United States occupation of Haiti
United States occupation of Haiti | |||||||
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Part of the United States Marines in 1915 defending entrance gate in Cap-Haïtien, United States Marines and a Haitian guide patrolling the jungle during the Battle of Fort Dipitie, United States Navy Curtiss HS-2Ls and other airplanes in Haiti circa 1919 | |||||||
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Belligerents | |||||||
United States Haiti | Haitian rebels | ||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||
W.B. Caperton John H. Russell Jr. Smedley Butler Gerald C. Thomas Philippe Sudré Dartiguenave Louis Borno Louis Eugène Roy Sténio Vincent |
Josaphat Jean-Joseph Charlemagne Péralte † Benoît Batraville | ||||||
Strength | |||||||
First Caco War: 1,500 U.S. Marines[1] 2,700 Haitian Gendarmes[1] |
First Caco War: 5,000[1] | ||||||
Casualties and losses | |||||||
First Caco War: 146 American deaths[2] |
First Caco War: 2,000+ killed[1] | ||||||
3,250–15,000 Haitian deaths[3][4] Hundreds to 5,500 forced labor deaths[5] |
History of Haiti |
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Pre-Columbian Haiti (before 1492) |
Captaincy General of Santo Domingo (1492–1625) |
Saint-Domingue (1625–1804) |
First Empire of Haiti (1804–1806) |
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North Haiti (1806–1820) |
South Haiti (1806–1820) |
Republic of Haiti (1820–1849) |
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Second Empire of Haiti (1849–1859) |
Republic of Haiti (1859–1957) |
Duvalier dynasty (1957–1986) |
Anti-Duvalier protest movement |
Republic of Haiti (1986–present) |
Timeline |
Topics |
Haiti portal |
The United States occupation of Haiti began on July 28, 1915, when 330
During the occupation, Haiti had three new presidents while the
The occupation ended on August 1, 1934, after President Franklin D. Roosevelt reaffirmed an August 1933 disengagement agreement. The last contingent of marines departed on August 15, 1934, after a formal transfer of authority to the American-created Gendarmerie of Haiti.
Background
In the late 1700s, the relationship between Haitians and the United States began when some Haitians fought beside Americans in the
The United States had been interested in controlling Haiti in the decades following its independence from France.[12] As a way "to secure a U.S. defensive and economic stake in the West Indies", according to the United States Department of State, President Andrew Johnson of the United States began the pursuit of annexing Hispaniola, including Haiti, in 1868.[12] In 1890, the Môle Saint-Nicolas affair occurred when President Benjamin Harrison, on the advice of Secretary of State James G. Blaine, ordered Rear-Admiral Bancroft Gherardi to persuade newly assumed President of Haiti Florvil Hyppolite to lease the port to the United States.[13][14] Enforcing gunboat diplomacy upon Haiti, Gherardi aboard USS Philadelphia along with his fleet arrived in the capital city of Port-au-Prince to demand the acquisition of Môle Saint-Nicolas.[14] President Hyppolite refused any agreement as Haitians grew angered by the presence of the fleet, with The New York Times writing that the Haitians' "semi-barbaric minds saw in it a threat of violence".[13][14] Upon returning to the United States in 1891, Gherardi said in an interview with The New York Times that in a short time Haiti would experience further instability, suggesting that future governments in Haiti would abide by the demands of the United States.[13]
By the 1890s, Haiti became reliant on importing most of its goods from the United States while it exported the majority of its production to France.[15] The Roosevelt Corollary also affected Haiti's relationship with the United States.[16] By 1910, President William Howard Taft attempted to introduce American businesses to Haiti in order to deter European influence and granted a large loan to Haiti to pay off foreign debts, though this proved to be fruitless due to the size of the debt.[12][17]
German presence
The United States was not concerned by France's influence, though German influence in Haiti raised concern.[12] Germany had intervened in Haiti, including the Lüders affair in 1897, and had been influencing other Caribbean nations during the previous few decades. Germany had also become increasingly hostile to United States domination of the region under the Monroe Doctrine.
