *rūna and held a primary meaning of 'secret',[305] but also other meanings such as 'whisper', 'mystery', 'closed deliberation', and 'council'.[306] In most cases, runes appear not to have been used for everyday communication and knowledge of them may have generally been limited to a small group,[303] for whom the term erilaR is attested from the sixth century onward.[307]
The letters of the Elder Futhark are arranged in an order called the futhark, so named after its first six characters.
Personal names
Germanic personal names are commonly dithematic, consisting of two components that may be combined freely (such as the Old Norse female personal name Sigríðr, consisting of sigr 'victory' + fríðr 'beloved'). As summarized by Per Vikstrand, "The old Germanic personal names are, from a social and ideological point of view, characterized by three main features: religion, heroism, and family bonds. The religious aspect [of Germanic names] seems to be an inherited, Indo-European trace, which the Germanic languages share with Greek and other Indo-European languages."[312]
One point of debate surrounding Germanic name-giving practice is whether name elements were considered semantically meaningful when combined. [312] Whatever the case, an element of a name could be inherited by a male or female's offspring, leading to an alliterative lineage (related, see alliterative verse). The runestone D359 in Istaby, Sweden provides one such example, where three generations of men are connected by way of the element *wulfaz, meaning 'wolf' (the alliterative Haþuwulfaz, *Heruwulfaz, and Hariwulfaz).[312] Sacral components to Germanic personal names are also attested, including elements such as *hailaga- and *wīha- (both usually translated as 'holy, sacred', see for example Vé), and deity names (theonyms). Deity names as first components of personal names are attested primarily in Old Norse names, where they commonly reference in particular the god Thor (Old Norse Þórr).[313]
Poetry and legend
The ancient Germanic-speaking peoples were a largely oral culture. Written literature in Germanic languages is not recorded until the 6th century (Gothic Bible) or the 8th century in modern England and Germany.[314] The philologist Andreas Heusler proposed the existence of various genres of literature in the "Old Germanic" period, which were largely based on genres found in high medieval Old Norse poetry. These include ritual poetry, epigrammatic poetry (Spruchdichtung), memorial verses (Merkdichtung), lyric, narrative poetry, and praise poetry.[315] Heinrich Beck suggests that, on the basis of Latin mentions in late antiquity and the early Middle Ages, the following genres can be adduced: origo gentis (the origin of a people or their rulers), the fall of heroes (casus heroici), praise poetry, and laments for the dead.[316]
Some stylistic aspects of later Germanic poetry appear to have origins in the
Later Germanic peoples shared a common
Germanic law
Until the middle of the 20th century, the majority of scholars assumed the existence of a distinct Germanic legal culture and law.[327] Early ideas about Germanic law have come under intense scholarly scrutiny since the 1950s, and specific aspects of it such as the legal importance of Sippe, retinues, and loyalty, and the concept of outlawry can no longer be justified.[328][329] Besides the assumption of a common Germanic legal tradition and the use of sources of different types from different places and time periods,[328] there are no native sources for early Germanic law.[330][331] The earliest written legal sources, the Leges Barbarorum, were all written under Roman and Christian influence and often with the help of Roman jurists,[332] and contain large amounts of "Vulgar Latin Law", an unofficial legal system that functioned in the Roman provinces.[333]
As of 2023, scholarly consensus is that Germanic law is best understood in contrast with Roman law, in that whereas Roman law was "learned" and the same across regions, Germanic law was not learned and incorporated regional peculiarities.[334] Common elements include an emphasis on orality, gesture, formulaic language, legal symbolism, and ritual.[335] Some items in the "Leges", such as the use of vernacular words, may reveal aspects of originally Germanic, or at least non-Roman, law. Legal historian Ruth Schmidt-Wiegand writes that this vernacular, often in the form of Latinized words, belongs to "the oldest layers of a Germanic legal language" and shows some similarities to Gothic.[336][337]
Warfare
Warfare seems to have been a constant in Germanic society,[338] including conflicts among and within Germanic peoples.[339] There is no common Germanic word for "war", and it was not necessarily differentiated from other forms of violence.[340] Historical information on Germanic warfare almost entirely depends on Greco-Roman sources,[341] however their accuracy has been questioned.[342] The core of the army was formed by the comitatus (retinue), a group of warriors following a chief.[343] As retinues grew larger, their names could become associated with entire peoples. Many retinues functioned as auxilia (mercenary units in the Roman army).[344]
Roman sources stress, perhaps partially as a
Economy and material culture
Agriculture and population density
Unlike agriculture in the Roman provinces, which was organized around the large farms known as villae rusticae, Germanic agriculture was organized around villages. When Germanic peoples expanded into northern Gaul in the 4th and 5th centuries CE, they brought this village-based agriculture with them, which increased the agricultural productivity of the land; Heiko Steuer suggests this means that Germania was more agriculturally productive than is generally assumed.[353] Villages were not distant from each other but often within sight, revealing a fairly high population density, and contrary to the assertions of Roman sources, only about 30% of Germania was covered in forest, about the same percentage as today.[354]
Based on pollen samples and the finds of seeds and plant remains, the chief grains cultivated in Germania were barley, oats, and wheat (both
Crafts
It is unclear if there was a special class of craftsmen in Germania, however archaeological finds of tools are frequent.
Metalworking
Despite the claims of Roman writers such as Tacitus that the Germani had little iron and lacked expertise in working it, deposits of iron were commonly found in Germania and Germanic smiths were skillful metalworkers.
