Theodore Komnenos Doukas
Theodore Komnenos Doukas | |
---|---|
Emperor and Autocrat of the Romans | |
Komnenodoukas branch of the Angelos dynasty | |
Father | John Doukas |
Mother | Zoe Doukaina |
Theodore Komnenos Doukas (Greek: Θεόδωρος Κομνηνὸς Δούκας, Theodōros Komnēnos Doukas, Latinized as Theodore Comnenus Ducas, died c. 1253) was the ruler of Epirus and Thessaly from 1215 to 1230 and of Thessalonica and most of Macedonia and western Thrace from 1224 to 1230. He was also the power behind the rule of his sons John and Demetrios over Thessalonica in 1237–1246.
Theodore was the
As ruler of Thessalonica, Theodore quickly declared himself emperor, challenging the Nicaean emperor
Theodore was released in 1237 when his daughter Irene married John Asen II, and quickly managed to regain control of Thessalonica, ousting Manuel. Having been blinded during his captivity and thus disqualified from occupying the throne again, he installed his eldest son John as emperor, but remained the de facto regent of the state. Manuel tried to regain Thessalonica with Nicaean support, but a negotiated settlement was reached which gave him Thessaly and left Thessalonica and its environs to Theodore and John. In 1241, John III Vatatzes invited Theodore to visit Nicaea. He was welcomed and treated with great honour, but was effectively detained there until the spring of next year, when Vatatzes marched on Thessalonica with Theodore in tow. Theodore was sent in to negotiate with his son and convince him to accept demotion to the rank of Despot and to recognize the suzerainty of Nicaea. John died in 1244 and was succeeded by Theodore's younger son Demetrios. In 1246, Vatatzes overthrew the unpopular Demetrios and annexed Thessalonica. Theodore influenced his nephew Michael II to launch an attack on Thessalonica in 1251, but in 1252, Vatatzes campaigned against them and forced Michael to come to terms. Theodore was taken prisoner and sent into exile in Nicaea, where he died around 1253.
Early life and career
Born between 1180 and 1185, Theodore was a son of the
Theodore's early life is obscure.
Around 1210, Theodore was invited by his half-brother Michael I Komnenos Doukas to Epirus, where Michael had founded an independent Greek principality.[11][a] Michael wanted Theodore's aid, as his only son, the future Michael II Komnenos Doukas, was underage and illegitimate, while Michael's other half-brothers were considered to lack the ability to rule. Laskaris allowed Theodore to leave, but bound him with an oath of allegiance to himself and his heirs.[12] Before going to Epirus, Theodore had married Maria Petraliphaina, with whom he had four children.[13]
Ruler of Epirus
From 1210 on, Michael I Komnenos Doukas was engaged in territorial expansion, chiefly at the expense of the Latin
Relations with Serbia and Nicaea
Theodore was capable and extremely ambitious. Notwithstanding his oath to Laskaris, he aspired not only to expand his state at the expense of Thessalonica, but to eventually recover Constantinople and revive the
With his position thus strengthened, Theodore expanded his territory into northern
Following the Fourth Crusade, the Orthodox clergy in the two main Greek states, Epirus and Nicaea, had effectively become separated. In 1208, the Nicaeans had convened a synod and elected
Theodore's drive into Macedonia disquieted another local strongman, Alexius Slav, ruler of Melnik. A sworn enemy of Boril, Alexius had been abandoned by his erstwhile ally, the Latin Emperor, Henry of Flanders (r. 1205–1216), who in 1213 allied himself with Bulgaria. Facing a possible attack by Theodore as well, Alexius now preferred to make common cause with him, and married a niece of Theodore's wife.[33][34]
Capture of Peter of Courtenay
The Epirote successes in Macedonia worried the Latins, as they opened the way to another attack on Thessalonica. The Kingdom of Thessalonica had been much weakened after the death of its founder,
The barons of the Latin Empire then elected
The commonly accepted version of events is that Dyrrhachium resisted with success, and as his casualties mounted Peter was forced to raise the siege and start his march towards Thessalonica. The march proved difficult, due to both the harsh terrain and the open hostility of the local population—the Western sources (the
According to Philip Van Tricht, Theodore's actions were motivated by several factors, which led him to regard Peter as a threat to himself and his principality. Peter's attempt to return Dyrrhachium to Venice, even if it had failed for the moment, boded ill for the future. Peter's recognition of the rights of Demetrius' half-brother
Wars with the Latins and the capture of Thessalonica
Whatever the true course of events, Theodore's unexpected victory echoed throughout the Greek world, and greatly enhanced his standing; even the usually hostile Akropolites was forced to admit in his history that this feat was "of great help to the
The capture of Peter of Courtenay left both major Latin states in northern Greece, Thessalonica and Constantinople, in the hands of female regents. Before arriving in Constantinople, where she gave birth to Peter's posthumous son,
Before launching his final stroke against Thessalonica, Theodore also took care to secure his southern flank, by appointing his brother
As the fall of Thessalonica appeared imminent, Pope Honorius
This double disaster destroyed the Pope's plans for the crusade, as he had envisaged it to land in Theodore's rear while he was engaged with Robert's army. At the same time, the prospective leader of the crusade, William VI of Montferrat, fell ill. In November, the Pope was forced to postpone the crusade's departure for the next spring.
