Tories (British political party)
Tories | |
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Leader(s) | |
Founded | 1678 |
Dissolved | 1834 |
Preceded by | Cavaliers |
Succeeded by | Conservative Party |
Ideology | |
Political position | Centre-right[4] to right-wing[5] |
Religion | |
Colours | Blue |
Part of the Politics series on |
Toryism |
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The Tories were a loosely organised political faction and later a political party, in the Parliaments of England, Scotland, Ireland, Great Britain and the United Kingdom. They first emerged during the 1679 Exclusion Crisis, when they opposed Whig efforts to exclude James, Duke of York from the succession on the grounds of his Catholicism. Despite their fervent opposition to state-sponsored Catholicism, Tories opposed his exclusion because of their belief that inheritance based on birth was the foundation of a stable society.[7]
After the succession of
Under the leadership of Robert Peel, who issued a policy document known as the Tamworth Manifesto, the Tories began to transform into the Conservative Party. However, his repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846 caused the party to break apart; the faction led by Derby and Benjamin Disraeli went on to become the modern Conservative Party, whose members are still commonly referred to as Tories.
Name
The Tories were originally known as the Court Party.
As a political term, Tory was an insult (derived from the
In 1757, David Hume wrote:
The court party reproached their antagonists with their affinity to the fanatical conventiclers in Scotland, who were known by the name of Whigs: The country party found a resemblance between the courtiers and the popish banditti in Ireland, to whom the appellation of Tory was affixed. And after this manner, these foolish terms of reproach came into public and general use; and even at present seem not nearer their end than when they were first invented.[12]
History
English Civil War
The first Tory party traces its principles and politics to the English Civil War which divided England between the Cavalier (supporters of King Charles I) or Roundhead (the supporters of the Long Parliament upon which the King had declared war). This action resulted from the Parliament not allowing him to levy taxes without yielding to its terms. At the beginning of the Long Parliament (1641), the King's supporters pursued a course of reform of previous abuses. The increasing radicalism of the Parliamentary majority, however, estranged many reformers even in the Parliament itself and drove them to make common cause with the King. The King's party was thus a mixture of supporters of royal autocracy and of those Parliamentarians who felt that the Long Parliament had gone too far in attempting to gain executive power for itself and, more specifically, in undermining the episcopalian government of the Church of England, which was felt to be a primary support of royal government. By the end of the 1640s, the radical Parliamentary programme had become clear: reduction of the King to a powerless figurehead and replacement of Anglican episcopacy with a form of Presbyterianism.
This prospective form of settlement was prevented by a
A series of disasters in the late 1660s and 1670s discredited Charles II's governments, and powerful political interests (including some who had been identified with the Parliamentary side in the
The Whigs tried to link the
The Exclusion Crisis and the Glorious Revolution
In a more general sense, the Tories (also known as the Court Party) represented the more conservative royalist supporters of Charles II, who endorsed a strong monarchy as a counterbalance to the power of Parliament, and who saw in the Whig opponents of the Court a quasi-Republican tendency (similar to that seen in the
On this original question, the Tories were in the short run entirely successful as the Parliaments that brought in the Exclusion Bill were dissolved, Charles II was enabled to manage the administration autocratically and upon his death the Duke of York succeeded without difficulty. The
During his reign, James II fought for a broadly tolerant religious settlement under which his co-religionists could prosper—a position anathema to conservative Anglicans. James' attempts to use the government-controlled
Balanced ministries and opposition
Despite the failure of their founding principles, the Tories remained a powerful political party during the reigns of the next two monarchs, particularly that of Queen Anne. During this time, the Tories fiercely competed with the Whigs for power, and there were frequent Parliamentary elections in which the two parties measured their strength. William III saw that the Tories were generally more friendly to royal authority than the Whigs, and he employed both groups in his government. His early ministry was largely Tory, but the government gradually came to be dominated by the so-called Junto Whigs. This tight-knit political grouping was opposed by the Country Whigs led by Robert Harley, who gradually merged with the Tory opposition in the later 1690s. Although William's successor Anne had considerable Tory sympathies and excluded the Junto Whigs from power, after a brief and unsuccessful experiment with an exclusively Tory government she generally continued William's policy of balancing the parties, supported by her moderate Tory ministers, the Duke of Marlborough and Lord Godolphin.