Deposits of gold are not found naturally within Germania and had to either be imported
Clothing and textiles
Clothing does not generally preserve well archaeologically. Early Germanic clothing is shown on some Roman stone monuments such as Trajan's Column and the Column of Marcus Aurelius, and is occasionally discovered in finds from in moors,[382] mostly from Scandinavia.[383] Frequent finds include long trousers, sometimes including connected stockings, shirt-like gowns (Kittel) with long sleeves, large pieces of cloth, and capes with fur on the inside.[384] All of these are thought to be male clothing, while finds of tubular garments are thought to be female clothing. These would have reached to the ankles and would likely have been held in place by brooches at the height of the shoulders, as shown on Roman monuments.[385] On Roman depictions, the dress was gathered below the breast or at the waist, and there are frequently no sleeves. Sometimes a blouse or skirt is depicted below the dress, along with a neckerchief around the throat.[386] By the middle of the 5th century CE, both men and women among the continental Germanic peoples came to wear a Roman-style tunic as their most important piece of clothing. This was secured at the waist and likely adopted due to intensive contact with the Roman world.[387] The Romans typically depict Germanic men and women as bareheaded, although some head-coverings have been found. Although Tacitus mentions an undergarment made of linen, no examples of these have been found.[386]
Surviving examples indicate that Germanic textiles were of high quality and mostly made of flax and wool.[381] Roman depictions show the Germani wearing materials that were only lightly worked.[388] Surviving examples indicate that a variety of weaving techniques were used.[386] Leather was used for shoes, belts, and other gear.[389] Spindles, sometimes made of glass or amber, and the weights from looms and distaffs are frequently found in Germanic settlements.[381]
Trade
Archaeology shows that from at least the turn of the 3rd century CE larger regional settlements in Germania existed that were not exclusively involved in an agrarian economy, and that the main settlements were connected by paved roads. The entirety of Germania was within a system of long-distance trade.[392] Migration-period seaborne trade is suggested by Gudme on the Danish island of Funen and other harbors on the Baltic.[393]
Roman trade with Germania is poorly documented.[394] Roman merchants crossing the Alps for Germania are recorded already by Caesar in the 1st century BCE.[390] During the imperial period, most trade probably took place in trading posts in Germania or at major Roman bases.[395] The most well-known Germanic export to the Roman Empire was amber, with a trade centered on the Baltic coast.[396] Economically, however, amber is likely to have been fairly unimportant.[397] The use of Germanic loanwords in surviving Latin texts suggests that besides amber (glaesum), the Romans also imported the feathers of Germanic geese (ganta) and hair dye (sapo). Germanic slaves were also a major commodity.[398] Archaeological discoveries indicate that lead was exported from Germania as well, perhaps mined in Roman-Germanic "joint ventures".[399]
Products imported from Rome are found archaeologically throughout the Germanic sphere and include vessels of bronze and silver, glassware, pottery, brooches; other products such as textiles and foodstuffs may have been just as important.[400] Rather than mine and smelt non-ferrous metals themselves, Germanic smiths seem to have often preferred to melt down finished metal objects from Rome, which were imported in large numbers, including coins, metal vessels, and metal statues.[401] Tacitus mentions in Germania chapter 23 that the Germani living along the Rhine bought wine, and Roman wine has been found in Denmark and northern Poland.[390] Finds of Roman silver coinage and weapons might have been war booty or the result of trade, while high quality silver items may have been diplomatic gifts.[402] Roman coinage may have acted as a form of currency as well.[403]
Genetics
The use of genetic studies to investigate the Germanic past is controversial, with scholars such as
Modern reception
The rediscovery of Tacitus's Germania in the 1450s was used by German
The beginning of
In the late 19th century,
See also
Notes
- ^ The earlier Nordic Bronze Age of southern Scandinavia also shows definite population and material continuities with the Jastorf Culture,[8] but it is unclear whether these indicate ethnic continuity.[9]
- Proto-Germanic origin, attested in Old High German since the 8th c., which have found so far no competing Indo-European etymologies, however unlikely: e.g., Adel 'aristocratic lineage'; Asch 'barge'; Beute 'board'; Loch 'lock'; Säule 'pillar'; etc.[73]
- ^ Rübekeil 2017, pp. 996–997: West Germanic: "There seems to be a principal distinction between the northern and the southern part of this group; the demarcation between both parts, however, is a matter of controversy. The northern part, North Sea Gmc or Ingvaeonic, is the larger one, but it is a moot point whether Old Saxon and Old Low Franconian really belong to it, and if yes, to what extent they participate in all its characteristic developments. (...) As a whole, there are arguments for a close relationship between Anglo-Frisian on the one hand and Old Saxon and Old Low Franconian on the other; there are, however, counter-arguments as well. The question as to whether the common features are old and inherited or have emerged by connections over the North Sea is still controversial."
- ^ Iversen & Kroonen 2017, p. 521: "In the more than 250 years (ca. 2850–2600 B.C.E.) when late Funnel Beaker farmers coexisted with the new Single Grave culture communities within a relatively small area of present-day Denmark, processes of cultural and linguistic exchange were almost inevitable—if not widespread."
- ^ Ringe 2006, p. 85: "Early Jastorf, at the end of the 7th century BCE, is almost certainly too early for the last common ancestor of the attested languages; but later Jastorf culture and its successors occupy so much territory that their populations are most unlikely to have spoken a single dialect, even granting that the expansion of the culture was relatively rapid. It follows that our reconstructed PGmc was only one of the dialects spoken by peoples identified archeologically, or by the Romans, as 'Germans'; the remaining Germanic peoples spoke sister dialects of PGmc." Polomé 1992, p. 51: "...if the Jastorf culture and, probably, the neighboring Harpstedt culture to the west constitute the Germanic homeland, a spread of Proto-Germanic northwards and eastwards would have to be assumed, which might explain both the archaisms and the innovative features of North Germanic and East Germanic, and would fit nicely with recent views locating the homeland of the Goths in Poland."
- ^ Mallory and Adams observe: "The Przeworsk Culture shows continuity with preceding cultures (Lusatian) and insures that the Slavic homeland was in its territory from whence the Venedi, one of the earliest historically attested Slavic tribes are specifically derived. On the other hand, Germanicists have argued that the Przeworsk culture was occupied by the Elbe-Germanic tribes and there are also those who argue that the Przeworsk reflects both a Germanic and Slavic component."[108]
- ^ Koch 2020, pp. 79–80: "New words shared between these languages at this period are not detectable as loanwords. The smaller number that do show Celtic innovations probably post-date the transition from Pre-Celtic to Proto-Celtic ~1200 BC. For example, the Celto-Germanic group name giving Proto-Germanic *Burgunþaz and Pro-Celtic *Brigantes was *Bhr̥ghn̥tes, which then independently underwent the Germanic and Celtic treatments of Proto-Indo-European syllabic *r̥ and *n̥ . It would be unlikely for the name to have its attested Germanic form if it had been borrowed from Celtic after ~1200 BC and probably impossible after ~900 BC."
- ^ Timpe & Scardigli 2010, pp. 581–582: "Also: eine Gemeinsamkeit von Germ., Balt. und Slaw., wobei die Neuerungen vor allem in einer Gemeinsamkeit von Germ. und Balt. zum Ausdruck kommen; die Gemeinsamkeit von Germ. und Slaw. beruht mehr auf der Bewahrung urspr. Verhältnisse und weist damit nicht auf engere Gemeinsamkeiten im Verlauf der Entwicklung. (...) Die Kontakte zum Extrem auf der anderen Seite, dem Slaw., sind wohl nur als eine Begleiterscheinung der Kontakte zum Balt. aufzufassen. Diese Kontakte zum Balt. müssen allerdings teilweise recht alt sein."; Simmelkjær Sandgaard Hansen & Kroonen 2022, pp. 166–167: "... as for the Balto-Slavic connection, other pieces of evidence show shared innovations with Baltic only, not with Slavic, which indicates a period of contact and joint development between Germanic and Balto-Slavic languages during a relatively late time period and, in any event, after the initial breakup of Balto-Slavic."