Emperor of Thessalonica
The capture of Thessalonica, traditionally the second city of the Byzantine Empire after Constantinople, was a major stroke against the Latins and greatly boosted Theodore's standing, so much that he now regarded himself as superior to Vatatzes, and openly claimed the Byzantine imperial title by putting on the purple boots reserved to the emperor.
Coronation controversy with Nicaea
According to Byzantine custom, the coronation of an emperor could only take place in Constantinople and be performed by the Patriarch; yet Constantinople was still in Latin hands, and the Patriarch (now
Although Theodore appears to have assumed, and was addressed by, the imperial title almost immediately after the capture of Thessalonica, the date of his actual coronation is unknown.[63] The French scholar Lucien Stiernon places it in the period between June 1227 and April 1228,[64] but the Greek Apostolos D. Karpozilos rejects this, reasoning that Theodore had no obvious reason to delay his coronation for so long, and suggested that he was crowned in 1225, immediately after the council of Arta.[65] Eleni Bees-Seferli on the other hand, based on the letters of Apokaukos, suggests a date between 3 April and August 1227,[66] while Alkmini Stavridou-Zafraka has narrowed the date down to 29 May 1227.[67]
As befitted a Byzantine emperor, Theodore began setting up a court at his new capital, and dispensed the usual court titles to his relatives and followers. Not much is known about the men that staffed Theodore's regime; most of the available information comes from the writings of Chomatianos. Theodore's brothers Manuel and Constantine were raised to the rank of
John Vatatzes initially reacted to Theodore's proclamation as emperor by offering to recognize him as a sort of viceroy in his lands, but Theodore rejected this and publicly assumed the full titulature of the Byzantine emperors, as "basileus and autokrator of the Romans".[70] Theodore's coronation deepened the rift between the western Greeks and Nicaea, which once again was expressed in the ecclesiastic sphere. At first, the Nicaeans tried to limit the blame to Chomatianos: though writing respectfully of Theodore himself, Patriarch Germanus II expressed his indignation at the presumption of Chomatianos in usurping the patriarchal privilege of crowning an emperor, while Chomatianos claimed that, as the successor of the ancient see of Justiniana Prima, he was an independent prelate and had the authority to do so.[59][71]
In 1227, a synod of Epirote bishops in Arta tried to find a compromise, acknowledging the overall authority of the Patriarch at Nicaea but requesting administrative autonomy, i.e. the right for Theodore to appoint bishops in his domains. They gave the Patriarch three months to reply, and suggested that if he did not heed their proposals, they might be forced to recognize the supremacy of the Pope instead. Germanus replied by having the patriarchal synod condemn Theodore's assumption of the imperial title. The conflict escalated when Germanus appointed his own candidate to the vacant see of Dyrrhachium. Theodore expelled the bishop, and the Epirote synod instead elected a friend of Chomatianos, Constantine Kabasilas, as the bishop. Germanus now attacked Theodore directly. In response, George Bardanes composed a letter to Germanus, which insisted on Epirote ecclesiastical autonomy and challenged the very legality of Germanus' claims to the patriarchate. The result was a full schism between the Nicaean and Epirote churches that lasted until 1232/33.[72][73]
Expansion into Thrace
Following Theodore's coronation, there were four rulers who claimed the imperial title and vied for control of Constantinople: Theodore, the Latin Emperor, Robert of Courtenay, John III Doukas Vatatzes of Nicaea, and the young but ambitious
The capture of Adrianople opened the path to Constantinople for Theodore. In order to secure his northern flank, he concluded an alliance with John Asen, sealed by the (second) marriage of his brother Manuel to Maria, an illegitimate daughter of Asen.
