Shamash
Shamash 𒀭𒌓 | |
---|---|
God of the sun and justice | |
Sun chariot | |
Personal information | |
Parents | Nanna and Ningal |
Siblings | |
Consort | Shapash |
Hittite equivalent | Sun goddess of Arinna, Sun goddess of the Earth, Sun god of Heaven |
Luwian equivalent | Tiwat |
Elamite equivalent | Nahhunte |
Shamash (
While no myths focusing on Utu are known, he often appears as an ally of other figures in both Sumerian and Akkadian compositions. According to narratives about
Name
The two most common names of the sun god used in Mesopotamian texts are Sumerian Utu and Akkadian Shamash.[3] A further relatively commonly attested name is Amna, whose origin is uncertain.[4]
The name Shamash is a cognate of Akkadian terms šamšu ("sun")
Utu was understood as a masculine deity.
According to Manfred Krebernik, the name Amna, attested as a synonym of Utu in the god list An = Anum and used to refer to the sun god in an inscription of Nabonidus, might be either connected to the toponym Sippar-Amnanum or to a root attested in Northwest Semitic languages, '-m-n, which can be translated as "to be reliable" or "to be firm."[4]
The most common writing of the sun god's name was the logogram dUTU, which could be read as Utu, Shamash, or, as attested in the god list An = Anum, as Amna.[4] Syllabic spellings of all three of these names are also known.[4] A further logographic spelling used the numeral 20, which was associated with him.[4] Dozens of other variant names, epithets or possibly minor deities who came to be seen as synonymous with Utu are attested in god lists.[11] Examples include Karkara (possibly related to Ninkar, one of the names of his wife Aya), Nimindu (possibly related to the name of the goddess Nimintabba), Si'e ("who shines forth"), Ṣalam (possibly a name referring to a winged sun symbol) and U'e ("sunrise").[12]
Character
The sun god was one of the principal deities of the
Common epithets characterize Utu as a "youth" (
Utu was also the primary god of justice,
Shamash and
Iconography
Whether referred to as Utu or Shamash, the sun god had identical iconography.[43] Due to distinct attributes, he is considered one of the few Mesopotamian deities who can be identified in art with certainty.[44] Depictions of him are known from many sites, for example Eshnunna, Tell al-Rimah, Sippar, Ur and Susa.[45] His best attested attributes are a large saw (šaššaru)[46] and rays of light[43] emanating from his shoulders.[47] The reasons behind associating him with the former are poorly understood, and various interpretations have been proposed, for example that it was a representation of the first ray of sunshine of the day, that it was associated with judgment,[48] perhaps as a weapon used to behead criminals, or that the sun god used it to break through the mountains during his daily journey.[49] Christopher Woods points out that both in Sumerian and Akkadian, judgments had to be "cut" (kud/parāsum), and therefore considers the association with judgment to be most likely.[49] The saw's presence is often used to identify depictions of gods as Utu.[50] He could also be depicted holding the rod-and-ring symbol, commonly associated with major deities.[50] In some cases he is shown handing them to human rulers.[51]
Utu was commonly depicted on cylinder seals as early as in the third millennium BCE.[52] Multiple motifs recur on them, some not known from textual sources.[45] On seals from the Sargonic period, he could be depicted climbing over two mountains,[53] which has been interpreted as a representation of sunrise.[45] He was also commonly depicted traveling in a boat.[54] This motif is the single best attested type of cylinder seal image from the third millennium BCE, with over fifty examples presently known.[54] Another recurring image is a depiction of Utu, sometimes accompanied by another god, partaking in a battle between deities.[45] The attendant deity is sometimes interpreted as Bunene.[55] In some cases Inanna is shown watching the battle or partaking in it on Utu's side.[55] It has been suggested that it is a symbolic representation of a conflict between day and night,[45] or that the deities confronted by Utu and his allies are rebellious mountain gods.[55] Wilfred G. Lambert suggested that in some cases figures from battle scenes with rays emanating from their shoulders might be representations of Enmesharra rather than the sun god, as in a tradition known from a late myth, Enmesharra's Defeat, he was their original owner.[56]
In the second millennium BCE, Utu was typically portrayed in front of worshipers, either standing or seated on a throne.[50] One well known example of such an image is a stele of Hammurabi of Babylon, inscribed with his legal code.[50]
Anna Kurmangaliev points out that only a single depiction of the sun god in
The symbolic representation of Utu was the
-
Detail of a cylinder seal from Sippar (2300 BC) depicting Shamash with rays rising from his shoulders and holding a saw-toothed knife with which he cuts his way through the mountains of the east at dawn (British Museum)
-
A stele of Hammurabi depicting Shamash (right)
-
Old Babyloniancylinder seal impression depicting Shamash surrounded by worshippers (c. 1850-1598 BC)
-
Mesopotamian limestone cylinder seal and impression showing people worshipping Shamash (Louvre)
-
Male figure in an Assyrian winged sun emblem (Northwest Palace of Nimrud, 9th century BC).