- ^ Tacitus referred to him as king of the Suevians.[139]
- ^ During the initial stage of the conflict between the Romans and the Tervingi, the Greuthungi had crossed the Danube into the Empire.[187]
- ^ "The indigenous ancient alphabet of Germania, the fuþark, consisted of twenty-four characters named runes."[299] "The discovery of a rune-inscribed bone from Lány (Břeclav, Moravia/Czech Republic) challenges the prevalent opinion that the older fuþark was used exclusively by Germanic-speaking populations."[300]
- ^ "Runes are an alphabetic script, called fuþark, used among Germanic tribes ... The find reported here renders six of the last eight runes of the older fuþark, making it the first find containing the final part of the older fuþark in South-Germanic inscriptions, and the only one found in a non-Germanic context."[301]
- ^ "For unknown reasons the Latin, or Roman, alphabet was not adapted in the North, but instead an alphabet was created that reflected Roman influence, but deviated in crucial features. History of writing in the Mediterranean area shows that there were many indigenous scripts, all somehow descending from the Phoenician mother script, but they were all replaced in ultimately the first century BC by the Roman script, the writing system of the leading culture."[302]
- ^ Historian Shami Ghosh for instance, argues: "It is certainly the case that the Goths, Lombards, Franks, Angles, Saxons, and Burgundians...were all Germanic peoples, in that their vernacular tongue belonged to the Germanic sub-group of the Indo-European family of languages. It is also the case that the corpus of what literary scholars define as Germanic heroic poetry does contain narratives that have as a historical core events that took place largely in the period c.300–c.600—insofar as any of these narratives can in fact be related to any sort of historical realities at all. But there is little evidence from before the eighth century, at least, for any sense even of an awareness of an inter-relatedness among these peoples, and certainly not of any perception among them of any significance of such inter-relatedness—any sort of knowledge of and meaning granted to a common 'Germanentum', or 'Germanic-ness', that has any relation to the burden of significance such a concept has borne in modern scholarship. Furthermore, the historical links between the extant heroic texts and any verifiable historical fact are both invariably slender and often quite tenuous, and therefore should not be overvalued."[322]
References
Citations
- ^ a b c d e Steuer 2021, p. 30.
- ^ a b Steuer 2021, p. 3.
- ^ a b Steuer 2021, p. 28.
- ^ a b Timpe & Scardigli 2010, pp. 383–385.
- ^ Steinacher 2022, p. 292.
- ^ a b Steuer 2021, p. 32.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 89, 1310.
- ^ a b Timpe & Scardigli 2010, p. 636.
- ^ a b Todd 1999, p. 11.
- ^ a b c Todd 1999, p. 9.
- ^ Wolfram 1988, p. 5.
- ^ Pfeifer 2000, p. 434.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, p. 58.
- ^ a b Pohl 2004a, p. 1.
- ^ Steinacher 2020, pp. 48–57.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, p. 4.
- ^ a b Green 1998, p. 8.
- ^ Winkler 2016, p. xxii.
- ^ Kulikowski 2020, p. 19.
- ^ Timpe & Scardigli 2010, pp. 380–381.
- ^ Timpe & Scardigli 2010, pp. 379–380.
- ^ Harland & Friedrich 2020, pp. 2–3.
- ^ Steinacher 2022, pp. 292–293.
- ^ Brather, Heizmann & Patzold 2021, p. 31.
- ^ Timpe & Scardigli 2010, pp. 381–382.
- ^ Harland & Friedrich 2020, p. 6.
- ^ Steuer 2021, pp. 29, 35.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, pp. 50–51.
- ^ Neidorf 2018, p. 865.
- ^ Harland 2021, p. 28.
- ^ Harland & Friedrich 2020, p. 10.
- ^ a b Brather, Heizmann & Patzold 2021, p. 34.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 29.
- ^ Steuer 2021, pp. 1275–1277.
- ^ Steinacher 2020, pp. 35–39.
- ^ Riggsby 2010, p. 51.
- ^ Steinacher 2020, pp. 36–37.
- ^ Steinacher 2020, pp. 37–38.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, p. 11.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, pp. 52–53.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, pp. 53–54.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, pp. 54–55.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, p. 19.
- ^ a b c Pohl 2004a, p. 3.
- ^ Timpe & Scardigli 2010, pp. 376, 511.
- ^ Timpe & Scardigli 2010, p. 377.
- ^ Krebs 2011, p. 204.
- ^ Timpe & Scardigli 2010, pp. 510–511.
- ^ Timpe & Scardigli 2010, p. 513.
- ^ Steinacher 2022, p. 293.
- ^ Liebeschuetz 2015, p. 97.
- ^ a b Pohl 2004a, pp. 9–10.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, pp. 4–5.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, p. 53.
- ^ Steinacher 2020, p. 47.
- ^ Steinacher 2020, pp. 47–48.
- ^ a b c Rübekeil 2017, p. 986.
- ^ Tacitus 1948, p. 102.
- ^ Wolters 2001, p. 567.
- ^ a b Wolters 2001, p. 568.
- ^ a b c d Pohl 2004a, p. 57.
- ^ a b c Wolters 2001, p. 470.
- ^ Wolters 2001, pp. 470–471.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 59.
- ^ Steuer 2021, pp. 125–126.
- ^ Wolters 2001, p. 471.
- ^ Ringe 2006, p. 84; Anthony 2007, pp. 57–58; Iversen & Kroonen 2017, p. 519
- ^ Penzl 1972, p. 1232.
- ^ Timpe & Scardigli 2010, p. 593.
- ^ Stiles 2017, p. 889; Rübekeil 2017, p. 989
- ^ Schrijver 2014, p. 197; Seebold 2017, p. 978; Iversen & Kroonen 2017, p. 518
- ^ Seebold 2017, pp. 978–979.
- ^ Seebold 2017, pp. 979–980.
- ^ Ringe 2006, p. 85; Nedoma 2017, p. 875; Seebold 2017, p. 975; Rübekeil 2017, p. 989
- ^ Ringe 2006, p. 85; Rübekeil 2017, p. 989
- ^ Ringe 2006, p. 85.
- ^ Timpe & Scardigli 2010, p. 595.
- ^ Kroonen 2013, p. 422; Rübekeil 2017, p. 990
- ^ Rübekeil 2017, p. 990.
- ^ a b Todd 1999, p. 13; Green 1998, p. 108; Ringe 2006, p. 152; Sanders 2010, p. 27; Nedoma 2017, p. 875.
- ^ Green 1998, p. 13; Nedoma 2017, p. 876
- ^ Nedoma 2017, p. 875.
- ^ Fortson 2004, pp. 338–339; Nedoma 2017, p. 876
- ^ Ringe 2006, p. 85; Nedoma 2017, p. 879
- ^ a b Nedoma 2017, pp. 879, 881; Rübekeil 2017, p. 995; ; Simmelkjær Sandgaard Hansen & Kroonen 2022, pp. 158–160.
- ^ Nedoma 2017, pp. 876–877.
- ^ a b Nedoma 2017, p. 881.
- ^ Fortson 2004, p. 339; Rübekeil 2017, p. 993
- ^ Fortson 2004, p. 339; Seebold 2017, p. 976; Simmelkjær Sandgaard Hansen & Kroonen 2022, pp. 158–160.
- ^ Stiles 2017, pp. 903–905.
- ^ Schrijver 2014, p. 185; Rübekeil 2017, p. 992
- ^ Rübekeil 2017, p. 991.
- ^ Nedoma 2017, p. 877.
- ^ Nedoma 2017, p. 878.
- ^ Rübekeil 2017, pp. 987, 991, 997; Nedoma 2017, pp. 881–883
- ^ Nedoma 2017, pp. 877, 881.
- ^ Rübekeil 2017, p. 992.
- ^ Nedoma 2017, p. 879.
- ^ Rübekeil 2017, pp. 987, 997–998.
- ^ Nedoma 2017, p. 880.