For reasons that are unknown, Theodore did not renew his attack on Constantinople in 1226 or the years thereafter.
Klokotnitsa and Bulgarian captivity
Finally, in late 1229, Theodore began assembling his forces at Thessalonica—including a contingent of troops sent by Frederick II—for the projected final attack on Constantinople. As his troops marched east in spring 1230, he unexpectedly turned his army north and followed the Evros valley into Bulgaria. Theodore's motives for this sudden change are debated. Contemporary and later historians like Akropolites denounced this as a sign of Theodore's duplicity and treachery. A more likely suggestion is that Theodore, hitherto undefeated in battle, desired to check Bulgarian power and avoid the possibility of the Bulgarians striking in his rear while he was engaged in besieging Constantinople.[87][88] Although caught by surprise, John Asen II reacted rapidly. Allegedly affixing the text of the broken treaty to one of his spears as a flag, he rallied his troops and met Theodore in battle in April 1230. The ensuing Battle of Klokotnitsa was a crushing victory for the Bulgarian ruler, who took Theodore and many of his officers captive.[88][89]
In the aftermath of Klokotnitsa, Bulgaria emerged as the mightiest power in the Balkans. Deprived of its energetic ruler, Theodore's empire collapsed: within a few months Thrace, most of Macedonia, and Albania, fell under Bulgarian rule. As John Asen II boasted in an inscription in the Holy Forty Martyrs Church at his capital of Tarnovo, he "occupied all the land from Adrianople to Dyrrhachium, Greek, Serbian, and Albanian alike", although Dyrrhachium itself apparently remained in Greek hands. The Latin Duchy of Philippopolis was also annexed, and Alexius Slav's principality in the Rhodope Mountains was extinguished in the process, with Alexius spending the rest of his life at Asen's court.[88][90]
Theodore's brother Manuel, who managed to escape from Klokotnitsa, now took over the throne in Thessalonica. His domain was reduced to the environs of the city and his family's core territories in Epirus and Thessaly, as well as Dyrrhachium and Corfu, while his brother Constantine in Aetolia and Acarnania recognized his suzerainty. As a son-in-law of John Asen II, Manuel was allowed to maintain internal autonomy, but to all intents and purposes he was a client of the Bulgarian Tsar.
Theodore himself remained in captivity at Tarnovo for seven years.[96] Initially he was treated with honour, but at some point during his captivity he was accused of plotting against John Asen II and blinded as a result.[97] This was the customary Byzantine punishment for treason and means of sidelining potential political rivals.[98] According to a contemporary letter written in Hebrew, Asen initially ordered two Jews to carry out the deed, for Theodore had been persecuting the Jews in his territory and confiscating their wealth to fund his campaigns. Theodore begged to be spared, and they refused to carry out the blinding, whereupon the enraged Tsar had them thrown from a cliff.[99] Finally, in 1237 Theodore was released when Asen, recently widowed, fell in love with Theodore's sole unmarried daughter, Irene. Immediately after the marriage, Theodore was released and allowed to depart Tarnovo to wherever he wished.[96][100]
Return to Thessalonica and final years
Recovery of Thessalonica
As soon as he was set free, Theodore returned to Thessalonica. Lacking any escort or followers, he disguised himself as a beggar in order to enter the city in secret. There he contacted old supporters and favourites, and organized a conspiracy that soon ousted Manuel and took over the city. As Byzantine custom barred him from re-assuming the imperial office due to his blinding, Theodore installed his son John Komnenos Doukas (r. 1237–1244) as emperor (without a coronation ceremony), but remained the real ruler of the empire in his son's name.[100][101] John himself appears to have been mostly interested in religion, and more inclined to enter a monastery than to become emperor. Theodore had to persuade him that being named emperor was a God-given gift, and that he was indeed the rightful Emperor of the Romans due to his imperial descent.[102]
The deposed Manuel was sent to exile at
Submission of Thessalonica to Nicaea
Michael II in Epirus was not part of the brothers' agreement, and continued to pursue his own policies independently of his uncles. In 1241, when Manuel died, Michael moved quickly to occupy Thessaly.[105][106] In June of the same year, John Asen II died, leaving the throne to his seven-year-old son Kaliman (r. 1241–1246). Coupled with the increasingly deteriorating situation of the Latin Empire, this development left John Vatatzes of Nicaea as the pre-eminent ruler of the region, and the obvious candidate for the capture of Constantinople.[106][107]