-
Star of Shamash
-
The star symbol of Shamash with wavy rays used as a symbol of Assyrian people in the Assyrian flag.
-
The solar symbol of Shamash (right) on a kudurru, with the star of Ishtar on the left and a crescent of Sin.
-
A modern use in the emblem ofpan-Arabsymbolism, merging the star of Shamash and the star of Ishtar.
Associations with other deities
Family
The sun god was traditionally viewed as a son of the moon god in Mesopotamian religion, both in Sumerian and Akkadian texts.
The sun god's wife was invariably the goddess of dawn and light, usually known under the name
The deities counted among Utu's children include the dream goddess Mamu[77] (as well as two other, male, dream deities, Sisig and Zaqar),[70] Šumugan, a god associated with animals,[78] Niggina (Kittum), the deified concept of truth, according to Jacob Klein regarded as his principal daughter,[79] and Ishum.[80]
In myths both about himself[81] and about Lugalbanda, the legendary king Enmerkar was referred to as a son of Utu.[82] However, in the Sumerian King List Utu is instead his grandfather, and his father is a human ruler, Meškiağašer.[81] Unlike other legendary kings of Uruk, namely Lugalbanda and Gilgamesh, Enmerkar was not deified, despite the existence of a tradition attributing divine ancestry to him.[83] In various sources, Utu seems to serve as a special protector to several of Uruk's other kings.[84]
dAMAR.UD, an early writing of
Court
Multiple deities who could be regarded as the
None of Utu's sukkals known from other sources are present in documents from the archive of the First Sealand dynasty.[94] Odette Boivin proposes that in local tradition, this role was instead fulfilled by the deities Lugal-namtarra and dSUKKAL, who frequently appear alongside the sun god, and that the former functioned as his sukkal during his nightly journey through the underworld, while the latter fulfilled the same role during the day.[95] Lugal-namtarra is otherwise sparsely attested and might be analogous to Namtar.[94] Boivin speculates that dSUKKAL developed from the male version of Ninshubur, and assumes it is plausible a connection between the latter and the sun god developed during the reign of Rim-Sîn I, a king of Larsa well known for his devotion to Ninshubur.[94]
Many deities belonging to the court of Utu were regarded as divine judges.[30] They could be grouped together, and collective labels such as "Eleven Standing Gods of Ebabbar" or "Six Judges of Shamash" are known from various sources.[96] One well known example of such a deity is Ishmekarab,[96] who could also be associated with Inshushinak and Lagamal.[97]
Kusarikku (bull-men, or, as argued by Frans Wiggermann, bison-men[98]) were frequently associated with Utu, and especially through the second millennium BCE were commonly depicted as members of his court, for example as standard bearers.[53] Similarly, the human-headed bull (alima) could accompany the solar disc in art,[99] and a reference to its head serving as an emblem of Utu is known.[100] It is possible that the association between bison-like mythical beings and the sun god was based on their shared connection to eastern mountains.[101] A further type of apotropaic creature associated with Utu was the girtablullu ("scorpion man").[102] In the Standard Babylonian Epic of Gilgamesh, a scorpion man and a scorpion woman guard the mountain of sunrise.[25]
According to Christopher Woods, it is possible that in a single case the minor serpentine god
Foreign deities
The name of the Eblaite sun deity was represented with the logogram dUTU.[14] Manfred Krebernik assumes that it should be read as Shamash, that the deity was male, and that the goddess Ninkar also attested in texts from Ebla was his spouse.[14] Alfonso Archi instead concludes that the deity was primarily female based on lexical evidence, but points out that the Eblaites were definitely aware of the male eastern sun god, and seemingly adopted him into their pantheon as a secondary hypostasis.[105] Occasionally the sun deity's gender had to be indicated directly, and both dUTU-munus (female) and dUTU-nita (male) are attested.[105] Joan Goodnick Westenholz proposed that Ninkar in Eblaite texts should be interpreted as Ninkarrak rather than the phonetically similar but more obscure Mesopotamian Ninkar.[106] Occasional shortening of Ninkarrak's name to "Ninkar" is known from Mesopotamian sources as well.[107] This theory is also accepted by Archi, who notes it makes the widespread worship of Ninkar easier to explain.[105]
The
The logogram dUTU is well attested in Hittite texts.