The United States' concern over Germany's ambitions was mirrored by apprehension and rivalry between American businessmen and the small German community in Haiti, which although numbering only about 200 in 1910 wielded a disproportionate amount of economic power.[18] German nationals controlled about eighty percent of the country's international commerce.[citation needed] They owned and operated utilities in Cap-Haïten and Port-au-Prince, including the main wharf and a tramway in the capital, and also had built the railway serving the Plain of the Cul-de-Sac.[19]
The German community was more willing to integrate into Haitian society than any other group of Caucasian foreigners, including the more numerous French. Some Germans had married into Haiti's most prominent mixed-race families of African-French descent. This enabled them to bypass the constitutional prohibition against foreigners owning land. The German residents retained strong ties to their homeland and sometimes aided the German military and intelligence networks in Haiti. They also served as the principal financiers of the nation's numerous revolutions, floating loans at high interest rates to the competing political factions.[19]
In the lead-up to World War I, the strategic importance of Haiti, along with the German influence there, worried President Wilson, who feared a German presence near the Panama Canal Zone.[10]
Haitian instability
In the first decades of the 20th century, Haiti experienced great political instability and was heavily in debt to France, Germany and the United States.[10][20] The Wilson administration viewed Haiti's instability as a national security threat to the United States.[17] Political tensions were often between two groups; wealthy French-speaking mulatto Haitians who represented the minority of the population and poor Afro-Haitians who spoke Haitian Creole.[21] Various revolutionary armies carried out the coups. Each was formed by cacos, peasant militias from the mountains of the north, who stayed along the porous Dominican border and were often funded by foreign governments to stage revolts.[21]
In 1902, a civil war was fought between the government of Pierre Théoma Boisrond-Canal and General Pierre Nord Alexis against rebels of Anténor Firmin,[5] which led to Pierre Nord Alexis becoming president. In 1908, he was forced from power and a series of short lived presidencies came and went:[22][23] his successor François C. Antoine Simon in 1911;[24] President Cincinnatus Leconte (1911–12) was killed in a (possibly deliberate) explosion at the National Palace;[25] Michel Oreste (1913–14) was ousted in a coup, as was his successor Oreste Zamor in 1914.[26] Between 1911 and 1915, Haiti had seven presidents because of political assassinations, coups and forced exiles.[12][27]
American financial interests
Prior to the intervention of the United States, Haiti's large debt was 80 percent of its annual revenue, though it was able to meet financial obligations, especially when compared to Ecuador, Honduras and Mexico at that time.
Businesses from the United States had pursued the control of Haiti for years and in 1909, the new president of
Officials of the Wilson administration were not knowledgeable about Haiti and often relied on information from American businessmen.
In 1914, France began to lose its ties to Haiti as it was focusing its efforts on World War I and Farnham suggested to the United States Congress that the BNRH's "active management has been from New York".[7][15] Allen later stated that if the United States permanently occupied Haiti, he supported National City Bank acquiring all shares of BNRH, believing that it would "pay 20% or better".[20] Farnham persuaded Secretary Bryan to have the United States invade Haiti during a telephone call on January 22, 1914.[20] Farnham argued that Haiti was not improving due to continuous internal conflict, that Haitians were not interested in the revolts occurring and that American troops would be welcomed in Haiti.[20] Farnham also exaggerated the role of European influence, even convincing Secretary Bryan that France and Germany – two nations then at war with each other – were plotting in cooperation to obtain the harbor of Môle Saint-Nicholas in northern Haiti.[10][17][21] The businessman concluded that Haiti would not improve "until such time as some stronger outside power steps in".[20] American diplomats would ultimately draft plans to take over Haiti's finances, dubbed the "Farnham Plan".[7]
After American officials travelled to Haiti to propose the "Farnham Plan", Haitian legislators denounced their minister of foreign affairs, saying he was "endeavoring to sell the country to the United States" according to a telegram of the US State Department.[7] Due to Haitian opposition to the plan, the BNRH withheld funds from the Haitian government and funded rebels to destabilize the Haitian government in order to justify American intervention, generating 12% gains in interest by holding on to the funds.[7][17] On January 27, 1914, Haitian President Michel Oreste was deposed in a coup. Two generals, Charles and Oreste Zamor, seized control. In response, the USS Montana sent a marine detachment on January 29 into Port-au Prince to protect American interests.[34] On February 5, 1914, military forces from the French cruiser Conde and British HMS Lancaster also landed troops. These units agreed to leave the city and boarded their ships on February 9, 1914.[34]