The stresses of the War of the Spanish Succession which begun in 1701 led most of the Tories to withdraw into opposition by 1708, so that Marlborough and Godolphin were heading an administration dominated by the Junto Whigs. Anne herself grew increasingly uncomfortable with this dependence on the Whigs, especially as her personal relationship with the Duchess of Marlborough deteriorated. This situation also became increasingly uncomfortable to many of the non-Junto Whigs, led by the Duke of Somerset and the Duke of Shrewsbury, who began to intrigue with Robert Harley's Tories. In early 1710, the prosecution by the Whig government of the ultra-Tory preacher Henry Sacheverell for sermons delivered the previous year, led to the Sacheverell riots and brought the ministry into popular discredit. In the spring of 1710, Anne dismissed Godolphin and the Junto ministers, replacing them with Tories.
The new Tory ministry was dominated by
Proscription and the Whig supremacy
In accordance with Succession to the Crown Act 1707, the Queen's government was replaced by a Council of Regency until the new King should arrive from Hanover. Bolingbroke offered his services to the King but was coldly rejected; George I brought in a government composed entirely of Whigs, and the new Parliament, elected from January to May 1715, had a large Whig majority. In December 1714 Lord Carnarvon wrote that "hardly one Tory is left in any place, though never so mean a one".[15] The historian Eveline Cruickshanks stated that "[w]hat took place in 1715 was not a change to an all-Whig ministry, it was a whole social revolution".[16] For the first time, Tory gentlemen could no longer employ their sons, as they traditionally had done, in public offices such as the Army, Navy, civil service and the Church. Tory officers in the Army had their commissions taken away, Tory lawyers could not now become judges or K.C.s. The predominantly Tory lower Anglican clergy could no longer become bishops and Tory merchants were refused government contracts or directorships in any major company.[16] This proscription lasted for forty-five years.[17] George Lyttelton wrote in his Letter to the Tories (1747):
We are kept out of all public employments of power and profit, and live like aliens and pilgrims in the land of our nativity; [...] no quality, no fortune, no eloquence, no learning, no wisdom, no probity is of any use to any man of our unfortunate denomination, ecclesiastic or layman, lawyer or soldier, peer or commoner, for obtaining the most deserved advancement in his profession, or any favour of the Crown; whilst, to our additional and insupportable vexation, the bare merit of hating us, and everything we love and hold sacred, daily advances dunces in the law and church, cowards in our fleets and armies, republicans in the King's house, and idiots everywhere![18]
The Whig government, backed by royal favour and controlling the levers of power, was able to maintain a series of majorities through the infrequent elections of the next several decades (only 7 in the 46 years of the first two Georges, as opposed to 11 in the 26 years from the Revolution to the death of Queen Anne). For much of the period, the Tories commanded a broad base of support in rural England, but the relatively undemocratic nature of the franchise and the
The proscription of the Tories alienated them from the Hanoverian regime and converted many of them to Jacobitism.[19] Bolingbroke later wrote: "If milder measures had been pursued, certain it is that the Tories had never universally embraced Jacobitism. The violence of the Whigs forced them into the arms of the Pretender".[15] In October 1714, the French ambassador Charles-François d'Iberville noted that the number of Jacobites in the Tory party was increasing and in early 1715 he wrote that the Tories seemed to be "heading for civil war which they regard as their only resort".[19] The former Tory chief minister, Lord Oxford, was impeached and sent to the Tower, with Bolingbroke and the Tory peer the Duke of Ormonde fleeing to France to join the Pretender. A series of riots against the coronation of George I and the new Hanoverian-Whig regime (in which the mob voiced their support for Jacobitism and local Tory parliamentary candidates) led to the Whig government strengthening their power by passing the Riot Act, suspending habeas corpus and increasing the army (including by importing 6,000 Dutch troops).[19]
Louis XIV had promised them arms but no troops, as France was exhausted by war, despite Bolingbroke's claim that just one-tenth of the number of troops William of Orange brought with him in 1688 would have sufficed.[15] However, this promise of arms disappeared when Louis died in September 1715. The conspirators intended to abandon the rising they had planned for the West Country, but the Scots forced their hand by unilaterally raising the Pretender's standard. One of Ormonde's agents betrayed the plans for an English rising and subsequently the government arrested many Tory MPs, ex MPs and peers.[20] The subsequent Jacobite rebellion of 1715–16 resulted in failure. However, Charles XII of Sweden was willing to aid the English Tories by sending troops to put the Pretender on the throne, in conjunction with an English rising. Lord Oxford, who had already in 1716 offered the Pretender his services, directed the Swedish Plot from the Tower. In January 1717, the government discovered this plot and won a vote of credit for defence measures against the projected invasion in the Commons against Tory opposition. Charles' death in 1718 ended hopes from that quarter and Ormonde's planned Spanish invasion was destroyed by a storm at sea.[21]