- ^ Fortson 2004, p. 339.
- ^ Anthony 2007, p. 360; Seebold 2017, p. 978; Heyd 2017, pp. 348–349; Kristiansen et al. 2017, p. 340; Reich 2018, pp. 110–111
- ^ Anthony 2007, pp. 360, 367–368; Seebold 2017, p. 978; Kristiansen et al. 2017, p. 340; Iversen & Kroonen 2017, pp. 512–513
- ^ Koch 2020, p. 38.
- ^ Polomé 1992, p. 51; Fortson 2004, p. 338; Ringe 2006, p. 85
- ^ Timpe & Scardigli 2010, p. 635.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, pp. 49–50.
- ^ a b Mallory & Adams 1997, p. 470.
- ^ Brather 2004, pp. 181–183.
- ^ Koch 2020, p. 19.
- ^ Fortson 2004, p. 338; Kroonen 2013, pp. 247, 311; Nedoma 2017, p. 876
- ^ Schrijver 2014, p. 197; Nedoma 2017, p. 876
- ^ Timpe & Scardigli 2010, pp. 579–589; Steuer 2021, p. 113; Koch 2020, pp. 79–80; Simmelkjær Sandgaard Hansen & Kroonen 2022, pp. 161–163.
- ^ Koch 2020, pp. 79–80.
- ^ Green 1998, pp. 145–159.
- ^ Simmelkjær Sandgaard Hansen & Kroonen 2022, pp. 161–163.
- ^ Timpe & Scardigli 2010, pp. 581–582.
- ^ Simmelkjær Sandgaard Hansen & Kroonen 2022, pp. 166–167.
- ^ Kinder 1988, p. 108.
- ^ Maciałowicz, Rudnicki & Strobin 2016, pp. 136–138.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 23.
- ^ Chaniotis 2013, pp. 209–211.
- ^ Kaul & Martens 1995, pp. 133, 153–154.
- ^ Harris 1979, pp. 245–247.
- ^ Burns 2003, pp. 72.
- ^ Woolf 2012, pp. 105–107.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 22.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, p. 13.
- ^ Vanderhoeven & Vanderhoeven 2004, p. 144.
- ^ a b Todd 1999, p. 45.
- ^ Goldsworthy 2006, p. 204.
- ^ Steuer 2006, p. 230.
- ^ Goldsworthy 2009, p. 212, note 2.
- ^ Wells 2004, p. 155.
- ^ Gruen 2006, pp. 180–182.
- ^ Gruen 2006, p. 183.
- ^ a b Haller & Dannenbauer 1970, p. 30.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 995.
- ^ Tacitus, Annales, 2.26 Archived 23 April 2023 at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ Goldsworthy 2016, p. 275.
- ^ Goldsworthy 2016, pp. 276–277.
- ^ a b Pohl 2004a, p. 15.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 994.
- ^ Haller & Dannenbauer 1970, pp. 30–31.
- ^ Wells 1995, p. 98.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, p. 16.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, pp. 16–17.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, p. 17.
- ^ Roymans 2004, pp. 57–58.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, pp. 17–18.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 683.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, p. 18.
- ^ Todd 1999, pp. 52–53.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, p. 25.
- ^ James 2014, p. 31.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 54.
- ^ Ward, Heichelheim & Yeo 2016, p. 340.
- ^ a b Pohl 2004a, p. 26.
- ^ a b Todd 1999, p. 55.
- ^ James 2014, p. 32.
- ^ Halsall 2007, p. 120.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, pp. 26–27.
- ^ Geary 1999, p. 109.
- ^ a b Todd 1999, p. 140.
- ^ a b Todd 1999, p. 56.
- ^ James 2014, pp. 40–45.
- ^ a b Wolfram 1997, p. 244.
- ^ James 2014, p. 122.
- ^ Heather 2009, p. 112.
- ^ Todd 1999, pp. 141–142.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 57.
- ^ a b Pohl 2004a, p. 27.
- ^ Todd 1999, pp. 59–61.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, p. 35.
- ^ Halsall 2007, p. 125.
- ^ Springer 2010, pp. 1020–1021.
- ^ a b Springer 2010, p. 1021.
- ^ Brather 2010, p. 1034.
- ^ Brather 2010, p. 1035-1036.
- ^ Brather 2010, p. 1036.
- ^ Heather 1996, p. 101.
- ^ Heather 1996, pp. 98–100.
- ^ a b c Todd 1999, p. 143.
- ^ Heather 1996, p. 100.
- ^ Heather 1996, p. 131.
- ^ Heather 1996, pp. 131–132.
- ^ Goldsworthy 2009b, p. 252.
- ^ Halsall 2007, pp. 176–178.
- ^ Wolfram 1997, pp. 79–87.
- ^ Heather 1996, pp. 135–137.
- ^ Heather 1996, pp. 138–139.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 145.
- ^ Heather 1996, pp. 143–144.
- ^ Halsall 2007, p. 199.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 61.
- ^ Wolfram 1997, p. 89.
- ^ Todd 1999, pp. 145–146.
- ^ Heather 2009, p. 182.
- ^ Halsall 2007, p. 211.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 172.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 197.
- ^ Heather 1996, pp. 147–148.
- ^ Heather 1996, pp. 147–149.
- ^ Heather 1996, p. 150.
- ^ Halsall 2007, pp. 228–230.
- ^ Heather 1996, pp. 102–103.
- ^ Heather 1996, pp. 111–112.
- ^ a b c Todd 1999, p. 223.
- ^ Heather 1996, pp. 113–114.
- ^ Goffart 2006, p. 109.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 176.
- ^ Halsall 2007, pp. 243–244.
- ^ Todd 1999, pp. 176–177.
- ^ Halsall 2007, p. 245-247.
- ^ Halsall 2007, p. 248.
- ^ Halsall 2007, p. 240.
- ^ a b Todd 1999, p. 174.
- ^ Heather 1996, p. 109.
- ^ Halsall 2007, pp. 251–253.
- ^ Heather 1996, p. 116.
- ^ Heather 1996, pp. 151–152.
- ^ James 2014, p. 65.
- ^ James 2014, p. 64.
- ^ Wolfram 1997, p. 242.
- ^ Halsall 2007, p. 255.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 177.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 153.
- ^ Heather 1996, pp. 154–155.
- ^ Halsall 2007, p. 280.
- ^ Halsall 2007, pp. 284–285.
- ^ a b c Pohl 2004a, p. 42.
- ^ Heather 1996, pp. 216–217.
- ^ Heather 1996, pp. 219–220.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 170.
- ^ Goffart 2006, p. 111.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, p. 31.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, p. 34.
- ^ a b Todd 1999, p. 184.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, p. 32.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 200, 240.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, pp. 39–40.
- ^ Halsall 2007, p. 284.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 226.
- ^ Pohl 2004a, p. 41-2.
- ^ Beck & Quak 2010, p. 853.
- ^ Beck & Quak 2010, pp. 857–858.
- ^ Beck & Quak 2010, p. 863-864.
- ^ Beck & Quak 2010, p. 864-865.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 193.
- ^ Todd 1999, pp. 226–227.