Before undertaking any moves against Constantinople, Vatatzes realized the need to settle affairs with Thessalonica, and in particular with Theodore, whose ambition, capability, and machinations he feared. In 1240 or 1241 he therefore issued an invitation, with assurances of safe-conduct, to Theodore to visit Nicaea. Theodore accepted, and was treated with great honours by Vatatzes, who deferred to him as his "uncle" and dined with him at the same table. In reality, Theodore was a prisoner in Nicaea; he was not allowed to leave, and throughout his sojourn in the Nicaean court, preparations were in full swing for a campaign against Thessalonica.[108][102] In spring 1242, Vatatzes crossed over into Europe at the head of his army, with Theodore accompanying him as an honorary prisoner. Facing no resistance, the Nicaean army and fleet arrived before Thessalonica. The city's garrison and inhabitants resisted with success and the Nicaean army, lacking heavy siege equipment, had to settle for a drawn-out blockade. Soon, however, news arrived of a Mongol invasion of Asia Minor, which forced Vatatzes to break off the campaign and return to Nicaea. Nevertheless, the Nicaean emperor kept this news a secret, and sent Theodore to his son to negotiate. John himself reportedly was willing to surrender the city outright, but his father convinced him to hold out for better terms. In the end, after 40 days of negotiations, John was allowed to keep control of Thessalonica, but renounced his imperial title and accepted Nicaean suzerainty and the title of Despot. Theodore was also allowed to remain at Thessalonica at his son's side.[108][109]
John ruled as Despot in Thessalonica for two years, until his death in 1244. Theodore himself retired to Vodena, from where he supervised the affairs of state. On John's death he raised his younger son Demetrios Angelos Doukas (r. 1244–1246) in his place, and sent an embassy to Nicaea to announce the succession, as befitted the terms of vassalage agreed in 1242.[110] If John was a religious ascetic, Demetrios was a dissolute youngster who enjoyed partying with his favourites and seducing married women. Although Theodore remained in charge of governance, Demetrios quickly became so unpopular that many leading citizens began viewing direct Nicaean rule with favour.[111][112]
Things came to a head in autumn 1246, when Kaliman of Bulgaria died, leaving the country in the hands of a regency for his younger brother
Final throw of the dice and death
With Thessalonica secured, Vatatzes turned to Epirus, offering Michael II a marriage alliance between Michael's eldest son
Assessment
The modern biographer of the Komnenoi, Konstantinos Varzos, described Theodore as an "energetic, resourceful, and exceedingly ambitious statesman, who inherited from his ancestor Alexios I Komnenos his endurance and persistence, but not the latter's intelligence, diplomacy, and ability to adapt". Varzos furthermore points out that despite his great ability, Theodore's ambition to be the one to recover Constantinople and his irreconcilable rivalry with Nicaea actually hampered and delayed the restoration of the Byzantine Empire by several decades.[120]
Theodore's legacy left a lasting mark on the political worldview of the western Greeks: Byzantinist Donald Nicol remarks that "the memory of Theodore Doukas's victories and of his title to the Byzantine crown lived on in northern Greece and in the hearts of his descendants for many years to come".[121] Michael II continued his uncle's rivalry with Nicaea, further delaying the recovery of Constantinople,[122] and even after the restoration of the Byzantine Empire by Nicaea in 1261, the rulers of Epirus would continue to challenge the revived empire and uphold their own claim to the Byzantine throne.[123]
Family
By his wife Maria Petraliphaina, Theodore had four children:[124]
- Anna Angelina Komnene Doukaina, who married King Stefan Radoslav of Serbia
- John Komnenos Doukas, who became Emperor of Thessalonica in 1237
- Irene Komnene Doukaina, who married John Asen II
- Demetrios Angelos Doukas, who succeeded as ruler of Thessalonica in 1244
Footnotes
^ a: Although modern historiography frequently calls the Epirote state the "Despotate of Epirus", and often applies the title of Despot to both Michael I and Theodore, this is anachronistic, as neither of the two bore the title. It was Michael II who became the first Epirote ruler to be titled a Despot in the 1230s, while the designation of Epirus as a "despotate" first appears in Western sources in the 14th century.[125][126]
References
- ^ Varzos 1984, p. 548.