BNRH's Allen telegrammed the State Department on April 8, 1914, requesting that the U.S. Navy sail to Port-au-Prince to deter possible rebellions.[20] In the summer of 1914, the BNRH began to threaten the Haitian government that it would no longer provide payments.[20] Simultaneously, Secretary Bryan telegrammed the United States consul in Cap-Haïtien, writing that the State Department agreed with invading Haiti, telling the consul that the United States "earnestly desires successfully carrying out of Farnham's plan".[20][35]
American bankers raised fears that Haiti would
American invasion
In February 1915, Vilbrun Guillaume Sam, son of a former Haitian president, took power as President of Haiti. The culmination of his repressive measures came on July 27, 1915, when he ordered the execution of 167 political prisoners, including former president Zamor, who was being held in a Port-au-Prince jail. This infuriated the population, which rose up against Sam's government as soon as news of the executions reached them. Sam, who had taken refuge in the French embassy, was lynched by an enraged mob in Port-au-Prince as soon as they learned of the executions.[37] The United States regarded the anti-American revolt against Sam as a threat to American business interests in the country, especially the Haitian American Sugar Company (HASCO). When the caco-supported anti-American Rosalvo Bobo emerged as the next president of Haiti, the United States government decided to act quickly to preserve its economic dominance.[38][verification needed]
In April 1915, Secretary Bryan expressed support for invading Haiti to President Wilson, writing "The American interests are willing to remain there, with a view of purchasing a controlling interest and making the bank a branch of the American bank – they are willing to do this provided this government takes the steps necessary to protect them and their idea seems to be that no protection will be sufficient that does not include control of the Customs House."[7][17]
On July 28, 1915, United States President Woodrow Wilson ordered 340 United States marines to occupy Port-au-Prince and the invasion took place the same day.[39][40] The Secretary of the Navy instructed the invasion commander, Rear Admiral William Banks Caperton, to "protect American and foreign" interests. Wilson also wanted to rewrite the Haitian constitution, which banned foreign ownership of land, to replace it with one that guaranteed American financial control.[41] To avoid public criticism, Wilson claimed the occupation was a mission to "re-establish peace and order ... [and] has nothing to do with any diplomatic negotiations of the past or the future," as disclosed by Rear Admiral Caperton.[42] Only one Haitian soldier, Pierre Sully, tried to resist the invasion, and he was shot dead by the Marines.[43]
American occupation
Haitian presidents were not elected by universal suffrage but rather chosen by the Senate. The American occupying authorities therefore looked to find a presidential candidate ready to cooperate with them.[44] Philippe Sudré Dartiguenave, president of the Senate and among the mulatto Haitian elite who supported the United States, agreed to accept the presidency of Haiti in August 1915 after several other candidates had refused. The United States would later go on to install more wealthy mulatto Haitians in positions of power.[45]
U.S. takeover of Haitian institutions
For several decades, the Haitian government had been receiving large loans from both American and French banks, and with the political chaos was growing increasingly incapable of repaying their debts. If the anti-American government of Rosalvo Bobo prevailed, there was no guarantee of debt repayment, and American businesses refused to continue investing there. Within six weeks of the occupation, U.S. government representatives seized control of Haiti's customs houses and administrative institutions, including the banks and the national treasury. Under U.S. government control, 40% of Haiti's national income was designated to repay debts to American and French banks.[46]
In September 1915, the United States Senate ratified the
The
Economically and politically, the Haitian government relied on American approval for most projects.[49] The 1915 treaty with the United States proved expensive; the Haitian government had such a limited income that it was difficult to hire public workers and officials.[49] Before utilizing any money, the Haitian government had to obtain approval from an American financial advisor and by 1918, would rely on American officials for approval of any laws due to fears of violating the treaty.[49]
First Caco War
The installation of a president without the consent of Haitians and the
On November 17, 1915, the Marines captured Fort Rivière, a stronghold of the Caco rebels, which marked the end of the First Caco War.[52]: 201 The United States military issued two Haitian Campaign Medals to U.S. Marine and naval personnel for service in the country during the periods 1915 and 1919–1920.