- ^ Wolfram 1997, pp. 293–294.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 228.
- ^ Nedoma & Scardigli 2010, p. 129.
- ^ a b Todd 1999, p. 234.
- ^ Wolfram 1997, p. 300.
- ^ Todd 1999, pp. 158, 174.
- ^ Heather 1996, pp. 297–298.
- ^ Wolfram 1997, pp. 277–278.
- ^ a b Kuhn & Wilson 2010, p. 614.
- ^ Todd 1999, pp. 210, 219.
- ^ Capelle & Brather 2010, pp. 157–158.
- ^ Steuer 2021, pp. 641–642.
- ^ Hultgård 2010, p. 863.
- ^ Hultgård 2010, pp. 865–866.
- ^ Hultgård 2010, pp. 866–867.
- ^ Schjødt 2020, p. 265.
- ^ For general discussion regarding the Merseburg Charms, see for example Lindow 2001, pp. 227–28 and Simek 1993, pp. 84, 278–279.
- ^ a b c d Orel 2003, p. 469.
- ^ a b c d Orel 2003, p. 33.
- ^ a b c Orel 2003, pp. 361, 385, 387.
- ^ Orel 2003, p. 385.
- ^ Magnússon 1989, pp. 463–464.
- ^ a b c Orel 2003, p. 118.
- ^ a b c d Orel 2003, p. 114.
- ^ The Atharveda charm is specifically charm 12 of book four of the Atharveda. See discussion in for example Storms 2013, pp. 107–112.
- ^ a b c d Orel 2003, p. 72.
- ^ Kroonen 2013, pp. 96, 114–115.
- ^ For a concise overview of sources on Germanic mythology, see Simek 1993, pp. 298–300.
- ^ Simek 1993, pp. 298–300.
- ^ On the correspondences between the prose introduction to Grímnismál and the Langobardic origin myth, see for example Lindow 2001, p. 129.
- ^ Regarding the Ring of Pietroassa, see for example discussion in MacLeod & Mees 2006, pp. 173–174. On Gothic Anses, see for example Orel 2003, p. 21.
- ^ Simek 1993, pp. 204–205.
- ^ See discussion in for example Puhvel 1989, pp. 189–221 and Witzel 2017, pp. 365–369.
- ^ Cusack 1998, p. 35.
- ^ Düwel 2010a, p. 356.
- ^ Schäferdiek & Gschwantler 2010, p. 350.
- ^ Düwel 2010a, p. 802.
- ^ Schäferdiek & Gschwantler 2010, pp. 350–353.
- ^ Cusack 1998, pp. 50–51.
- ^ Schäferdiek & Gschwantler 2010, pp. 360–362.
- ^ Schäferdiek & Gschwantler 2010, pp. 362–364.
- ^ Stenton 1971, pp. 104–128.
- ^ Schäferdiek & Gschwantler 2010, pp. 364–371.
- ^ Padberg 2010, p. 588.
- ^ Padberg 2010, pp. 588–589.
- ^ Schäferdiek & Gschwantler 2010, pp. 389–391.
- ^ Schäferdiek & Gschwantler 2010, pp. 401–404.
- ^ Düwel 2004, p. 139.
- ^ Looijenga 2020, p. 820.
- ^ Macháček et al. 2021, p. 4.
- ^ Macháček et al. 2021, p. 1, 2.
- ^ Looijenga 2020, p. 819.
- ^ a b c Green 1998, p. 254.
- ^ Düwel 2004, p. 125.
- ^ Düwel 2004, p. 121.
- ^ Green 1998, p. 255.
- ^ Düwel 2004, p. 132.
- ^ Düwel 2004, pp. 121–122.
- ^ Düwel 2004, p. 123.
- ^ Düwel 2010b, pp. 999–1006.
- ^ Düwel 2004, pp. 131–132.
- ^ a b c Vikstrand 2020, p. 127.
- ^ Vikstrand 2020, p. 129-132.
- ^ Timpe & Scardigli 2010, p. 609.
- ^ Timpe & Scardigli 2010, pp. 614–615.
- ^ Timpe & Scardigli 2010, p. 616.
- ^ Timpe & Scardigli 2010, pp. 609–611.
- ^ Haymes & Samples 1996, pp. 39–40.
- ^ Goering 2020, p. 242.
- ^ Millet 2008, pp. 27–28.
- ^ Millet 2008, pp. 4–7.
- ^ Ghosh 2016, p. 8.
- ^ Millet 2008, pp. 11–13.
- ^ Tiefenbach, Reichert & Beck 1999, pp. 267–268.
- ^ Haubrichs 2004, p. 519.
- ^ Ghosh 2007, p. 249.
- ^ Dilcher 2011, pp. 241–242.
- ^ a b Timpe & Scardigli 2010, p. 811.
- ^ Dilcher 2011, p. 245.
- ^ Timpe & Scardigli 2010, pp. 798–799.
- ^ Dilcher 2011, p. 243.
- ^ Lück 2010, pp. 423–424.
- ^ Timpe & Scardigli 2010, pp. 800–801.
- ^ Dusil, Kannowski & Schwedler 2023, p. 78.
- ^ Dilcher 2011, pp. 246–247.
- ^ Schmidt-Wiegand 2010, p. 396.
- ^ Timpe & Scardigli 2010, p. 801.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 673.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 794.
- ^ Bulitta & Springer 2010, pp. 665–667.
- ^ Murdoch 2004, p. 62.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 674.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 785.
- ^ Steuer 2021, pp. 793–794.
- ^ Green 1998, pp. 68–69.
- ^ Murdoch 2004, p. 63.
- ^ a b Todd 1999, p. 35.
- ^ a b Steuer 2021, p. 663.
- ^ Bulitta & Springer 2010, pp. 678–679.
- ^ a b Steuer 2021, p. 672.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 42.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 661.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 409.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 1273.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 79.
- ^ Todd 1999, pp. 76–77.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 410.
- ^ Steuer 2021, pp. 427–428.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 248.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 429.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 435.
- ^ a b Todd 1999, p. 130.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 507.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 434.
- ^ a b Todd 1999, p. 123.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 127.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 469.
- ^ Todd 1999, pp. 128–129.
- ^ a b Steuer 2021, p. 444.
- ^ Steuer 2021, pp. 448–449.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 129.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 452.
- ^ Steuer 2021, pp. 455–456.
- ^ Steuer 2021, pp. 459–460.
- ^ Steuer 2021, pp. 455–457.
- ^ a b Todd 1999, p. 120.
- ^ Steuer 2021, pp. 510–511.
- ^ Todd 1999, pp. 126–127.
- ^ Todd 1999, pp. 122–123.
- ^ Todd 1999, pp. 123–124.
- ^ a b c Steuer 2021, p. 431.
- ^ Steuer 2021, pp. 430–431.
- ^ Banck-Burgess, Müller & Hägg 2010, p. 1214.
- ^ Banck-Burgess, Müller & Hägg 2010, pp. 1214–1215.
- ^ Banck-Burgess, Müller & Hägg 2010, p. 1215.
- ^ a b c Todd 1999, p. 131.
- ^ Banck-Burgess, Müller & Hägg 2010, pp. 1221–1222.