- ^ Loenertz 1973, p. 362.
- ^ a b Polemis 1968, p. 89 (note 2).
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 548–551 (notes 2, 3).
- ^ Nicol 1984, p. 3.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 549–551 (notes 3, 4).
- ^ Polemis 1968, p. 89.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 553–554.
- ^ Loenertz 1973, pp. 374, 390–391.
- ^ Fine 1994, p. 67.
- ^ ODB, "Theodore Komnenos Doukas" (M. J. Angold), p. 2042.
- ^ Varzos 1984, p. 553.
- ^ Polemis 1968, p. 90.
- ^ Fine 1994, p. 68.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 682–686.
- ^ Van Tricht 2011, p. 242.
- ^ Fine 1994, pp. 68, 112.
- ^ Varzos 1984, p. 686.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 552, 553.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 553–555.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 555–556.
- ^ a b Fine 1994, p. 112.
- ^ a b Varzos 1984, p. 556.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 569–570.
- ^ a b Fine 1994, p. 113.
- ^ Varzos 1984, p. 557.
- ^ Fine 1994, pp. 114–115.
- ^ Fine 1994, pp. 115–116.
- ^ Varzos 1984, p. 569 (esp. note 61).
- ^ Fine 1994, pp. 116–119.
- ^ a b Varzos 1984, p. 570.
- ^ a b Fine 1994, p. 114.
- ^ Fine 1994, pp. 113–114.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 568–569.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 555, 557–558.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 558–559.
- ^ Fine 1994, pp. 112–113.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 559–560.
- ^ Varzos 1984, p. 560).
- ^ Van Tricht 2011, pp. 187, 243.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 560–561.
- ^ Varzos 1984, p. 560 (note 40).
- ^ Van Tricht 2011, pp. 242–244.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 561–562.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 562–563.
- ^ Nicol 1988, pp. 162–163.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 563–564.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 565–566.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 566–568.
- ^ Varzos 1984, p. 571.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 571–572.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 572–573.
- ^ a b Varzos 1984, p. 573.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 573–574.
- ^ Lognon 1950, pp. 141–146.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 574–575.
- ^ Nicol 1988, pp. 166–167.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 573–576.
- ^ a b c d Fine 1994, p. 120.
- ^ Varzos 1984, p. 582.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 576–578.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 578–581.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 581–582.
- ^ Stiernon 1964, pp. 197–202.
- ^ Karpozilos 1973, pp. 74–75.
- ^ Bees-Seferli 1971–1974, pp. 272–279.
- ^ Stavridou-Zafraka 1988, p. 44.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 584–589.
- ^ Varzos 1984, p. 589.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 583–584.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 579–580, 590–595.
- ^ Fine 1994, pp. 120–121.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 592–600.
- ^ a b c Fine 1994, p. 122.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 601–603.
- ^ Varzos 1984, p. 603.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 603–604.
- ^ Fine 1994, pp. 122–123.
- ^ a b Varzos 1984, p. 604.
- ^ a b Fine 1994, p. 123.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 604–605.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 605–608.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 608–610.
- ^ Fine 1994, pp. 123–124.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 610–611.
- ^ Van Tricht 2011, p. 385.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 611–612.
- ^ a b c Fine 1994, p. 124.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 612–613.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 614, 616.
- ^ Fine 1994, p. 126.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 616–617, 639–642.
- ^ Fine 1994, p. 128.
- ^ Fine 1994, pp. 126–128.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 642–652.
- ^ a b Varzos 1984, p. 617.
- ^ Varzos 1984, p. 613.
- ^ ODB, "Blinding" (A. Kazhdan), pp. 297–298.
- ^ Fine 1994, pp. 124–125.
- ^ a b c d Fine 1994, p. 133.
- ^ a b Varzos 1984, p. 618.
- ^ a b Varzos 1984, p. 622.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 618–619.