The logogram dUTU also designated the sun deity or deities in Emar in the late Bronze Age.[119] According to Gary Beckman, the Mesopotamian, West Semitic, Hurrian and Hittite sun deities might all be potentially represented by it in texts from this city.[119] Eduardo Torrecilla notes in a more recent publication that the logogram commonly designates Shamash in the middle Euphrates area, and syllabic writings of his name are uncommon there, though he also states that Shimige cannot be ruled out as a possible reading in some cases.[120]
In texts from
Worship
The main cult centers of the sun god were Larsa and Sippar,[16] specifically Sippar-Ahrurum (Abu Habbah).[124] The latter city was regarded as older in Mesopotamian tradition, and in lists of temples tends to be mentioned before Larsa.[125] In both cities, the main temple dedicated to Utu and his spouse Aya was known as Ebabbar.[126] Less important temples dedicated to him, located in Girsu and Assur, bore the same name.[127] It means "shining white house "in Sumerian.[124]
The oldest attested votive objects dedicated to Utu (or Shamash) are a mace head from
Celebrations related to the sun god took place on the eighth, fifteenth, twentieth and possibly first day of each month.[16]
Sippar
In the
It has been suggested that the Ebabbar in Sippar served as a treasury housing particularly rare objects, as excavations of the Neo-Babylonian level of the structure revealed a number of vases from the Early Dynastic and Sargonic periods, some with signs of repair, as well as the votive statue of Ikun-Shamash, a fragment of a monolith of Manishtushu, a
A special group connected to Shamash in Sippar were women referred to as
A ceremony called lubuštu was established in Sippar by Nabu-apla-iddina.
Larsa
The Ebabbar in Larsa is mentioned for the first time in a text from the reign Eannatum.[130] It was rebuilt, expanded or repaired by Ur-Nammu of Ur, Zabaya, Sin-Iddinam, Hammurabi, one of the two rulers bearing the name Kadashman-Enlil (Kadashman-Enlil I or Kadashman-Enlil II), Burnaburiash I, Nebuchadnezzar II and Nabonidus.[130] Other rulers who have patronized it at some point include Gungunum, Abisare, Sumuel, Nur-Adad, Sin-Iqisham, Kudur-Mabuk, Warad-Sin and Rim-Sîn I.[130]
Odette Boivin notes that the deities of Larsa were apparently well represented in the pantheon of the First Sealand dynasty.[142] She suggests that those kings might have associated their position both with Larsa and with its tutelary god.[143]
The Larsean form of the sun god was also worshiped in Uruk
Other cities
Utu was among the deities worshiped in the territory of
A temple of Utu, Ehili ("house of luxuriance") also existed in Ur.[154] It was rebuilt by Enannatumma, the daughter of Ishme-Dagan, whose inscriptions refer to it as the god's "pure storeroom."[154] A town located near this city, most likely somewhere between it and Larsa, bore the name Kar-Shamash,[142] KAR.dUTUki.[155] Most likely a temple dedicated to the eponymous god existed there as well.[155]
In Babylon, Shamash was worshiped in the temple Edikukalamma ("house of the judge of the land"), first attested in the Old Babylonian period and still mentioned in inscriptions from the reign of Nebuchadnezzar II.[156] He was also one of the many gods worshiped in the Esagil temple complex, where his seat was the E-ešbaranki ("house of decisions of heaven and the underworld").[157] A socle dedicated to him called Edikugal ("house of the great judge") was also present in Erabriri, most likely the temple bearing this name located in Babylon[156] which was dedicated to Mandanu.[158]
In Assur, a temple of Shamash was refounded by king Arik-den-ili, though as no name is given in sources mentioning this event it is uncertain if it was identical with Ebabbar of Assur mentioned in a later topographical text.[159] Additionally, Ehulhuldirdirra ("house of surpassing joys"), while primarily dedicated to Sin, was also associated with Shamash, as attested in building inscriptions of Ashur-nirari I, Tukulti-Ninurta I and Ashurnasirpal II.[160]
A sanctuary in Nippur known in Akkadian as bīt dalīli, "house of fame," was jointly dedicated to Nisaba, Kusu, Ningal, Shamash and Bēl-āliya.[156]
In the Old Babylonian period, Shamash was worshiped in Susa in Elam, where the local pantheon consisted out of both Elamite deities, such as Inshushinak and Simut, and Mesopotamian ones.[161] He appears in oath formulas and theophoric names.[161]
In Mari, Shamash was worshiped in a temple named Egirzalanki ("house of the joy of heaven and the underworld"), built by Yahdun-Lim.[162]
An inscription of Nebuchadnezzar II might indicate that the sun god's manifestation from Larsa was also worshiped in Ekarra ("house of the quay"), a temple located in Dilmun, on the Failaka Island, which was dedicated to the local deities Inzak and Meskilak.[163]
The Canonical Temple List, which dates to the Kassite period,
In the Parthian period, Hatra came to be seen as a cult center of the sun god, and according to Manfred Krebernik its importance can be compared to Sippar and Larsa in earlier times.[16]
Mythology
While no myths focused on Utu are presently known, he appears in a supporting role in many well known compositions.[14] Commonly other figures appeal to him,[168] especially when faced with problems connected with locations far away from urban centers, such as steppes or mountains.[169]
In multiple accounts of
In the myth How Grain Came to Sumer, Ninmada advises Ninazu to ask Utu for help with bringing barley from a distant land.[172] Since the rest of the narrative is not preserved, it is unknown in which way he helped them accomplish this goal.[172]