U.S. forces new Haitian constitution
Shortly after installing Dartiguenave as president of Haiti, President Wilson pursued the rewriting of the Constitution of Haiti.[12] One of the main concerns for the United States was the ban of foreigners from owning Haitian land.[12] Early leader Jean-Jacques Dessalines had forbidden land ownership by foreigners when Haiti became independent to deter foreign influence, and since 1804, some Haitians had viewed foreign ownership as anathema.[12][53] Fearing impeachment and due to opposition of the legislature, Dartiguenave ordered the dissolution of the senate on April 6, 1916, with Major Butler and Colonel Waller enforcing new legislative elections.[48] Colonel Eli K. Cole would later assume Waller's position as commander of the Marines.[48]
The newly elected legislature of Haiti immediately rejected the constitution proposed by the United States.[12] Instead, the legislative body began drafting a new constitution of its own that was in contrast to the interests of the United States.[12][48] Under orders from the United States, President Dartiguenave dissolved the legislature in 1917 after its members refused to approve the proposed constitution, with Major Butler forcing the closing of the senate at gunpoint.[7][12][48]
Haiti's new constitution was drafted under the supervision of Franklin D. Roosevelt, then Assistant Secretary of the Navy.[7][54][55] A referendum in Haiti subsequently approved the new constitution in 1918 (by a vote of 98,225 to 768). In Roosevelt's new constitution, Haiti explicitly allowed foreigners to control Haitian land for the first time since Haiti's creation.[15][56] As a result of opposing the United States' effort of rewriting its constitution, Haiti would remain without a legislative branch until 1929.[12]
Second Caco War
The end of the First World War in 1918 deprived the Haitians of their main ally in the guerrilla struggle. Germany's defeat meant its end as a menace to the U.S. in the Caribbean, as it lost control of
At one time, at least twenty percent of Haitians had been involved in the
Congressional investigation
The educated elite in Haiti was
Based on Johnson's investigation, NAACP executive secretary Herbert J. Seligman wrote in the July 10, 1920, The Nation:[60]
"Military camps have been built throughout the island. The property of natives has been taken for military use. Haitians carrying a gun were for a time shot on sight. Machine guns have been turned on crowds of unarmed natives, and United States Marines have, by accounts which several of them gave me in casual conversation, not troubled to investigate how many were killed or wounded."
According to Johnson, there was only one reason why the United States occupied Haiti:[20]
"[T]o understand why the United States landed and has for five years maintained military forces in that country, why some three thousand Haitian men, women, and children have been shot down by American rifles and machine guns, it is necessary, among other things, to know that the National City Bank of New York is very much interested in Haiti. It is necessary to know that the National City Bank controls the National Bank of Haiti and is the depository for all of the Haitian national funds that are being collected by American officials, and that Mr. R. L. Farnham, vice-president of the National City Bank, is virtually the representative of the State Department in matters relating to the island republic."
Two years after Johnson published his findings, a congressional investigation began in the United States in 1922.[20] The report from Congress did not include testimony from Haitians and ignored allegations involving National City Bank of New York and U.S. Marines.[20] Congress concluded the report by defending a continued occupation of Haiti, arguing that "chronic revolution, anarchy, barbarism, and ruin" would befall upon Haiti if the United States withdrew.[20] Johnson described the congressional investigation as "on the whole, a whitewash".[20]
Borno presidency
In 1922, Dartiguenave was replaced by
National City Bank acquires BNRH
On August 17, 1922, BNRH was completely acquired by National City Bank, its headquarters was moved to New York City and Haiti's debt to France was moved to be paid to American investors.[15][31][49] Following the acquisition of BNRH, the November 1922 issue of National City Bank's employee journal No. 8 exclaimed "Bank of Haiti is Ours!"[31] According to professor Peter James Hudson, "such control represented the end of independence and, as the BNRH and the republic's gold reserve became mere entries on the ledgers of the City Bank, a sign of a return to colonial servitude".[31]
Forced labor
The Borno-Russell government oversaw the use of
Les Cayes massacre
President
Forbes Commission, Borno's resignation
President Hoover would later appoint two commissions, including one headed by a former U.S. governor of the Philippines William Cameron Forbes.[52]: 232–233 [5] The commission arrived in Haiti on February 28, 1930, with President Hoover demanding the commission to determine "when and how we are to withdraw from Haiti" and "what we shall do in the meantime".[49] The Forbes Commission praised the material improvements that the U.S. administration had achieved, but it criticized the continued exclusion of Haitian nationals from positions of real authority in the government and the gendarmerie. In more general terms, the commission asserted that "the social forces that created [instability] still remain – poverty, ignorance, and the lack of a tradition or desire for orderly free government."[65][66] The commission concluded that occupation of Haiti was a failure and that the United States did not "understand the social problems of Haiti".[50]
With increased calls for direct elections, American officials feared violence if demands were not met.