- ^ a b Varzos 1984, p. 619.
- ^ Fine 1994, pp. 133–134.
- ^ a b Varzos 1984, pp. 620–621.
- ^ Fine 1994, p. 135.
- ^ a b Fine 1994, p. 134.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 622–625.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 625–626.
- ^ Varzos 1984, p. 626.
- ^ a b Fine 1994, p. 157.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 626–628.
- ^ Fine 1994, pp. 156–157.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 628–630.
- ^ Varzos 1984, p. 630.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 630–631.
- ^ Varzos 1984, pp. 631–635.
- ^ Fine 1994, pp. 157–158.
- ^ Varzos 1984, p. 636.
- ^ Nicol 1993, pp. 20–21.
- ^ Nicol 1988, p. 171.
- ^ Nicol 1993, p. 16.
- ^ Varzos 1984, p. 637.
- ^ Stiernon 1959, pp. 122–126.
- ^ Fine 1994, pp. 68–69.
Sources
- Bees-Seferli, Eleni (1971–1974). "Ὁ χρόνος στέψεως τοῦ Θεοδώρου Δούκα ὡς προσδιορίζεται ἐξ ἀνεκδότων γραμμάτων τοῦ Ἰωάννου Ἀποκαύκου" [The time of the coronation of Theodore Doukas as determined by unpublished letters of John Apokaukos]. Byzantinisch-Neugriechische Jahrbücher (in Greek). 21. Athens: 272–279.
- ISBN 0-472-08260-4.
- Karpozilos, Apostolos D. (1973). The Ecclesiastical Controversy between the Kingdom of Nicaea and the Principality of Epiros (1217–1233). Thessaloniki: Centre for Byzantine Studies.
- ISBN 0-19-504652-8.
- Loenertz, Raymond-Joseph (1973). "Aux origines du despotat d'Épire et de la principauté d'Achaïe" [On the origins of the Despotate of Epirus and the Principality of Achaea]. Byzantion (in French). 43: 360–394.
- Lognon, Jean (1950). "La reprise de Salonique par les Grecs en 1224" [The recovery of Salonica by the Greeks in 1224]. Actes du VI Congrès international des études byzantines (Paris 1948). I: 141–146.
- ISBN 978-0-521-13089-9.
- ISBN 0-521-34157-4.
- ISBN 978-0-521-43991-6.
- Polemis, Demetrios I. (1968). The Doukai: A Contribution to Byzantine Prosopography. London: The Athlone Press. OCLC 299868377.
- Stavridou-Zafraka, Alkmini (1988). "Συμβολή στο ζήτημα της αναγόρευσης του Θεοδώρου Δούκα" [Contribution to the question of the imperial proclamation of Theodore Doukas]. Αφιέρωμα στον Εμμανουήλ Κριαρά (in Greek). Thessaloniki: Centre for Byzantine Studies. pp. 37–62.
- Stiernon, Lucien (1959). "Les origines du despotat d'Épire. À propos d'un livre récent" [The origins of the Despotate of Epirus. On the occasion of a recent book]. Revue des études byzantines (in French). 17: 90–126. .
- Stiernon, Lucien (1964). "Les origines du despotat d'Épire. La date du couronnement de Théodore Doukas" [The origins of the Despotate of Epirus. The date of the coronation of Theodore Doukas]. Actes du XII Congrès international des études byzantines (in French). II. Belgrade: 197–202.
- Van Tricht, Filip (2011). The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium: The Empire of Constantinople (1204–1228). Leiden: Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-20323-5.
- Varzos, Konstantinos (1984). Η Γενεαλογία των Κομνηνών [The Genealogy of the Komnenoi] (PDF) (in Greek). Vol. B. Thessaloniki: OCLC 834784665.
Further reading
- Bredenkamp, François (1996). The Byzantine Empire of Thessaloniki (1224–1242). Thessaloniki: Thessaloniki History Center. ISBN 978-960-8433-17-5.
- Fundic, Leonela (2013). "Art and Political Ideology in the State of Epiros During the Reign of Theodore Doukas (r. 1215–1230)". Byzantina Symmeikta. 23: 217–250. .
- Stavridou-Zafraka, Alkmini (1999). "The Empire of Thessaloniki (1224–1242). Political Ideology and Reality". Vyzantiaka. 19: 211–222.