In the myth Inanna and An, Utu aids his sister with bringing the Eanna temple down from heaven.[173] It is possible that it served as an mythical explanation of the origin of Mesopotamian temples.[174]
A myth involving the sun god and other deities is known from Ebla.[175] It might have been imported from Kish, and the language it was written in has been described as "an archaic Akkadian dialect."[176] Due to many uncertainties translation and interpretation of this text are considered difficult.[177] It has been argued that it might be a description of a meeting between Enki and Utu during the latter's journey through the Abzu.[54]
Shamash is mentioned in a myth which deals with the origin of the god
In the myth
Gilgamesh myths
In the Sumerian myth
In another early Gilgamesh narrative, Gilgamesh, Enkidu and the Netherworld, Utu is first referenced by Inanna, who asks Gilgamesh to help her with getting rid of creatures infesting a tree she planted on the bank of the Euphrates.[186] She states that Utu refused to intervene.[187] The reasoning behind his decision is not explained.[188] Later, when Enkidu is confined in the underworld, Gilgamesh petitions Enki for help.[186] The latter tells Utu to bring Enkidu's shade with him when he rises, which lets the heroes temporarily reunite.[186] A retelling of this episode is also known from the final tablet of the "Standard Babylonian" Epic of Gilgamesh, which has no direct connection to the rest of this version of the story.[189] An old erroneous view was that the god acting on Ea's (Enki's) command in this version is Nergal rather than Shamash.[190]
In the Old Babylonian version of the Epic of Gilgamesh, Gilgamesh prays to Shamash after deciding to venture to the Cedar Forest to vanquish Humbaba.[191] Later the elders of Uruk tell him to dig wells to be able to make libations to the sun god and Lugalbanda (in this version functioning as his personal god[192]) while traveling westwards.[193] On the way, shortly before reaching the land of Ebla, Gilgamesh has a dream which Enkidu interprets as a sign that Shamash (or, in a variant from Tell Harmal, Shamash and Lugalbanda[194]) views his efforts favorably.[195] It is possible that in one of the variants of the Old Babylonian version, only known from Tell Harmal, Humbaba says that he was informed by Shamash in a dream that he will be vanquished, though the state of preservation of the tablet makes it impossible to determine this with certainty.[196] According to a tablet presumed to originate in Sippar, Gilgamesh later encounters Shamash while wandering in the steppe mourning Enkidu's death.[197] The sun god warns him about the futility of the quest for eternal life.[197] This passage is not present in any later versions,[197] but Shamash's advice closely parallels another unique scene from the same version, namely the advice given by the anonymous alewife[198] who corresponds to Šiduri from the Standard Babylonian version.[199]
In the Standard Babylonian version of the Epic of Gilgamesh Shamash is portrayed as Gilgamesh's divine patron.[200] He is still invoked to protect him on the way to Humbaba's forest, but the hero does not pray to him on his own.[29] Instead his mother, the goddess Ninsun, invokes the sun god on the roof of her own temple.[29] She blames Shamash for Gilgamesh's desire to venture into distant lands, and asks his wife Aya to intercede on her son's behalf to guarantee his safety.[201] During the confrontation with Humbaba, Shamash intervenes by sending thirteen winds to incapacitate the monster, which lets Gilgamesh strike the decisive blow.[202] Andrew R. George notes that since this version describes Humbaba as mimma lemnu, a term which can be translated as "everything evil" or "an evil thing," often found in exorcistic literature where it refers to hostile forces, it is natural for Shamash, who was the god of justice, to oppose him.[203] In an earlier interpretation, Jeffrey Tigay argued that Shamash outright becomes the instigator of the quest, which according to him was the "final and logical development of his role."[204] However, according to George Shamash's participation in the slaying of Humbaba is the realization of the requests from Ninsun's prayer.[205] In the same version of the composition, after the defeat of the Bull of Heaven Gilgamesh and Enkidu offer the animal's heart to Shamash,[206] which might be a reference to a custom also mentioned in one of the myths about Lugalbanda, in which he offers the heart of a mundane wild bull to Utu after a successful hunt.[207] After celebrations of their victory, Enkidu has a dream vision of an argument between gods during which Shamash protests Enlil's decision that one of the heroes has to die as punishment for the slaying of Humbaba and the Bull of Heaven.[208] After waking up he laments that they dedicated a door made from the cedar wood from Humbaba's forest to Enlil rather than Shamash.[208]
In the flood myth which became part of the standard version of the Epic of Gilgamesh, Shamash is responsible for announcing the beginning of the flood when he rises in the morning, which according to Nathan Wasserman represents a relatively young tradition, as in most of the other versions the cataclysm starts in the middle of the night.[209] He suggests that most likely the compiler of the text found this to be suitable given the sun god's role as humanity's helper through the story.[209]
See also
Notes
- Ashurian Aramaic: 𐣴𐣬𐣴 šəmeš(ā)[1]
References
- ^ "The Comprehensive Aramaic Lexicon". cal.huc.edu. Retrieved 2021-01-20.