Vincent presidency
Under orders to not interfere with elections, the United States observed
Franklin D. Roosevelt, who as Assistant Secretary of the Navy said he was responsible for drafting the 1918 constitution,[49] was a proponent of the "Good Neighbor policy" for the US role in the Caribbean and Latin America.[12] The United States and Haiti agreed on August 7, 1933, to end the occupation.[49] On a visit to Cap-Haïtien in July 1934, Roosevelt reaffirmed the August 1933 disengagement agreement. The last contingent of US Marines departed on August 15, 1934, after a formal transfer of authority to the Garde.[67] The U.S. retained influence on Haiti's external finances until 1947, as per the 1919 treaty that required an American financial advisor through the life of Haiti's acquired loan.[49][68]
Effects
Economy
The occupation was costly for the Haitian government; American advisors collected about 5% of Haiti's revenue while the 1915 treaty with the United States limited Haiti's income, resulting with fewer jobs for the government to assign.[7][49] Numerous agricultural changes included the introduction of sisal. Sugarcane and cotton became significant exports, boosting prosperity.[69] However, efforts to develop commercial agriculture produced limited results while American agricultural businesses removed the property from thousands of Haitian peasants to produce bananas, sisal and rubber for export, resulting with lower domestic food production.[15][62]
Haitian traditionalists, based in rural areas, were highly resistant to U.S.-backed changes, while the urban elites, typically mixed-race, welcomed the growing economy, but wanted more political control.[45][49] Following the end of the occupation in 1934, under the Presidency of Sténio Vincent (1930–1941),[45][70] debts were still outstanding and the U.S. financial advisor-general receiver handled the budget until 1941 when three American and three Haitian directors headed by an American manager assumed the role.[45][49] Haiti's loan debt to the United States was about twenty percent of the nation's annual revenue.[49]
Formal American influence on Haiti's economy would conclude in 1947.[68] The United Nations and the United States Department of State would report at the time that Haitian rural peasants, who comprised 90% of the nation's population, lived "close to starvation level".[7][9]
Infrastructure
The occupation improved some of Haiti's infrastructure and centralized power in Port-au-Prince, though much of the funds collected by the United States was not used to modernize Haiti.[12][48][45] Corvée forced labor of Haitians, that was enforced by the US-operated gendarmerie, was used for infrastructure projects, particularly for road building. Forced labor would ultimately result in the deaths of hundreds to thousands of Haitians.[5] Infrastructure improvements included 1,700 kilometres (1,100 mi) of roads being made usable, 189 bridges built, the rehabilitation of irrigation canals, the construction of hospitals, schools, and public buildings, and drinking water was brought to the main cities. Port-au-Prince became the first Caribbean city to have a phone service with automatic dialing. Agricultural education was organized, with a central school of agriculture and 69 farms in the country.[61][18]
The majority of Haitians believed that the public works projects enforced by the US Marines were unsatisfactory.[45] American officers who controlled Haiti at the time spent more on their own salaries than on the public health budget for two million Haitians.[7] A 1949 report by the United States Department of State wrote that irrigation systems that were recently constructed were "not in good condition".[9]
Education
The United States redesigned the education system. It dismantled the
Elite Haitians despised the system, believing it was discriminatory against their people.[49][71] The mulatto elite also feared the creation of an educated middle class that would potentially lead to the loss of their influence.[49]
Human rights abuses
The United States Marines ruled Haiti as a
Overall, American troops and the Haitian gendarmerie killed several thousand Haitian civilians during the rebellions between 1915 and 1920, though the exact death toll is unknown.