During the
Sunderland joined the Tories in the Atterbury Plot, in which the Pretender was to be put on the throne. A rising was planned for each county, assisted by Irish and Spanish troops. However, Sunderland's death in April 1722 led to the government discovering the plot and it subsequently collapsed.[23] When the Commons voted on the bill of pains and penalties against Atterbury, nearly ninety per cent of Tory MPs voted against it.[24] Although the Whig Prime Minister Robert Walpole decided not to prosecute those Tories that he knew were involved in the plot, the Tories were demoralised and largely absented themselves from Parliament for a time.[25] Upon the accession of George II in 1727 and the ensuing general election, the Tories were reduced to 128 MPs, their lowest total up to this point.[26]
The Tories were divided over whether to cooperate with the opposition Whigs against Walpole, with those in favour consisting of the Hanoverian faction led by Sir William Wyndham and with those opposed making up the Jacobite faction headed by William Shippen.[26] Most Tories opposed voting with the opposition Whigs, only reversing this stance when the Pretender sent a letter to the Tories in 1730, ordering them to "unite in the measures against the Government and even with those who oppose it for different views than theirs".[27][28] For the next decade, the Tories cooperated with the opposition Whigs against Walpole.[29] Public admission of Jacobitism was treason, so the Tories challenged the Hanoverian-Whig regime without specifically addressing it by developing a rhetoric borrowed from the Whigs of the Exclusion Crisis; they denounced government corruption and the high taxation needed to spend on foreign entanglements, opposed the growth of the Army and denounced "tyranny" and "arbitrary power".[30][31] In a speech on the Army estimates, Walpole claimed that "No man of common prudence will profess himself openly a Jacobite; by so doing he not only may injure his private fortune, but he must render himself less able to do any effectual service to the cause he has embraced...Your right Jacobite, Sir, disguises his true sentiments, he roars out for revolution principles; he pretends to be a great friend to liberty".[32] He further claimed that a large Army was needed to defeat any possible Jacobite invasion.
In 1737, Frederick, Prince of Wales applied to Parliament for an increased allowance. This split the Tories, with 45 abstaining, leading to the motion being defeated by 30 votes. Bolingbroke, who wanted to dissociate the Tories from Jacobitism, denounced this as "the absurd behaviour of the Tories, which no experience can cure".[29] In 1738 Frederick's attempts to reconcile with the Tories broke down on Wyndham's insistence that he join the Tories in favouring a reduced Army.[29]With the outbreak of war against Spain in 1739, there was renewed plotting amongst Tories for a Jacobite rising.[33] Wyndham's death in 1740 led to the breakdown of the coalition between the Tories and opposition Whigs. An opposition Whig motion for Walpole's dismissal was defeated by 290 to 106, with many Tories abstaining.[34] At the general election of 1741, there were 136 Tories elected.[35]
The Tories resumed their cooperation with the opposition Whigs after receiving another letter from the Pretender in September 1741, ordering them to "pursue vigorous and unanimous measures in the next session of Parliament. [...] They will probably have many occasions of greatly distressing the present Government and ministry and perhaps find some who will concur with them in that, though not out of goodwill to my cause. [...] In such cases I hope my friends will make no scruples in joining heartily with them for whatever their particular motives may be anything that tends to the disadvantage of the present Government and to the bringing it into confusion cannot be but of advantage to my cause".[36][37] As a result, 127 Tories joined the opposition Whigs in successfully voting against Walpole's nominated chairman of the elections committee in December 1741.[36] The Tories continued to vote against Walpole with the opposition Whigs in subsequent divisions until Walpole was forced to resign in February 1742.[38] The Pretender wrote to the Tories afterwards, declaring: "I cannot delay any longer expressing to you my satisfaction at the late behaviour of my friends in Parliament, and I take it as a great mark of their singular regard for what I wrote to you some months ago".[39]