- ^ a b Krebernik 2011, pp. 599–600.
- ^ a b c d e f g Krebernik 2011, p. 599.
- ^ a b c d e Krebernik 2011, p. 600.
- ^ a b Schwemer 2007, p. 136.
- ^ Horry 2013.
- ^ a b c Krebernik 2011a, p. 616.
- ^ Bhayro 2020, pp. 572–573.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 60.
- ^ a b Woods 2005, p. 43.
- ^ Krebernik 2011, pp. 600–601.
- ^ Krebernik 2011, p. 601.
- ^ Lambert 2013, p. 263.
- ^ a b c d e f g Krebernik 2011, p. 606.
- ^ Lambert 2013, pp. 262–263.
- ^ a b c d e Krebernik 2011, p. 604.
- ^ Beckman 2012, pp. 131–132.
- ^ Katz 2003, p. 50.
- ^ a b George 2003, p. 461.
- ^ a b c Krebernik 2011, p. 603.
- ^ Wasserman 1997, pp. 262–263.
- ^ Bonechi 2011, p. 102.
- ^ Bonechi 2011, pp. 102–103.
- ^ Wasserman 1997, p. 263.
- ^ a b George 2003, pp. 492–493.
- ^ a b c Beckman 2012, p. 132.
- ^ George 2003, p. 194.
- ^ a b c Katz 2006, p. 106.
- ^ a b c George 2003, p. 459.
- ^ a b Krebernik 2008, p. 354.
- ^ Krebernik 2008, pp. 354–355.
- ^ a b c Krebernik 2008, p. 355.
- ^ Krebernik 1992, p. 85.
- ^ Woods 2005, p. 32.
- ^ George 2003, p. 127.
- ^ Krebernik 2008, p. 359.
- ^ Katz 2003, p. 28.
- ^ George 2003, p. 134.
- ^ George 2003, p. 814.
- ^ a b Schwemer 2007, p. 140.
- ^ a b Schwemer 2007, p. 149.
- ^ a b c Krebernik 2011, p. 605.
- ^ a b Kurmangaliev 2011, p. 616.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 173.
- ^ a b c d e Kurmangaliev 2011, p. 617.
- ^ Woods 2009, pp. 217–218.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 180.
- ^ a b c Kurmangaliev 2011, p. 619.
- ^ a b Woods 2009, p. 218.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Kurmangaliev 2011, p. 618.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 271.
- ^ Kurmangaliev 2011, pp. 616–617.
- ^ a b Woods 2004, p. 55.
- ^ a b c Woods 2004, p. 71.
- ^ a b c Wiggermann 1992, p. 153.
- ^ a b c Lambert 2013, p. 288.
- ^ Woods 2004, pp. 24–25.
- ^ Woods 2004, pp. 23–24.
- ^ Woods 2004, p. 24.
- ^ Woods 2004, p. 32.
- ^ Woods 2004, p. 47.
- ^ a b Woods 2004, p. 49.
- ^ Woods 2004, p. 50.
- ^ Seidl 1989, p. 74.
- ^ Kurmangaliev 2011, pp. 618–619.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 49.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 98.
- ^ Beckman 1999, p. 27.
- ^ Abusch 2015, p. 11.
- ^ a b c Krebernik 2011, p. 602.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 257.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 119.
- ^ a b Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 273.
- ^ a b Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 260.
- ^ George 2003, p. 863.
- ^ Woods 2009, p. 187.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 262.
- ^ Lambert 2013, p. 517.
- ^ Klein 1998, pp. 311–312.
- ^ a b c Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 77.
- ^ a b Katz 2017, p. 201.
- ^ Gadotti 2014, p. 250.
- ^ Katz 2017, p. 207.
- ^ Black & Green 1992, p. 184.
- ^ a b Lambert 2013, p. 163.
- ^ Wiggermann 1987, p. 9.
- ^ Harris 1975, p. 148.
- ^ a b Wiggermann 1987, p. 22.
- ^ Wiggermann 1987, p. 16.
- ^ Cavigneaux & Krebernik 1998, p. 481.
- ^ Cavigneaux & Krebernik 1998, pp. 481–482.
- ^ Wiggermann 1987, p. 23.
- ^ a b c d Klein 1998, p. 311.
- ^ a b c Boivin 2018, p. 220.
- ^ Boivin 2018, pp. 220–221.
- ^ a b Krebernik 2008, p. 358.
- ^ Lambert 1980, p. 196.
- ^ Wiggermann 1992, p. 177.
- ^ Wiggermann 1992, p. 160.
- ^ Wiggermann 1992, p. 176.
- ^ Wiggermann 1992, p. 152.