American troops also performed
Executions and killings
Under American occupation,
One controversial event occurred when in an attempt to discourage rebel support from the Haitian population, the US troops took a photograph of Charlemagne Péralte's body tied to a door following his assassination in 1919, and distributed it in the country.[11][73]: 218 However, it had the opposite effect, with the image's resemblance to a crucifixion making it an icon of the resistance and establishing Péralte as a martyr.[74]
Beginning in 1919, American troops began attacking rural villages.[5] In November 1919, villagers in Thomazeau hiding in a nearby forest sent a letter – the only surviving testament of the event – to a French priest asking for protection.[5] In the letter, survivors wrote that at least two American planes bombed and shot at two villages, killing half of the population, including men, women, children and the elderly.[5] On December 5, 1919, American planes bombed Les Cayes in a possible act of intimidation.[5] American pilots were investigated for their actions, though none were condemned.[5] These actions were described by anthropologist Jean-Philippe Belleau as possibly "the first ever carried out by air on civilian populations".[5]
Forced labor
A
The corvée resulted in the deaths of hundreds to thousands of Haitians. Haitians were tied together in rope and those fleeing labor projects were often shot.
Racism
Many of those tasked with the occupation of Haiti espoused
Initially, officers and the elites intermingled at social gatherings and clubs. Such gatherings were minimized when families of American forces began arriving.[76] Relations degraded rapidly upon departure of officers for World War I.[76] The Haitian elite found the American junior and non-commissioned officers to be ignorant and uneducated.[76] There were numerous reports of remaining Marines drinking to excess, fighting, and sexually assaulting women.[76] The situation was so bad that Marine general John A. Lejeune, based in Washington, D.C., banned the sale of alcohol to any military personnel.[76]
The Americans inhabited neighborhoods of Port-au-Prince in high-quality housing. This neighborhood was called the "millionaires' row".
Torture
The torture of Haitian rebels or those suspected of rebelling against the United States was common among occupying Marines. Some methods of torture included the use of water cure, hanging prisoners by their genitals and ceps, which involved pushing both sides of the tibia with the butts of two guns.[5]
Analysis
20th century
Haitian writers and public figures also responded to the occupation. For example, a minister of public education, Dantès Bellegarde raised issues with the events in his book, La Résistance Haïtienne (l'Occupation Américaine d'Haïti). Bellegarde outlines the contradictions of the occupation with the realities. He accused President Wilson of writing the new Haitian Constitution to benefit the Americans, and wrote that Wilson's main purpose was to remove the previous Haitian clause that stated foreigners could not own land in the country. The original clause was designed to protect Haiti's independence from foreign powers.[80] With the clause removed, Americans (including whites and other foreigners) could now own land. Furthermore, Bellegarde discusses the powerlessness of Haitian officials in the eyes of the Occupation because nothing could be done without the consent of the Americans. However, the main issue that Bellegarde articulates is that the Americans tried to change the education system of Haiti from one that was French based to that of the Americans. Even though Bellegarde was resistant he had a plan to build a university in Haiti that was based on the American system. He wanted a university with various schools of science, business, art, medicine, law, agriculture, and languages all connected by a common area and library. However, that dream was never realized because of the new direction the Haitian government was forced to take.
Jean Price-Mars[81] associated the reasons behind the Occupation to the division between the Haitian elite and the poorer people of the country. He noted that the groups were divided over the practice of Haitian Vodou, with the implication that the elites did not recognize Vodou because they connected it to an evil practice.[82]
21st century
Pezullo writes in his 2006 book Plunging Into Haiti: Clinton, Aristide, and the Defeat of Diplomacy that the racism similar to Jim Crow laws in the United States inspired black nationalism within Haiti and ignited future support for Haitian dictator François Duvalier.[50]
In a 2013 article by Peter James Hudson published in Radical History Review, Hudson wrote:[20]
Ostensibly initiated on humane grounds, the occupation had not fulfilled any of its stated goals of building infrastructure, expanding education, or providing internal or regional stability. Repressive violence emerged as its only purpose and logic.