In 1743, war broke out between Britain and France, as part of the larger War of the Austrian Succession. Later that year Francis Sempill, the Pretender's representative at the French court, carried a message from English Tories to the French Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (Jean-Jacques Amelot de Chaillou) requesting French help for a Stuart restoration (including 10,000 French soldiers). It was signed by the Duke of Beaufort (one of the four richest people in Britain), Lord Barrymore, Lord Orrery, Sir Watkin Williams Wynn, Sir John Hynde Cotton and Sir Robert Abdy.[40] Amelot replied that the French government would need considerable proof of English support for Jacobitism before it could act.[41]
James Butler,
On 24 February, a storm scattered the French invasion fleet and suspected Jacobites were arrested, leading to the French government cancelling their planned invasion.[48] Charles Stuart, who was still in France and determined to start a Jacobite rising, looked to Scotland. However, the English Tories would only support a rising in Scotland if accompanied by a French invasion near London to aid the English Tories in their own rising.[49] The English Tories repeatedly told the Jacobite court that only regular soldiers invading at the same time as their rising could achieve a Stuart restoration.[50]
In December 1744, the
Charles travelled to Scotland in July without consulting the Tories or the French and without a sizeable body of troops.[54] After his landing, Sempill wrote: "The City of London, Sir John Hynde Cotton, Lord Barrymore, the Duke of Beaufort, and all the English cry loudly and vehemently for a body of troops to be landed near London, as the most effectual means to support the Prince". They could not rise for the Prince without "a body of troops to support them", but they "would join the Prince if His Highness could force his way to them".[55] Throughout the Jacobite rising of 1745, Charles could not establish contact with the English Tories.[56] Captain Nagle, who had visited a peer in London, reported in December that they were all being monitored by the government, but that they would declare for Charles if he made his way to London or if the French invaded.[57] However, Charles retreated from England and the French never landed, so the English Tories did not feel safe in coming out for the Pretender. After the collapse of the rising, Charles' captured secretary, John Murray of Broughton, informed the government of the Tories' conspiracy with the Pretender. The government decided not to prosecute them.[58] The trial of the Scottish rebel lords in London was boycotted by most Tory peers.[59] After the Duke of Cumberland's brutal suppression of the Scots, English Tories adopted the plaid as their symbol.[60]
Eveline Cruickshanks in her study of the 1715-1754 Tory party for The History of Parliament, stated that "the available evidence leaves no doubt that up to 1745 the Tories were a predominantly Jacobite party, engaged in attempts to restore the Stuarts by a rising with foreign assistance".[61] Sir Lewis Namier noticed that for the reigns of George I and George II, Tory family papers are non-existent.[62] As papers from before 1715 and after 1760 survive, Cruickshanks contends that these families were hiding their Jacobite leanings by destroying incriminating papers. A nineteenth-century historian who had examined many collections such as these, claimed that it was "the custom in Jacobite days to destroy all letters with any hint of political or religious feeling in them".[63] However, some historians (such as Linda Colley) have questioned the Tories' commitment to Jacobitism.[64] In 2016, Frank O'Gorman noted that given the nature of the evidence, it is unlikely that the question will ever be answered, but added that "judged by the acid test of how they behaved in the '15 and '45 most Tories showed themselves to be Hanoverian and not Jacobite".[65]
In 1747, Prince Frederick invited the Tories "to unite and coalesce with him" and declared his intention that when he became King, he would "abolish...all distinction of the party" and put an end to the proscription of the Tories. A meeting of leading Tories (including Beaufort, Wynn and Cotton) accepted the Prince's offer and replied assuring him of their support for his "wise and salutary purposes". However, they refused to pledge themselves to a coalition with Whigs.[58] The 1747 general election resulted in only 115 Tory MPs being elected, their lowest figure up until this point.[58] After Jacobite riots in Oxford in 1748, the government wanted to give the King the power to nominate the Chancellor of the University of Oxford, which was considered a hotbed of Jacobitism and Toryism. Thomas Carte wrote to the Pretender that "the attempt against the university of Oxford brought them all up at once to town, which nothing else would, and in their zeal on that account, they entered into a sort of coalition with Prince Frederick's party to stand by the university of Oxford, to join in opposing all unconstitutional points, but to be under no obligation to visit Prince Frederick's court, nor unite in other points".[66]