- ^ Banck-Burgess, Müller & Hägg 2010, p. 1216.
- ^ Steuer 2021, pp. 433–434.
- ^ a b c Murdoch 2004, p. 64.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 92.
- ^ Steuer 2021, pp. 1274–1275.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 98.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 88.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 89.
- ^ Murdoch 2004, p. 65.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 95.
- ^ Murdoch 2004, p. 66.
- ^ Steuer 2021, p. 461.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 87.
- ^ Steuer 2021, pp. 463–469.
- ^ Todd 1999, pp. 87–88.
- ^ Todd 1999, p. 101.
- ^ Halsall 2014, p. 518.
- ^ Brather, Heizmann & Patzold 2021, pp. 32–33.
- ^ Manco 2013, p. 208.
- ^ Donecker 2020, p. 68.
- ^ Beck 2004, pp. 25–26.
- ^ Donecker 2020, pp. 67–71.
- ^ Donecker 2020, p. 75.
- ^ Donecker 2020, p. 76.
- ^ Steinacher 2020, p. 40.
- ^ Donecker 2020, pp. 80–84.
- ^ Brather, Heizmann & Patzold 2021, pp. 5–6.
- ^ Beck 2004, pp. 26–27.
- ^ Beck 2004, p. 27.
- ^ Mosse 1964, pp. 67–71.
- ^ Brather, Heizmann & Patzold 2021, p. 11.
- ^ Derry 2012, pp. 27, 220, 238–248.
- ^ Todd 1999, pp. 251–252.
- ^ Halsall 2007, p. 14.
- ^ Brather, Heizmann & Patzold 2021, pp. 11–12.
- ^ Kaiser 2007, p. 379.
Bibliography
- ISBN 978-1-4008-3110-4.
- Banck-Burgess, Johanna; Müller, Mechthild; Hägg, Inga (2010) [2000]. "Kleidung". Archived copy. Germanische Altertumskunde Online. de Gruyter. pp. 1064–1067. Archived from the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 22 January 2022.
{{cite encyclopedia}}
: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - Beck, Heinrich (2004). "The Concept of Germanic Antiquity". In Murdoch, Brian; Read, Malcolm (eds.). Early Germanic Literature and Culture. Camden House. pp. 25–28.
- Beck, Heinrich; Quak, Arend; et al. (2010) [1995]. "Franken". Archived copy. Germanische Altertumskunde Online. Archived from the original on 9 August 2022. Retrieved 9 August 2022.
{{cite encyclopedia}}
: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - Brather, Sebastian (2004). Ethnische Interpretationen in der frühgeschichtlichen Archäologie: Geschichte, Grundlagen und Alternativen. de Gruyter.
- Brather, Sebastian (2010) [2006]. "Völkerwanderungszeit". Germanische Altertumskunde Online. de Gruyter.
- S2CID 233770774.
- Bulitta, Brigitte; Springer, Matthias; et al. (2010) [2000]. "Kriegswesen". Archived copy. Germanische Altertumskunde Online. de Gruyter. pp. 667–746. Archived from the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 23 August 2021.
{{cite encyclopedia}}
: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - Burns, Thomas (2003). Rome and the Barbarians, 100 B.C.–A.D. 400. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 978-0-8018-7306-5. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 25 August 2020.
- Capelle, Torsten; Brather, Sebastian (2010) [2007]. "Wikingerzeit". Archived copy. Germanische Altertumskunde Online. Archived from the original on 5 February 2022. Retrieved 5 February 2022.
{{cite encyclopedia}}
: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - Chaniotis, Angelos (2013). "Paradoxon, Enargeia, Empathy". In Kremmydas, Christos; Tempest, Kathryn (eds.). Hellenistic Oratory: Continuity and Change. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-965431-4. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 25 July 2021.
- Cusack, Carole M. (1998). Conversion among the Germanic Peoples. Cassell.
- Derry, T.K. (2012). A History of Scandinavia: Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, Iceland. Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press. ISBN 978-0-8166-3799-7.
- Dilcher, Gerhard (2011). "Germanisches Recht". Handwörterbuch zur deutschen Rechtsgeschichte. Vol. 2 (2nd ed.). pp. 241–252.
- Donecker, Stefan (2020), "Re-inventing the 'Germanic' in the Early Modern Era: Omnes Germani sunt, contra fabulas quorundam", in Friedrich, Matthias; Harland, James M. (eds.), Interrogating the 'Germanic', De Gruyter, pp. 67–84, S2CID 241474332
- Dusil, Stephan; Kannowski, Bernd; Schwedler, Gerald (2023). "Chapter 2 Early Middle Ages (500–1100)". In Masferrer, Aniceto; van Rhee, C.H.; Donlan, Seán; Heesters, Cornelis (eds.). A Companion to Western Legal Traditions: From Antiquity to the Twentieth Century. Brill. pp. 77–160. .
- Düwel, Klaus (2004). "Runic". In Murdoch, Brian; Read, Malcolm (eds.). Early Germanic Literature and Culture. Camden House. pp. 121–148.
- Düwel, Klaus (2010a) [1973]. "Arianische Kirchen". Archived copy. Germanische Altertumskunde Online. pp. 801–807. Archived from the original on 17 August 2021. Retrieved 27 July 2021.
{{cite encyclopedia}}
: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - Düwel, Klaus (2010b) [2003]. "Runen und Runendenkmäler". Archived copy. Germanische Altertumskunde Online. pp. 997–1024. Archived from the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 23 August 2021.
{{cite encyclopedia}}
: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - ISBN 978-1-4443-5968-8. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 25 August 2020.
- Geary, Patrick J. (1999). "Barbarians and Ethnicity". In G.W. Bowersock; Peter Brown; Oleg Grabar (eds.). Late Antiquity: A Guide to the Postclassical World. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-51173-6.
- from the original on 28 July 2021. Retrieved 28 July 2021.
- Ghosh, Shami (2016). Writing the Barbarian Past: Studies in Early Medieval Historical Narrative. Brill. ISBN 978-9-00430-522-9.
- Goering, Nelson (2020), "(Proto-)Germanic Alliterative Verse: Linguistic Limits on a Cultural Phenomenon", in Friedrich, Matthias; Harland, James M. (eds.), Interrogating the 'Germanic', De Gruyter, pp. 241–250, S2CID 241474332
- Goffart, Walter (2006). Barbarian Tides: The Migration Age and the Later Roman Empire. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-81222-105-3. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 30 March 2020.
- Goldsworthy, Adrian (2006). Caesar: Life of a Colossus. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-12048-6.
- ISBN 978-1-910589-36-6. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 27 July 2021.
- Goldsworthy, Adrian (2009b). How Rome Fell. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-30013-719-4.
- Goldsworthy, Adrian (2016). In the Name of Rome: The Men Who Won the Roman Empire. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-30021-852-7.
- ISBN 978-0-521-79423-7. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 23 December 2019.
- Gruen, Erich S. (2006). "The Expansion of the Empire under Augustus". In Alan K. Bowman; Edward Champlin; Andrew Lintott (eds.). The Cambridge Ancient History. Vol. X, The Augustan Empire, 43 B.C–A.D. 69. Oxford and New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-26430-8.