Hudson further stated that the motives of American businessmen to become involved in Haiti were due to racial capitalism motivated by white supremacy.[20]
According to a 2020 study which contrasts the American occupations of both Haiti and the Dominican Republic, the United States had a longer and more domineering occupation of Haiti because of perceived racial differences between the two populations. Dominican elites articulated a European–Spanish identity – in contrast to Haitian blackness – which led U.S. policymakers to accept leaving the territory in the population's hands.[83]
See also
- History of the Dominican Republic
- History of Haiti
- Banana Wars
- Battle of Fort Dipitie
- Battle of Fort Rivière
- Dominican Republic–United States relations
- United States occupation of the Dominican Republic (1916–1924)
- Haiti during World War I
- Haiti–United States relations
- Foreign interventions by the United States
- Foreign policy of the United States
- Foreign relations of the United States
- Latin America–United States relations
- United States involvement in regime change
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- ISBN 9780813522036.
- ^ a b Farmer, Paul (2003). The Uses of Haiti. Common Courage Press. p. 98.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa Belleau, Jean-Philippe (January 25, 2016). "Massacres perpetrated in the 20th Century in Haiti". Sciences Po. Archived from the original on June 2, 2021. Retrieved May 28, 2021.
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- ^ "Leconte in Haiti's Capital; Revolutionary Leader Takes Possession of National Palace" (PDF). The New York Times. August 8, 1911. p. 4. Archived (PDF) from the original on March 4, 2021. Retrieved January 13, 2010.
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- ^ Kaplan, U.S. Imperialism in Latin America, p. 61.
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- ^ Vanderlip, Frank A. (1909). Frank A. Vanderlip to James Stillman, April 8, 1909.
- ^ Plummer, Brenda Gayle (1988). Haiti and the Great Powers, 1902–1915. Louisiana State University Press. p. 169.
- ^ a b Johnson 2019, p. 66.
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- ^ "Haiti's Tragic History": Review of Laurent Dubois, Haiti: The Aftershocks of History Archived October 20, 2017, at the Wayback Machine, New York Times, January 1, 2012
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- ^ a b c d e f "Haiti" Archived May 3, 2015, at the Wayback Machine, Encyclopædia Britannica.
- ^ Weinstein, Segal 1984, p. 29.
- ^ Plunging Into Haiti: Clinton, Aristide, and the Defeat of Diplomacy, p. 78, at Google Books
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Bunce, Peter L. (2003). Foundations on Sand: An Analysis of the First US Occupation of Haiti, 1915–1934. University of Kansas.
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- ^ Sannon, Horace Pauleus (1933) [1920]. Histoire de Toussaint-Louverture. Port-Au-Prince: Impr. A.A. Héraux. p. 142. Archived from the original on February 19, 2020. Retrieved February 19, 2020.
- ^ ISBN 0025882104
- ^ a b c U.S. Haiti Rebellion 1918 Archived June 1, 2013, at the Wayback Machine, On War
- Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Crisis of the Old Order, 364, citing 1920 Roosevelt Papers for speeches in Spokane, San Francisco, and Centralia.)
- ^ "SAYS AMERICA HAS 12 LEAGUE VOTES; Roosevelt Declares He Himself Had Two Until Last Week, Referring to Minor Republics" (PDF). The New York Times. August 19, 1920. Archived (PDF) from the original on July 7, 2021. Retrieved June 14, 2018.
- ^ James W. Loewen, "Lies My Teacher Told Me" (New York: The New Press, 2018), p. 18
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- ^ "Haiti, Haitians, and Black America". H Net. September 2004. Archived from the original on June 4, 2011. Retrieved January 27, 2010.
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(help). - ^ Brandon Byrd, ""To Start Something to Help These People:" African American Women and the Occupation of Haiti, 1915–1934"[permanent dead link], The Journal of Haitian Studies, Volume 21 No. 2 (2015), accessed February 2, 2016
- ^ Pietrusza, David (2008). 1920: The Year of the Six Presidents. Basic Books. p. 133.
- ^ a b Heinl 1996, pp. 454–455.
- ^ a b Woodling, Bridget; Moseley-Williams, Richard (2004). "Needed but Unwanted: Haitian Immigrants and Their Descendants in the Dominican Republic". London: Catholic Institute for International Relations: 24.