After Wynn's death in 1749, a Jacobite agent reported to the Pretender that the Tory party was "without a head", dispirited and frightened.[66] In 1751 Frederick died, followed in 1752 by Cotton. This effectively ended opposition in Parliament for the rest of the session.[66] Horace Walpole, in his memoirs for 1764, wrote of the decline of the Tory party:
Hitherto it might be said that the two parties of Whig and Tory still subsisted; though Jacobitism, the concealed mother of the latter, was extinct...The subsequent contests were rather a struggle for power than the settled animosity of two parties, though the body of Opposition still called itself Whig, an appellation rather dropped than disclaimed by the Court; and though the real Tories still adhered to their own distinctions while they secretly favoured, sometimes opposed, the Court, and fluctuated accordingly as they esteemed particular chiefs not of their connection or had the more agreeable opportunity of distressing those who supported the cause of freedom. As their whole conduct was comprised in silent votes, and never was considerable enough to turn a single scale in the political changes, I shall seldom mention them anymore.[67]
Friends of Mr Pitt
Dickinson reports the following:
All historians are agreed that the Tory party declined sharply in the late 1740s and 1750s and that it ceased to be an organized party by 1760. The research of Sir Lewis Namier and his disciples [...] has convinced all historians that there were no organized political parties in Parliament between the late 1750s and the early 1780s. Even the Whigs ceased to be an identifiable party, and Parliament was dominated by competing political connections, which all proclaimed Whiggish political views, or by independent backbenchers unattached to any particular group.[68]
Upon the accession of
Applied by their opponents to parliamentary supporters of the younger William Pitt (1783–1801, 1804–1806), the term Tories came to represent the political current opposed to the Old Whigs and the radicalism unleashed by the American and French Revolutions. This was reinforced by the breakup of the Whig party in 1794 when the conservative group led by the Duke of Portland joined Pitt's ministry, leaving an opposition rump led by Charles James Fox. The historian JCD Clark has written of the 1790s: "It cannot be too clearly stressed that no public figure at that date accepted the title 'Tory', and that they had the best reasons for denying its appropriateness".[71] Pitt rejected the Tory label, preferring to refer to himself as an independent Whig, for he believed in the current constitutional arrangement as being well balanced, without particular favour towards the royal prerogative, unlike the Tories of the first half of the 18th century.
The group surrounding Pitt the Younger came to be the dominant force in British politics from 1783 until 1830 and, after Pitt's death (1806), the ministers in the Portland ministry (1807–1809) called themselves the "Friends of Mr Pitt" rather than Tories. Portland's successor, Spencer Perceval (Prime Minister, 1809–1812), never adopted the label of Tory and, after his assassination in 1812, the members of the government of Lord Liverpool (1812–1827) firmly rejected it in a ministerial memorandum to the Prince Regent:
It is almost unnecessary to observe that the British Government had for more than a century been and could only be a Whig Government; and that the present administration is, as every administration in this country must necessarily be, a Whig administration. For a Whig Government means now, as it has all along meant, nothing else than a Government established by laws equally binding upon the King and the subject.[72]
Generally, the Tories were associated with lesser gentry, the Church of England and the Episcopal Church in Scotland while Whigs were more associated with trade, money, larger land holders or land magnates and the Nonconformist Protestant churches. Both were still committed to the political system in place at that time. The new Tory party was distinct both in composition and ideological orientation from the old. It consisted largely of former Whigs, alienated from the party that now bore that name. While it maintained a sentimental and conservative respect for the symbolic institutions of the British monarchy, in practice Tory ministries allowed the King no more freedom than Whig ones. The incompetence of George III's personal interventions in policy had been sufficiently shown in the American War (1775–1783), henceforward his active role was limited to negations of government policies such as the Catholic emancipation. In foreign policy, the differences were even more marked as the old Tory party had been pacific and isolationist whereas the new one was bellicose and imperialistic.
Conservative Party
The Tories became associated with repression of popular discontent after 1815, but the Tories later underwent a fundamental transformation under the influence of Robert Peel, who was an industrialist rather than a landowner. Peel in his 1834 Tamworth Manifesto outlined a new conservative philosophy of reforming ills while conserving the good. The subsequent Peel administrations have been labelled Conservative rather than Tory, but the older term remains in use.