- Haller, Johannes; Dannenbauer, Henirich (1970). Der Eintritt der Germanen in die Geschichte. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co. ISBN 978-3-11101-001-4.
- Halsall, Guy (2007). Barbarian Migrations and the Roman West, 376–568. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-52143-543-7. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 30 March 2020.
- from the original on 19 January 2020. Retrieved 17 January 2020.
- Harland, James M.; Friedrich, Matthias (2020), "Introduction: The 'Germanic' and its Discontents", in Friedrich, Matthias; Harland, James M. (eds.), Interrogating the 'Germanic', De Gruyter, pp. 1–18, S2CID 241474332
- Harland, James M. (2021). Ethnic Identity and the Archaeology of the aduentus Saxonum: A Modern Framework and its Problems. University of Amsterdam Press. S2CID 244947891.
- Haubrichs, Wolfgang (2004). ""Heroische Zeiten?" Wanderungen von Heldennamen und Heldensagen zwischen den germanischen gentes des frühen Mittelalters". In Nahl, Astrid von; Lennart, Elmevik; Brink, Stefan (eds.). Namenwelten: Orts- und Personennamen in historischer Sicht ; Gewidmet Thorsten Andersson zu seinem 75. Geburtstag. de Gruyter. pp. 513–534.
- Haymes, Edward R.; Samples, Susan T. (1996). Heroic legends of the North: an introduction to the Nibelung and Dietrich cycles. New York: Garland. ISBN 0815300336.
- Harris, William V. (1979). War and Imperialism in Republican Rome, 327–70 B.C. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-814866-6.
- Heather, Peter (1996). The Goths. Blackwell.
- ISBN 978-0-19-989226-6. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 25 August 2020.
- Heyd, Volker (2017). "Kossinna's smile". Antiquity. 91 (356): 348–359. from the original on 13 November 2019. Retrieved 22 April 2020.
- Hultgård, Anders (2010) [2003]. "Religion". Archived copy. Germanische Altertumskunde Online. pp. 859–914. Archived from the original on 18 August 2021. Retrieved 27 July 2021.
{{cite encyclopedia}}
: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - Iversen, Rune; Kroonen, Guus (2017). "Talking Neolithic: Linguistic and Archaeological Perspectives on How Indo-European Was Implemented in Southern Scandinavia" (PDF). American Journal of Archaeology. 121 (4): 511. (PDF) from the original on 19 July 2018.
- ISBN 978-0-58277-296-0.
- from the original on 23 April 2022. Retrieved 29 August 2020.
- Kaul, Flemming; Martens, Jes (1995), "Southeast European Influences in the Early Iron Age of Southern Scandinavia: Gundestrup and the Cimbri", Acta Archaeologica, 66: 111–161, archived from the original on 9 April 2022, retrieved 11 February 2020
- Kinder, Hermann (1988), Penguin Atlas of World History, vol. I, London: Penguin, ISBN 0-14-051054-0.
- ISBN 9781907029325.
- Krebs, Christopher B. (2011). "Borealism: Caesar, Seneca, Tacitus and the Roman Discourse about the Germanic North". In Gruen, Erich S. (ed.). Cultural Identity in the Ancient Mediterranean. Getty Publications. ISBN 978-0-89236-969-0. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 8 August 2021.
- ISSN 0003-598X.
- Kroonen, Guus (2013). Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Germanic. Brill. ISBN 9789004183407. Archivedfrom the original on 20 April 2023. Retrieved 25 August 2020.
- S2CID 241474332
- Looijenga, Tineke (2020). ""Germanic: Runes"". Palaeohispánica. 20: 819–853. Archived from the original on 13 September 2022. Retrieved 13 September 2022.
- ISBN 978-90-04-28952-9. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 15 January 2020.
- Kuhn, Hans; Wilson, David M. (2010) [1973]. "Angelsachsen". Archived copy. Germanische Altertumskunde Online. Archived from the original on 5 February 2022. Retrieved 5 February 2022.
{{cite encyclopedia}}
: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - Lindow, John (2001). Norse Mythology: A Guide to the Gods, Heroes, Rituals, and Beliefs. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-515382-0.
- Lück, Heiner (2010) [2003]. "Recht". Archived copy. Germanische Altertumskunde Online. pp. 418–447. Archived from the original on 14 August 2021. Retrieved 27 July 2021.
{{cite encyclopedia}}
: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - Maciałowicz, Andrzej; Rudnicki, Marcin; Strobin, Anna (2016), "With gold and sword. Contacts of Celts and early Germanics in central Europe. The historical background: 3rd – 1st c. BC", in Rzeszotarska-Nowakiewicz (ed.), The Past Societies. Polish lands from the first evidence of human presence to the early Middle Ages", vol. 4: "500 BC – 500 AD", pp. 133–161, archived from the original on 16 August 2021, retrieved 20 February 2020
- Macháček, Jiří; et al. (2021). "Runes from Lány (Czech Republic) – The oldest inscription among Slavs. A new standard for multidisciplinary analysis of runic bones". Journal of Archaeological Science. 127: 105333. S2CID 233858713.
- MacLeod, Mindy; Mees, Bernard (2006). Runic Amulets and Magic Objects. Boydell Press.
- Magnússon, Ásgeir Blöndal (1989). Íslensk orðsifjabók. Orðabók Háskólans. ISBN 9789979654018.
- Mallory, J.P.; Adams, Douglas Q. (1997). Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture. London and New York: Routledge. ISBN 1-884964-98-2.
- Manco, Jean (2013). Ancestral Journeys: The Peopling of Europe from the First Venturers to the Vikings. New York: Thames & Hudson. ISBN 978-0-500-05178-8.
- Millet, Victor (2008). Germanische Heldendichtung im Mittelalter. Berlin, New York: de Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-020102-4.
- Mosse, George (1964). The Crisis of German Ideology: Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich. New York: Grosset & Dunlap. ASIN B000W259Y8.
- Murdoch, Adrian (2004). "Germania Romana". In Murdoch, Brian; Read, Malcolm (eds.). Early Germanic Literature and Culture. Camden House. pp. 55–71.
- ISBN 978-3-11-054243-1. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 25 August 2020.
- Nedoma, Robert; Scardigli, Piergiuseppe; et al. (2010) [2001]. "Langobarden". Archived copy. Germanische Altertumskunde Online. Archived from the original on 6 February 2022. Retrieved 6 February 2022.
{{cite encyclopedia}}
: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - Neidorf, Leonard (2018). "Beowulf as Pre-National Epic: Ethnocentrism in the Poem and its Criticism". ELH. 85 (4): 847–875. from the original on 26 March 2023. Retrieved 10 February 2022.
- Orel, Vladimir (2003). A Handbook of Germanic Etymology. Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-12875-0.
- Padberg, Lutz E. V. (2010) [2007]. "Zwangsbekehrung". Archived copy. Germanische Altertumskunde Online. pp. 1171–1177. Archived from the original on 18 August 2021. Retrieved 27 July 2021.
{{cite encyclopedia}}
: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - Penzl, Herbert (1972). "Old Germanic Languages". In Haugen, Einar (ed.). Linguistics in Western Europe, Part 2: The Study of Languages. de Gruyter Mouton. pp. 1232–1281.