- ^ Wiggermann 1992, p. 180.
- ^ Woods 2004, p. 67.
- ^ Woods 2004, pp. 72–74.
- ^ a b c Archi 2019, p. 43.
- ^ Westenholz 2010, p. 397.
- ^ Westenholz 2010, p. 380.
- ^ Archi 2013, pp. 6–7.
- ^ a b c d Giorgieri 2011, p. 614.
- ^ a b Simons 2017, p. 86.
- ^ Archi 2013, p. 11.
- ^ Beckman 2012, p. 131.
- ^ Tugendhaft 2016, p. 176.
- ^ a b Tugendhaft 2016, p. 180.
- ^ Beckman 2011, p. 611.
- ^ Beckman 2011, pp. 611–612.
- ^ Beckman 2011, p. 612.
- ^ Beckman 2012, p. 134.
- ^ a b Beckman 2002, p. 49.
- ^ Torrecilla 2017, p. 11.
- ^ Stolper 1998, p. 83.
- ^ Stolper 1998, pp. 83–84.
- ^ a b Stolper 1998, p. 84.
- ^ a b Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 255.
- ^ George 1993, p. 28.
- ^ George 1993, p. 69.
- ^ George 1993, pp. 70–71.
- ^ a b Krebernik 2011, p. 608.
- ^ a b Woods 2005, p. 29.
- ^ a b c d e f George 1993, p. 70.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 256.
- ^ a b c d George 1993, p. 115.
- ^ Woods 2005, p. 30.
- ^ Woods 2004, p. 42.
- ^ Harris 1975, p. 307.
- ^ a b Sharlach 2007, p. 67.
- ^ Sharlach 2007, p. 70.
- ^ a b c Sharlach 2007, p. 68.
- ^ Sharlach 2007, pp. 67–68.
- ^ Harris 1975, p. 306.
- ^ a b c Woods 2004, p. 36.
- ^ a b Boivin 2018, p. 63.
- ^ Boivin 2018, p. 67.
- ^ a b Krul 2018, p. 64.
- ^ Beaulieu 1991, p. 58.
- ^ a b Beaulieu 1991, p. 60.
- ^ a b Beaulieu 1991, p. 59.
- ^ Beaulieu 1991, pp. 58–59.
- ^ Beaulieu 1991, pp. 59–60.
- ^ Selz 1995, pp. 285–287.
- ^ a b George 1993, p. 170.
- ^ a b Selz 1995, p. 287.
- ^ Selz 1995, p. 288.
- ^ a b George 1993, p. 98.
- ^ a b Boivin 2018, p. 70.
- ^ a b c George 1993, p. 74.
- ^ George 1993, p. 82.
- ^ George 1993, p. 137.
- ^ George 1993, p. 71.
- ^ George 1993, pp. 98–99.
- ^ a b Zadok 2018, p. 154.
- ^ George 1993, p. 95.
- ^ George 1993, pp. 107–108.
- ^ George 1993, p. 6.
- ^ George 1993, pp. 68–69.
- ^ George 1993, p. 130.
- ^ George 1993, p. 136.
- ^ a b c Katz 2006, p. 105.
- ^ Katz 2006, p. 118.
- ^ a b Katz 2006, p. 107.
- ^ Katz 2006, p. 110.
- ^ a b Katz 2006, p. 115.
- ^ Krul 2018, p. 11.
- ^ Krul 2018, p. 12.
- ^ George 2003, p. 5.
- ^ Krebernik 1992, p. 63.
- ^ Krebernik 1992, p. 64.
- ^ a b George 2015, p. 7.
- ^ Krebernik 2013, p. 242.
- ^ Lambert 2013, p. 281.
- ^ Lambert 2013, p. 293.
- ^ a b George 2003, p. 9.
- ^ George 2003, p. 306.
- ^ George 2003, p. 10.
- ^ George 2003, p. 11.
- ^ a b c George 2003, p. 13.
- ^ Gadotti 2014, p. 5.
- ^ Gadotti 2014, p. 40.
- ^ George 2003, pp. 528–529.
- ^ George 2003, p. 529.
- ^ George 2003, p. 203.
- ^ George 2003, p. 213.
- ^ George 2003, p. 94.
- ^ George 2003, p. 251.
- ^ George 2003, p. 235.
- ^ George 2003, p. 253.
- ^ a b c George 2003, p. 273.
- ^ George 2003, p. 275.
- ^ George 2003, p. 148.
- ^ George 2003, p. 801.
- ^ George 2003, pp. 459–460.
- ^ George 2003, p. 468.
- ^ George 2003, p. 812.
- ^ Tigay 2002, p. 79.
- ^ George 2003, p. 826.
- ^ Krul 2018, p. 168.
- ^ George 2003, p. 476.
- ^ a b George 2003, p. 478.
- ^ a b Wasserman 2020, p. 124.