When the Conservative Party split in 1846 on the issue of free trade, the protectionist wing of the party rejected the Conservative label. They preferred to be known as Protectionists or even to revive the older Tory as an official name. By 1859 the
Electoral performance
Election | Leader | Seats | +/– | Position | Government |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1661 | Sir Edward Hyde
|
379 / 513
|
379 | 1st | Majority |
March 1679 | John Ernle | 137 / 513
|
241 | 2nd | Minority |
October 1679 | 210 / 513
|
73 | 2nd | Minority | |
1681 | Charles II of England | 193 / 513
|
27 | 2nd | Minority |
1685 | James II of England | 468 / 513
|
275 | 1st | Majority |
1689 | The Marquess of Carmarthen | 232 / 513
|
236 | 2nd | Minority |
1690 | 243 / 513
|
7 | 1st | Minority | |
1695 | 203 / 513
|
40 | 2nd | Minority | |
1698 | 208 / 513
|
5 | 2nd | Minority | |
January 1701 | 249 / 513
|
41 | 1st | Minority | |
November 1701 | 240 / 513
|
9 | 2nd | Minority | |
1702 | The Earl of Godolphin and The Duke of Marlborough |
298 / 513
|
58 | 1st | Majority |
1705 | The Duke of Marlborough | 260 / 513
|
38 | 1st | Majority |
1708 | The Earl of Godolphin | 222 / 558
|
38 | 2nd | Minority |
1710 | Robert Harley | 346 / 558
|
124 | 1st | Majority |
1713 | 369 / 558
|
23 | 1st | Majority | |
1715 | The Viscount Bolingbroke | 217 / 558
|
152 | 2nd | Minority |
1722 | Sir William Wyndham | 169 / 558
|
48 | 2nd | Minority |
1727 | The Viscount Bolingbroke | 128 / 558
|
41 | 2nd | Minority |
1734 | 145 / 558
|
17 | 2nd | Minority | |
1741 | Sir Watkin Williams-Wynn | 136 / 558
|
9 | 2nd | Minority |
1747 | 117 / 558
|
19 | 2nd | Minority | |
1754 | Edmund Isham | 106 / 558
|
11 | 2nd | Minority |
1761 | 112 / 558
|
6 | 2nd | Minority |
Election | Leader | Seats | +/– | Position | Government |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1774 | Lord North | 343 / 558
|
– | – | Majority |
1780 | 260 / 558
|
83 | 1st | Majority | |
1784 | William Pitt the Younger | 280 / 558
|
20 | 1st | Majority |
1790 | 340 / 558
|
60 | 1st | Majority | |
1796 | 424 / 558
|
84 | 1st | Majority | |
1802 | Henry Addington
|
383 / 658
|
41 | 1st | Majority |
1806 | The Duke of Portland | 228 / 658
|
155 | 2nd | Minority |
1807 | 216 / 658
|
12 | 1st | Majority | |
1812 | The Earl of Liverpool | 400 / 658
|
12 | 1st | Majority |
1818 | 280 / 658
|
120 | 1st | Majority | |
1820 | 341 / 658
|
61 | 1st | Majority | |
1826 | 428 / 658
|
87 | 1st | Majority | |
1830 | The Duke of Wellington | 250 / 658
|
178 | 1st | Minority |
1831 | 235 / 658
|
15 | 2nd | Minority | |
1832 | 175 / 658
|
60 | 2nd | Minority |
- Note that the results for 1661–1708 are England only.
References
Citations
- ^ "A Brief History of the Conservative Party". Conservatives. 24 October 2007. Archived from the original on 13 March 2008.
- S2CID 162328892.
- ^ "Making Sense of the Divine Right of Kings". 18 December 2020.
- ^ Andrew Whittaker, ed. (2009). Britain: Be Fluent in British Life and Culture. Thorogood Publishing.
- ISBN 9781624669057.
British politics of the first half of the nineteenth century was an ideological spectrum, with the Tories, or Conservative Party, on the right, the Whigs as liberal-centrists, and the radicals on the left.
- ^ Filby, Eliza (23 November 2013). "The death of Tory Anglicanism". spectator.co.uk. Retrieved 17 January 2022.
- ^ Harris (1993), p. 124.
- ^ Cooke, Alistair (August 2008). "A Brief History of the Conservatives" (PDF). Conservative Research Department. Retrieved 27 April 2010.