- Pfeifer, Wolfgang (2000). Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Deutschen. München: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag. ISBN 978-3-05000-626-0.
- Pohl, Walter (2004a), Die Germanen, Enzyklopädie deutscher Geschichte, vol. 57, ISBN 9783486701623, archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023, retrieved 30 March 2020
- ISBN 978-90-272-3593-0. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 30 March 2020.
- Puhvel, Jaan (1989) [1987]. Comparative Mythology. The Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 0-8018-3938-6.
- ISBN 978-0-19-255438-3. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 25 August 2020.
- Riggsby, Andrew M. (2010). Caesar in Gaul and Rome: War in Words. University of Texas Press. p. 51. ISBN 978-0-292-77451-3. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 6 August 2021.
- ISBN 978-0-19-153633-5. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 25 August 2020.
- Roymans, Nico (2004). Ethnic Identity and Imperial Power : The Batavians in the Early Roman Empire. Amsterdam University Press. ISBN 9789053567050. Archivedfrom the original on 13 January 2023. Retrieved 7 August 2021.
- ISBN 978-3-11-054243-1. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 25 August 2020.
- Sanders, Ruth H. (2010). German: Biography of a Language. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-538845-9. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 25 August 2020.
- Schäferdiek, Knut; Gschwantler, Otto (2010) [1975]. "Bekehrung und Bekehrungsgeschichte". Germanische Altertumskunde Online. pp. 350–409.
- Schmidt-Wiegand, Ruth (2010) [2001]. "Leges". Archived copy. Germanische Altertumskunde Online. pp. 419–447. Archived from the original on 15 August 2021. Retrieved 27 July 2021.
{{cite encyclopedia}}
: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - Schjødt, Jens Peter (2020). "Continuity and Break: Germanic". In Schjødt, Jens Peter; Lindow, John; Andrén, Anders (eds.). The Pre-Christian Religions of the North: History and Structures. Vol. 1. Brepols. pp. 247–268. ISBN 978-2-503-57489-9.
- ISBN 978-1-134-25449-1. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 25 August 2020.
- ISBN 978-3-11-054243-1. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 25 August 2020.
- Simek, Rudolf (1993). Dictionary of Northern Mythology. D.S. Brewer. ISBN 978-0-85991-513-7.
- Simmelkjær Sandgaard Hansen, Bjarne; Kroonen, Guus Jan (2022). "Germanic". In Olander, Thomas (ed.). The Indo-European Language Family: A Phylogenetic Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. S2CID 161016819.
- Springer, Matthias (2010) [2006]. "Völkerwanderung". Germanische Altertumskunde Online. de Gruyter.
- Steinacher, Roland (2020), "Rome and Its Created Northerners", in Friedrich, Matthias; Harland, James M. (eds.), Interrogating the 'Germanic', De Gruyter, pp. 31–66, S2CID 241474332
- Steinacher, Roland (2022). "Germania and the Germani – Where are We Now?". Germania: Anzeiger der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts. 100: 291–312.
- Stenton, Frank (1971). Anglo-Saxon England (3 ed.). Oxford University Press.
- Steuer, Heiko (2021). Germanen aus Sicht der Archäologie: Neue Thesen zu einem alten Thema. de Gruyter.
- Steuer, Heiko (2006). "Warrior Bands, War Lords, and the Birth of Tribes and States in the First Millennium AD in Middle Europe". In Otto, Ton; Thrane, Henrik; Vandkilde, Helle (eds.). Warfare and Society: Archaeological and Social Anthropological Perspectives. Aarhus University Press. ISBN 978-87-7934-935-3. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 7 August 2021.
- Stiles, Patrick V. (2017). "The phonology of Germanic". In Klein, Jared; Joseph, Brian; Fritz, Matthias (eds.). Handbook of Comparative and Historical Indo-European Linguistics. Vol. 2. Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-054243-1. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 25 August 2020.
- Storms, Godfrid (2013) [1948]. Anglo-Saxon Magic (reprint). Springer Netherlands. ISBN 9789401763127.
- Tacitus (1948). The Agricola and The Germania. Translated by Mattingly, H.; Handford, S. A. Penguin Books.
- Tiefenbach, Heinrich; Reichert, Hermann; Beck, Heinrich (1999). "Held, Heldendichtung und Heldensage". In Beck, Heinrich; et al. (eds.). Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde. Vol. 14. de Gruyter. pp. 260–280.
- Timpe, Dieter; Scardigli, Barbara; et al. (2010) [1998]. "Germanen, Germania, Germanische Altertumskunde". Germanische Altertumskunde Online. pp. 363–876. Archived from the original on 17 August 2021. Retrieved 27 July 2021.
- ISBN 978-1-4051-3756-0. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 25 August 2020.
- Vanderhoeven, Alain; Vanderhoeven, Michel (2004). "Confrontation in Archaeology. Aspects of Roman military presence in Tongeren". In Vermeulen, Frank; Sas, Kathy; Dhaeze, Wouter (eds.). Archaeology in Confrontation: Aspects of Roman Military Presence in the Northwest. Academia Press. ISBN 978-90-382-0578-6. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 7 August 2021.
- Vikstrand, Per (1 January 2020), "5- Language: Placenames and Personal Names", The Pre-Christian Religions of the North: History and Structures, Pre-Christian Religions of the North, Brepols Publishers, pp. 115–134, from the original on 10 February 2022, retrieved 10 February 2022
- Ward, Allen; Heichelheim, Fritz; Yeo, Cedric (2016). A History of the Roman People. London and New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-205-84679-5.
- Wells, Peter S. (2004). The Battle That Stopped Rome. New York: W.W. Norton. ISBN 978-0-39335-203-0.
- Wells, Colin Michael (1995). The Roman Empire. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-67477-770-5.
- Winkler, Martin M. (2016). Arminius the Liberator : myth and ideology. Oxford University Press.
- Witzel, Michael (2017). "Ymir in India, China – and Beyonds". Old Norse Mythology in Comparative Perspective. 3. Harvard University Press: 363–380. Archived from the original on 9 February 2022. Retrieved 21 August 2021.
- ISBN 0-520-05259-5. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 30 March 2020.
- ISBN 0-520-08511-6. Archivedfrom the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 30 March 2020.
- Wolters, Reinhard (2001). "Mannusstämme". In Beck, Heinrich; et al. (eds.). Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde. Vol. 19. de Gruyter. pp. 467–478.
- Woolf, Greg (2012). Rome: An Empire's Story. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-932518-4.
External links
Classical and medieval sources
- Agathias, Histories
- Bede, Ecclesiastical history of England, in Latin
- Caesar, De Bello Gallico
- Cicero, Against Piso
- Dio Cassius, Roman History
- Historia Augusta
- Jordanes, Getica
- Titus Livy, History of Rome
- Paul the Deacon, History of the Langobards, in Latin
- Pliny the Elder, Natural Histories
- Pomponius Mela, Description of the World
- Procopius, Gothic War
- Ptolemy, Geography
- Strabo, Geography
- Suetonius, 12 Caesars
- Tacitus, Germania
- Tacitus, The History