Bibliography
- Abusch, Tzvi (2015). The witchcraft series Maqlu. Atlanta, Georgia: SBL Press. OCLC 908065326.
- Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. OCLC 882106763.
- Archi, Alfonso (2019). "Šamagan and the Mules of Ebla. Syrian Gods in Sumerian Disguise". Between Syria and the Highlands: studies in honor of Giorgio Buccellati & Marilyn Kelly-Buccellati. Rome: Arbor Sapientiae editore. OCLC 1137837171.
- Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On Divine Powers, Roles, Relationships and Gender in Mesopotamian Textual and Visual Sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0. Archived(PDF) from the original on 2018-11-04.
- Beaulieu, Paul-Alain (1991). "Neo-Babylonian Larsa: A Preliminary Study". Orientalia. 60 (2). GBPress- Gregorian Biblical Press: 58–81. JSTOR 43075908. Retrieved 2022-06-11.
- Beckman, Gary (1999). "The Goddess Pirinkir and Her Ritual from Ḫattuša (CTH 644)" (PDF). Ktèma: Civilisations de l'Orient, de la Grèce et de Rome antiques. 24 (1). PERSEE Program: 25–39. (PDF) from the original on 2021-04-15.
- Beckman, Gary (2002). "The Pantheon of Emar". Silva Anatolica: Anatolian studies presented to Maciej Popko on the occasion of his 65th birthday. Warsaw: Agade. OCLC 51004996.
- Beckman, Gary (2011), "Sonnengott A. II. In Anatolien. Philologisch · Sun god A. II. In Anatolia. Philological", Reallexikon der Assyriologie, retrieved 2022-06-06
- Beckman, Gary (2012). "Shamash among the Hittites". In Egmond, Wolfert S. van; Soldt, Wilfred H. van (eds.). Theory and practice of knowledge transfer: studies in school education in the ancient Near East and beyond. Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten (NINO). OCLC 827926593.
- Bhayro, Siam (2020). "Cosmology in Mandaean Texts". Hellenistic Astronomy. Brill. pp. 572–579. S2CID 213438712.
- Black, Jeremy; Green, Anthony (1992), Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia: An Illustrated Dictionary, London, England: The British Museum Press, ISBN 0-7141-1705-6
- Boivin, Odette (2018). The First Dynasty of the Sealand in Mesopotamia. De Gruyter. ISBN 978-1-5015-0782-3.
- Bonechi, Marco (2011). "The Animals of the Sun-god's Team in the Incantation to Utu A". Nouvelles Assyriologiques Brèves et Utilitaires (NABU). 86 (4).
- Cavigneaux, Antoine; Krebernik, Manfred (1998), "dNin-PIRIG/PÌRIG", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2022-06-09
- Gadotti, Alhena (2014). Gilgamesh, Enkidu, and the Netherworld and the Sumerian Gilgamesh Cycle. Boston: De Gruyter. OCLC 890070953.
- George, Andrew R. (1993). House most high: the temples of ancient Mesopotamia. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns. OCLC 27813103.
- George, Andrew R. (2003). The Babylonian Gilgamesh epic: introduction, critical edition and cuneiform texts. Oxford New York: Oxford University Press. OCLC 51668477.
- George, Andrew R. (2015). "The Gods Išum and Ḫendursanga: Night Watchmen and Street-lighting in Babylonia". Journal of Near Eastern Studies. 74 (1). University of Chicago Press: 1–8. S2CID 161546618.
- Giorgieri, Mauro (2011), "Sonnengott A. III. b. Hurritisch. Philologisch", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2022-06-08
- Harris, Rivkah (1975). Ancient Sippar: a Demographic Study of an Old-Babylonian City, 1894-1595 B.C. Uitgaven van het Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul. Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut. Retrieved 2022-04-23.
- Horry, Ruth (2013). "Utu/Šamaš (god)". Ancient Mesopotamian Gods and Goddesses. Open Richly Annotated Cuneiform Corpus, UK Higher Education Academy.
- Katz, Dina (2003). The Image of the Netherworld in the Sumerian Sources. Bethesda, MD: CDL Press. OCLC 51770219.
- Katz, Dina (2006). "Appeals to Utu in Sumerian Narratives". Approaches to Sumerian Literature. BRILL. pp. 105–122. ISBN 9789047410683.
- Katz, Dina (2017). "Ups and Downs in the Career of Enmerkar, King of Uruk". In Drewnowska, Olga; Sandowicz, Małgorzata (eds.). Fortune and misfortune in the Ancient Near East: proceedings of the 60th Rencontre assyriologique internationale at Warsaw 21-25 July 2014. Winona Lake, Indiana. )
- Klein, Jacob (1998), "Niĝgina/Kittum", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2022-06-09
- Krebernik, Manfted (1992). "Mesopotamian Myths at Ebla: ARET 5, 6 and ARET 5, 7". Literature and literary language at Ebla. Quaderni di semitistica. Dipartimento di linguistica, Università di Firenze. . Retrieved 2022-06-07.