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(help) - ^ Danticat, Edwidge (July 28, 2015). "The Long Legacy of Occupation in Haiti". The New Yorker. Archived from the original on May 20, 2021. Retrieved June 2, 2021.
- ^ "1929: Cayes Massacre". Arizona Daily Star. April 22, 2021. Archived from the original on June 2, 2021. Retrieved June 2, 2021.
- ^ "Occupation of Haiti 1915–34" Archived February 9, 2010, at the Wayback Machine, Globalsecurity.org.
- ^ Forbes, William Cameron; et al. (Forbes Commission) (1930). Report of the President's Commission for the Study and Review of Conditions in the Republic of Haiti: March 26, 1930. U.S. Government Printing Office. p. 19. Archived from the original on December 15, 2021. Retrieved October 3, 2020.
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The Haitian and U.S. governments reached a mutually satisfactory agreement in the Executive Accord of August 7, 1933, and on August 15, the last marines departed. - ^ a b Schmidt, Hans. The United States Occupation of Haiti, 1915–1934, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1995. (232)
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- ^ "An Iconic Image of Haitian Liberty". The New Yorker. July 28, 2015. Archived from the original on February 13, 2021. Retrieved January 6, 2017.
- ^ a b Chomsky, Noam (2015). Turning the Tide: U.S. Intervention in Central America and the Struggle for Peace. Haymarket Books. p. 119.
- ^ a b c d e f Pamphile, Léon Dénius (2008). Clash of Cultures: America's Educational Strategies in Occupied Haiti, 1915–1934. Lanham, Maryland: University Press of America. p. 177.
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Sources
- Heinl, Robert (1996). Written in Blood: The History of the Haitian People. Lantham, Md.: University Press of America.
- Johnson, Wray R. (2019). Biplanes at War: US Marine Corps Aviation in the Small Wars Era, 1915–1934. University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 9780813177069. - Total pages: 440
- Schmidt, Hans (1995). The United States Occupation of Haiti, 1915–1934. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press.
- Weinstein, Brian; Segal, Aaron (1984). Haiti: Political Failures, Cultural Successes (February 15, 1984 ed.). Praeger Publishers. p. 175. ISBN 0-275-91291-4.
- Weston, Rubin Francis (1972). Racism in U.S. Imperialism: The Influence of Racial Assumptions on American Foreign Policy, 1893–1946. Columbia, S.C.: University of South Carolina Press.
Further reading
- ISBN 0-465-00721-X
- Dalleo, Raphael (2016). American Imperialism's Undead: The Occupation of Haiti and the Rise of Caribbean Anticolonialism. University of Virginia Press. ISBN 978-0-8139-3894-3.
- Gebrekidan, Selam; Apuzzo, Matt; Porter, Catherine; Méheut, Constant (May 20, 2022). "Invade Haiti, Wall Street Urged. The U.S. Obliged". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved May 23, 2022.
- Harper's Magazine advertisement: Why Should You Worry About Haiti? by the Haiti-Santo Domingo Independence Society
- Hudson, Peter (2017). Bankers and Empire: How Wall Street Colonized the Caribbean. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-2264-5911-0.
- Marvin, George (February 1916). "Assassination And Intervention in Haiti: Why The United States Government Landed Marines On The Island And Why It Keeps Them There". The World's Work: A History of Our Time. XXXI: 404–410. Archivedfrom the original on June 2, 2021. Retrieved August 4, 2009.
- Renda, Mary A. (2001). Taking Haiti: Military Occupation and the Culture of U.S. Imperialism, 1915–1940. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 0-8078-4938-3.
- Schmidt, Hans (1995). United States occupation of Haiti (1915-1934). Rutgers University Press. ISBN 0-8135-2203-X.
- Spector, Robert M. "W. Cameron Forbes in Haiti: Additional Light on the Genesis of the 'Good Neighbor' Policy" Caribbean Studies (1966) 6#2 pp 28–45.
- Weston, Rubin Francis (1972). Racism in U.S. Imperialism: The Influence of Racial Assumptions on American Foreign Policy, 1893–1946. University of South Carolina Press. ISBN 0-87249-219-2.
Primary sources
- Forbes, William Cameron. Report of the President's Commission for the Study and Review of Conditions in the Republic of Haiti: March 26, 1930 (US Government Printing Office, 1930) online