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- ^ "Tory", Answers
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- ^ Willman, p. 263.
- ^ a b c Sedgwick (1970), p. 62.
- ^ a b Cruickshanks (1979), p. 4.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), p. 3.
- ^ a b Cruickshanks (1979), p. 5.
- ^ a b c Cruickshanks (1979), p. 6.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), p. 7.
- ^ Sedgwick (1970), p. 63.
- ^ a b Sedgwick (1970), p. 64.
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- ^ Sedgwick (1970), p. 66.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), p. 10.
- ^ a b Sedgwick (1970), p. 67.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), p. 12.
- ^ Clark (2014), p. 212.
- ^ a b c Sedgwick (1970), p. 68.
- ^ Clark (2014), p. 224.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), p. 30.
- ^ Sedgwick (1970), p. 69.
- ^ Sedgwick (1970), pp. 64–74.
- ^ Sedgwick (1970), p. 70.
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- ^ a b Sedgwick (1970), p. 71.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), p. 27.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), p. 28.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), p. 33.
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- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), p. 39.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), pp. 39, 40.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), p. 40.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), pp. 50, 52.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), p. 47.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), p. 58.
- ^ a b Sedgwick (1970), p. 73.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), pp. 63, 64.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), p. 69.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), p. 71.
- ^ a b Cruickshanks (1979), p. 72.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), p. 75.
- ^ a b Cruickshanks (1979), p. 77.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), pp. 77, 78.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), pp. 81, 82.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), p. 86.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), pp. 90, 91.
- ^ a b c Sedgwick (1970), p. 75.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), p. 105.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), pp. 106–108.
- ^ Sedgwick (1970), p. ix.
- ^ Lewis Namier, Crossroads of Power: Essays on Eighteenth-Century England (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1962), p. 35.
- ^ Cruickshanks (1979), p. 45.
- ^ Julian Hoppit, A Land of Liberty?: England, 1689-1727 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), p. 392, n. 18.
- ^ Frank O'Gorman, The Long Eighteenth Century: British Political and Social History 1688-1832 (London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2016), p. 157.
- ^ a b c Sedgwick (1970), p. 76.
- ^ Sedgwick (1970), pp. 77, 78.
- ^ H T Dickinson," Tories: 1714-1830," in David Loades, ed. Readers Guide to British History (2003) 2:1279
- ^ I. R. Christie, Myth and Reality in Late-Eighteenth-Century British Politics (London: Macmillan, 1970), p. 198.
- ^ J. C. D. Clark, "A General Theory of Party, Opposition and Government, 1688-1832", Historical Journal (Vol. 23, No. 2, 1980), p. 305.
- ^ Clark (1985), p. 276, n. 222.
- ^ I. R. Christie, Wars and Revolutions. Britain 1760-1815 (London: Edward Arnold, 1982), p. 283.
Works cited
- Clark, J. C. D. (1985). English Society 1688-1832: Ideology, Social Structure and Political Practice During the Ancien Regime. Cambridge studies in the history and theory of politics. Cambridge University Press. OCLC 496809648.
- Clark, J. C. D. (2014). From Restoration to Reform: The British Isles 1660-1832. London: Vintage. OCLC 896611647.
- Cruickshanks, Eveline (1979). Political Untouchables; The Tories and the '45. Duckworth Books.
- Harris, Tim (1993). Politics under the later Stuarts. Longman. ISBN 0-582-04082-5.
- Sedgwick, Romney, ed. (1970). Introductory Survey, Appendices, Constituencies, Members A-D. The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1715-1754. Vol. 1. London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office.
Further reading
- Black, Jeremy (1984). Britain in the Age of Walpole.
- Bulmer-Thomas, Ivor (1967). The Growth of the British Party System: 1640-1923. Vol. 1. John Baker.
- Colley, Linda (1985). In Defiance of Oligarchy: The Tory Party 1714-60. (Cambridge University Press.
- Feiling, Keith (1938). The Second Tory Party, 1714-1832. London: Macmillan.
- Feiling, Keith (1950). A History of the Tory Party, 1640-1714. Clarendon Press.
- O'Gorman, Frank (1989). Voters, Patrons, and Parties: The Unreformed Electoral System of Hanoverian England 1734-1832. (Oxford: Clarendon Press.
External links
- Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). 1911. .
- New International Encyclopedia(1st ed.). New York: Dodd, Mead.