- Krebernik, Manfred (2008), "Richtergott(heiten)", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2022-06-07
- Krebernik, Manfred (2011), "Sonnengott A. I. In Mesopotamien. Philologisch", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2022-06-06
- Krebernik, Manfred (2011a), "Sonnengott A. V. NW-Semitisch. Philologisch", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2022-06-06
- Krebernik, Manfred (2013), "Sudaĝ", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2022-06-11
- Krul, Julia (2018). The Revival of the Anu Cult and the Nocturnal Fire Ceremony at Late Babylonian Uruk. Brill. ISBN 9789004364936.
- Kurmangaliev, Anna (2011), "Sonnengott B. I. In Mesopotamien. Archäologisch", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2022-06-06
- Lambert, Wilfred G. (1980), "Išme-karāb", Reallexikon der Assyriologie, retrieved 2022-06-11
- Lambert, Wilfred G. (2013). Babylonian creation myths. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. OCLC 861537250.
- Schwemer, Daniel (2007). "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies Part I" (PDF). Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 7 (2). Brill: 121–168. (PDF) from the original on 2014-12-02.
- Seidl, Ursula (1989). Die babylonischen Kudurru-reliefs: Symbole mesopotamischer Gottheiten. Orbis biblicus et orientalis (in German). Universitätsverlag. ISBN 978-3-7278-0603-2. Retrieved 2022-06-11.
- Selz, Gebhard (1995). Untersuchungen zur Götterwelt des altsumerischen Stadtstaates von Lagaš (in German). Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Museum. OCLC 33334960.
- Sharlach, Tonia (2007). "Social Change and the Transition from the Third Dynasty of Ur to the Old Babylonian Period". In OCLC 71163766.
- Simons, Frank (2017). "A New Join to the Hurro-Akkadian Version of the Weidner God List from Emar (Msk 74.108a + Msk 74.158k)". Altorientalische Forschungen. 44 (1). De Gruyter. S2CID 164771112.
- Stolper, Matthew W. (1998), "Nahhunte", Reallexikon der Assyriologie, retrieved 2022-06-08
- Tigay, Jeffrey H. (2002) [1982], The Evolution of the Gilgamesh Epic, Wauconda, Illinois: Bolchazzy-Carucci Publishers, Inc., ISBN 0-86516-546-7
- Torrecilla, Eduardo (2017). "Divine Names in the Tell Hadidi/Azû Texts". KASKAL. Rivista di storia, ambienti e culture del Vicino Oriente Antico. 14. Firenze: LoGisma editore. ISSN 1971-8608.
- Tugendhaft, Aaron (2016). "Gods on clay: Ancient Near Eastern scholarly practices and the history of religions". In Grafton, Anthony; Most, Glenn W. (eds.). Canonical Texts and Scholarly Practices. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. .
- Wasserman, Nathan (1997). "Another Fragment of a Bilingual Hymn to Utu". Acta Sumerologica. 19. Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan. ISSN 0387-8082.
- Wasserman, Nathan (2020). The flood: the Akkadian sources. A new edition, commentary, and a literary discussion (PDF). Leuven: Peteers. OCLC 1148875011. Archived(PDF) from the original on 2020-03-26.
- Westenholz, Joan G. (2010). "Ninkarrak – an Akkadian goddess in Sumerian guise". Von Göttern und Menschen. BRILL. pp. 377–405. ISBN 9789004187481.
- Wiggermann, Frans A. M. (1987). "The Staff of Ninšubura: Studies in Babylonian Demonology II". Ex Oriente Lux. 29. BRILL.
- Wiggermann, Frans A. M. (1992). Mesopotamian protective spirits: the ritual texts. Groningen: STYX & PP Publications. OCLC 27914917.
- Woods, Christopher E. (2004). "The Sun-God Tablet of Nabû-apla-iddina Revisited". Journal of Cuneiform Studies. 56. American Schools of Oriental Research: 23–103. S2CID 163512399. Retrieved 2022-06-06.
- Woods, Christopher (2005). "On the Euphrates". Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie. 95 (1–2). De Gruyter. S2CID 162245901.
- Woods, Christopher (2009). "At the Edge of the World: Cosmological Conceptions of the Eastern Horizon in Mesopotamia". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 9 (2): 183–239. ISSN 1569-2116. Retrieved 2022-06-08.
- Zadok, Ran (2018). "The Peoples of Elam". The Elamite world. Abingdon, Oxon. OCLC 1022561448.)
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link
External links
- Hymns to Utu in the Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature
- Inanna and An in the ETCSL
- How Grain Came to Sumer in the ETCSL
- Myths about Gilgamesh in the ETCSL
- Quotations related to Shamash at Wikiquote
- The dictionary definition of Shamash at Wiktionary
- The dictionary definition of Utu at Wiktionary